Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative ...
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This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative powers, how to represent provinces and minority groups in central institutions, and how to amend the constitution. It looks at the importance of recognizing both majority and minority identities in the constitutions of both classic nation-states and multinational states. An appendix is included on the history of Canadian attempts to solve these design and recognition problems, especially concerning the place of the French-speaking province of Quebec.Less
This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative powers, how to represent provinces and minority groups in central institutions, and how to amend the constitution. It looks at the importance of recognizing both majority and minority identities in the constitutions of both classic nation-states and multinational states. An appendix is included on the history of Canadian attempts to solve these design and recognition problems, especially concerning the place of the French-speaking province of Quebec.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Preventing secession is the central design challenge in a multinational federation. This chapter considers how a well-designed legal secession procedure in a federal constitution could be attractive ...
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Preventing secession is the central design challenge in a multinational federation. This chapter considers how a well-designed legal secession procedure in a federal constitution could be attractive to both majority and minority nationalists. Legalizing (or ‘domesticating’) secession the right way could, paradoxically, make secession less likely by taking away some incentives for secessionist politics. It could also provide a powerful form of symbolic recognition for a national minority. The background context of secession in international law, as well as some lessons from the history of secessionist politics and the recent ‘legalization’ of secession in Canada and Quebec are discussed.Less
Preventing secession is the central design challenge in a multinational federation. This chapter considers how a well-designed legal secession procedure in a federal constitution could be attractive to both majority and minority nationalists. Legalizing (or ‘domesticating’) secession the right way could, paradoxically, make secession less likely by taking away some incentives for secessionist politics. It could also provide a powerful form of symbolic recognition for a national minority. The background context of secession in international law, as well as some lessons from the history of secessionist politics and the recent ‘legalization’ of secession in Canada and Quebec are discussed.
Louis Massicotte
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199539390
- eISBN:
- 9780191715761
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539390.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter reviews the main attempts to reform Quebec's first-past-the-post system for electing Members of its National Assembly. The focus is on the latest proposal, unveiled by the Liberal ...
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This chapter reviews the main attempts to reform Quebec's first-past-the-post system for electing Members of its National Assembly. The focus is on the latest proposal, unveiled by the Liberal government in December 2004. It is a mixed-member proportional system characterized by a low district magnitude and provision for a constituency vote only. The various features of the model are described and the various alternatives that were considered during its elaboration are analyzed. The proposal has been examined by a committee of the National Assembly, but its adoption seems unlikely, while no other alternative has been agreed on.Less
This chapter reviews the main attempts to reform Quebec's first-past-the-post system for electing Members of its National Assembly. The focus is on the latest proposal, unveiled by the Liberal government in December 2004. It is a mixed-member proportional system characterized by a low district magnitude and provision for a constituency vote only. The various features of the model are described and the various alternatives that were considered during its elaboration are analyzed. The proposal has been examined by a committee of the National Assembly, but its adoption seems unlikely, while no other alternative has been agreed on.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240982
- eISBN:
- 9780191599729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240981.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter focuses on the paradox in the Quebec-Canada relationship. Quebec nationalists have become increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their provincial jurisdiction despite the fact that ...
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This chapter focuses on the paradox in the Quebec-Canada relationship. Quebec nationalists have become increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their provincial jurisdiction despite the fact that they share the same basic values as other Canadians. The vast majority of Canadians have no desire to ‘get’ or insult Quebecers. This paradox is explored by the essays in Carens’ book, which are described in detail.Less
This chapter focuses on the paradox in the Quebec-Canada relationship. Quebec nationalists have become increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their provincial jurisdiction despite the fact that they share the same basic values as other Canadians. The vast majority of Canadians have no desire to ‘get’ or insult Quebecers. This paradox is explored by the essays in Carens’ book, which are described in detail.
Daniel Béland and André Lecours
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199546848
- eISBN:
- 9780191720468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546848.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 2 first examines how the relationship between nation-building and social policy emerged in Canadian society during and immediately following the Second World War. It then demonstrates how ...
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Chapter 2 first examines how the relationship between nation-building and social policy emerged in Canadian society during and immediately following the Second World War. It then demonstrates how the transformation of Québécois nationalism during the 1960s generated a positive connection between sub-state nationalism and progressive social policy, and how this new connection affected the enactment and implementation of social policy in Canada. Next, it explores the contemporary links between nationalist mobilization in Quebec and the issue of social policy reform in the context of retrenchment and, more recently, federal budget surpluses. Finally, it looks at the impact of the Québécois nationalism–social policy nexus on the structures of Canadian federalism.Less
Chapter 2 first examines how the relationship between nation-building and social policy emerged in Canadian society during and immediately following the Second World War. It then demonstrates how the transformation of Québécois nationalism during the 1960s generated a positive connection between sub-state nationalism and progressive social policy, and how this new connection affected the enactment and implementation of social policy in Canada. Next, it explores the contemporary links between nationalist mobilization in Quebec and the issue of social policy reform in the context of retrenchment and, more recently, federal budget surpluses. Finally, it looks at the impact of the Québécois nationalism–social policy nexus on the structures of Canadian federalism.
Anne Phillips
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294153
- eISBN:
- 9780191600098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294158.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Canadian politics has thrown up a complex set of issues relating to political inclusion. These include the challenge of Quebec nationalism, the self‐government claims of the First Nations and other ...
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Canadian politics has thrown up a complex set of issues relating to political inclusion. These include the challenge of Quebec nationalism, the self‐government claims of the First Nations and other aboriginal peoples, and the impact of more recent waves of migration in generating a multiethnic, multicultural society. A politics of presence is less obviously helpful in addressing the concerns of aboriginal self‐government or the claims of Quebec to be recognized as a ‘distinct society’. However, the importance of political presence is confirmed in the relationship of nationalism and feminism in Quebec, where the vigorous mobilization of women kept gender equality on the political agenda.Less
Canadian politics has thrown up a complex set of issues relating to political inclusion. These include the challenge of Quebec nationalism, the self‐government claims of the First Nations and other aboriginal peoples, and the impact of more recent waves of migration in generating a multiethnic, multicultural society. A politics of presence is less obviously helpful in addressing the concerns of aboriginal self‐government or the claims of Quebec to be recognized as a ‘distinct society’. However, the importance of political presence is confirmed in the relationship of nationalism and feminism in Quebec, where the vigorous mobilization of women kept gender equality on the political agenda.
Joseph H. Carens
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297680
- eISBN:
- 9780191598937
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297688.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Considers what sorts of cultural adaptations may be expected of immigrants to a liberal democratic state by looking at the case of Quebec. Quebec is an interesting test case for this issue because it ...
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Considers what sorts of cultural adaptations may be expected of immigrants to a liberal democratic state by looking at the case of Quebec. Quebec is an interesting test case for this issue because it has an explicit political project of protecting and promoting a culturally distinct society. Nevertheless, Quebec's announced expectations of immigrants are remarkably modest: learn French and accept pluralism and democracy as the norms of public life. The chapter contends that Quebec's language policies and its official expectations of immigrants are morally defensible from the perspective of justice as evenhandedness because these are the sorts of demands that go hand in hand with a commitment to providing immigrants and their children with equal opportunities in Quebec and with the other rights and freedoms that a liberal democratic political community should provide to its members.Less
Considers what sorts of cultural adaptations may be expected of immigrants to a liberal democratic state by looking at the case of Quebec. Quebec is an interesting test case for this issue because it has an explicit political project of protecting and promoting a culturally distinct society. Nevertheless, Quebec's announced expectations of immigrants are remarkably modest: learn French and accept pluralism and democracy as the norms of public life. The chapter contends that Quebec's language policies and its official expectations of immigrants are morally defensible from the perspective of justice as evenhandedness because these are the sorts of demands that go hand in hand with a commitment to providing immigrants and their children with equal opportunities in Quebec and with the other rights and freedoms that a liberal democratic political community should provide to its members.
Michael Hechter
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199247516
- eISBN:
- 9780191599460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924751X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
One important source of national identity lies in hierarchical and segmental cultural divisions of labour. These provide a social base for nationalism among territorially concentrated groups. Some ...
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One important source of national identity lies in hierarchical and segmental cultural divisions of labour. These provide a social base for nationalism among territorially concentrated groups. Some sources of cultural divisions of labour are enumerated. Whereas it was once thought that such divisions would attenuate in the face of industrialization and efficient labour markets, this often does not happen.Less
One important source of national identity lies in hierarchical and segmental cultural divisions of labour. These provide a social base for nationalism among territorially concentrated groups. Some sources of cultural divisions of labour are enumerated. Whereas it was once thought that such divisions would attenuate in the face of industrialization and efficient labour markets, this often does not happen.
Daniel Latouche
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The recurrence of periods of Quebec nationalism is a phenomenon that is hard to evaluate against the concurrent backgrounds of globalization and Canada's own nationalist response to globalization. ...
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The recurrence of periods of Quebec nationalism is a phenomenon that is hard to evaluate against the concurrent backgrounds of globalization and Canada's own nationalist response to globalization. This chapter examines the different strands of Quebec nationalism and their uneasy relationship with a changing Canadian nationalism. It expresses scepticism about the idea that globalization and regional economic integration provide a painless middle way between provincial autonomy and national independence, and argues that the construction of a civic community in Quebec may indeed require the establishment of a separate state of Quebec.Less
The recurrence of periods of Quebec nationalism is a phenomenon that is hard to evaluate against the concurrent backgrounds of globalization and Canada's own nationalist response to globalization. This chapter examines the different strands of Quebec nationalism and their uneasy relationship with a changing Canadian nationalism. It expresses scepticism about the idea that globalization and regional economic integration provide a painless middle way between provincial autonomy and national independence, and argues that the construction of a civic community in Quebec may indeed require the establishment of a separate state of Quebec.
Stephen Tierney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199298617
- eISBN:
- 9780191708855
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298617.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Over the past thirty years, sub-State national minorities in a number of developed liberal democracies have both reasserted their cultural distinctiveness and demanded recognition of it in legal and ...
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Over the past thirty years, sub-State national minorities in a number of developed liberal democracies have both reasserted their cultural distinctiveness and demanded recognition of it in legal and political terms. This phenomenon has been the subject of considerable study by sociologists, political scientists, and political theorists. This book differs by offering a study of the consequences of these rights claims for legal systems. It examines the role played by law, especially constitutional law, in the negotiation of the complex relationships and competing rights claims involving the State, national minorities, and other groups and individuals within the State. This book addresses the constitutional issues, both in theory and in practice, that accompany the existence of national diversity in pluralist democracies. The book contends that the democratic plurinational state, characterized by the presence of more than one national group within the State, is a discrete category of multi-level polity which defies the standard classifications of liberal constitutionalism. Building upon this theoretical basis, this book then focuses upon recent developments towards the institutional accommodation of Catalonia, Quebec, and Scotland. The book examines the legal issues which arise from the challenges posed by national minorities within multinational democracies, to the constitutional and institutional structures of particular States, and also to some of the fundamental precepts of democratic constitutional theory and practice.Less
Over the past thirty years, sub-State national minorities in a number of developed liberal democracies have both reasserted their cultural distinctiveness and demanded recognition of it in legal and political terms. This phenomenon has been the subject of considerable study by sociologists, political scientists, and political theorists. This book differs by offering a study of the consequences of these rights claims for legal systems. It examines the role played by law, especially constitutional law, in the negotiation of the complex relationships and competing rights claims involving the State, national minorities, and other groups and individuals within the State. This book addresses the constitutional issues, both in theory and in practice, that accompany the existence of national diversity in pluralist democracies. The book contends that the democratic plurinational state, characterized by the presence of more than one national group within the State, is a discrete category of multi-level polity which defies the standard classifications of liberal constitutionalism. Building upon this theoretical basis, this book then focuses upon recent developments towards the institutional accommodation of Catalonia, Quebec, and Scotland. The book examines the legal issues which arise from the challenges posed by national minorities within multinational democracies, to the constitutional and institutional structures of particular States, and also to some of the fundamental precepts of democratic constitutional theory and practice.
Peter D.G. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201427
- eISBN:
- 9780191674877
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201427.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The Quebec Act of 1774 was long in gestation, the subject of a decade-long consideration by successive ministries. It was not hastily devised as an expedient to prevent the French Catholic ...
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The Quebec Act of 1774 was long in gestation, the subject of a decade-long consideration by successive ministries. It was not hastily devised as an expedient to prevent the French Catholic inhabitants of Britain's newly conquered colony from joining the older settlement colonies of North America in rebellion. Before the Boston Tea Party, Prime Minister Lord North's administration had decided to introduce legislation on Quebec in the Parliamentary session of 1774. There is no clear evidence that the timing of the measure — its introduction at the end of an unexpectedly busy session — was in any way motivated by the desire then to retain the loyalty and support of Canada in any impending clash with the colonies further south. Nor did it achieve that result. The Quebec Act has rightly been acclaimed for statesmanlike provisions that were enlightened in the context of contemporary prejudices. But the retention of Canada within the British Empire cannot be credited to that legislation.Less
The Quebec Act of 1774 was long in gestation, the subject of a decade-long consideration by successive ministries. It was not hastily devised as an expedient to prevent the French Catholic inhabitants of Britain's newly conquered colony from joining the older settlement colonies of North America in rebellion. Before the Boston Tea Party, Prime Minister Lord North's administration had decided to introduce legislation on Quebec in the Parliamentary session of 1774. There is no clear evidence that the timing of the measure — its introduction at the end of an unexpectedly busy session — was in any way motivated by the desire then to retain the loyalty and support of Canada in any impending clash with the colonies further south. Nor did it achieve that result. The Quebec Act has rightly been acclaimed for statesmanlike provisions that were enlightened in the context of contemporary prejudices. But the retention of Canada within the British Empire cannot be credited to that legislation.
Arthur J. Marder
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201502
- eISBN:
- 9780191674907
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201502.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The first section of this chapter reviews the difficulties of mounting the ‘Middle Strategy’; the renewed bitterness between COS and Churchill; the pressures on Churchill; and the agreement between ...
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The first section of this chapter reviews the difficulties of mounting the ‘Middle Strategy’; the renewed bitterness between COS and Churchill; the pressures on Churchill; and the agreement between COS and Churchill to retake Rangoon, to offer a British Pacific Fleet, and to await the American verdict at Quebec. The second section discusses the decision at Quebec, Churchill's last push for ‘Culverin’, and King's rearguard action to keep the British out of the Pacific. The third section examines the Eastern Fleet under Admiral Bruce Fraser. The last section discusses Washington and the fleet train.Less
The first section of this chapter reviews the difficulties of mounting the ‘Middle Strategy’; the renewed bitterness between COS and Churchill; the pressures on Churchill; and the agreement between COS and Churchill to retake Rangoon, to offer a British Pacific Fleet, and to await the American verdict at Quebec. The second section discusses the decision at Quebec, Churchill's last push for ‘Culverin’, and King's rearguard action to keep the British out of the Pacific. The third section examines the Eastern Fleet under Admiral Bruce Fraser. The last section discusses Washington and the fleet train.
Éléonore Lépinard
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- March 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190077150
- eISBN:
- 9780190077198
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190077150.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality, Social Movements and Social Change
For more than two decades Islamic veils, niqabs, and burkinis have been the object of intense public scrutiny and legal regulations in many Western countries, especially in Europe, and feminists have ...
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For more than two decades Islamic veils, niqabs, and burkinis have been the object of intense public scrutiny and legal regulations in many Western countries, especially in Europe, and feminists have been actively engaged on both sides of the debates: defending ardently strict prohibitions to ensure Muslim women’s emancipation, or, by contrast, promoting accommodation in the name of women’s religious agency and a more inclusive feminist movement. These recent developments have unfolded in a context of rising right-wing populism in Europe and have fueled “femonationalism,” that is, the instrumentalization of women’s rights for xenophobic agendas. This book explores this contemporary troubled context for feminism, its current divisions, and its future. It investigates how these changes have transformed contemporary feminist movements, intersectionality politics, and the feminist collective subject, and how feminists have been enrolled in the femonationalist project or, conversely, have resisted it in two contexts: France and Quebec. It provides new empirical data on contemporary feminist activists, as well as a critical normative argument about the subject and future of feminism. It makes a contribution to intersectionality theory by reflecting on the dynamics of convergence and difference between race and religion. At the normative level, the book provides an original addition to vivid debates in feminist political theory and philosophy on the subject of feminism. It argues that feminism is better understood not as centered around an identity—women— but around what it calls a feminist ethic of responsibility, which foregrounds a pragmatist moral approach to the feminist project.Less
For more than two decades Islamic veils, niqabs, and burkinis have been the object of intense public scrutiny and legal regulations in many Western countries, especially in Europe, and feminists have been actively engaged on both sides of the debates: defending ardently strict prohibitions to ensure Muslim women’s emancipation, or, by contrast, promoting accommodation in the name of women’s religious agency and a more inclusive feminist movement. These recent developments have unfolded in a context of rising right-wing populism in Europe and have fueled “femonationalism,” that is, the instrumentalization of women’s rights for xenophobic agendas. This book explores this contemporary troubled context for feminism, its current divisions, and its future. It investigates how these changes have transformed contemporary feminist movements, intersectionality politics, and the feminist collective subject, and how feminists have been enrolled in the femonationalist project or, conversely, have resisted it in two contexts: France and Quebec. It provides new empirical data on contemporary feminist activists, as well as a critical normative argument about the subject and future of feminism. It makes a contribution to intersectionality theory by reflecting on the dynamics of convergence and difference between race and religion. At the normative level, the book provides an original addition to vivid debates in feminist political theory and philosophy on the subject of feminism. It argues that feminism is better understood not as centered around an identity—women— but around what it calls a feminist ethic of responsibility, which foregrounds a pragmatist moral approach to the feminist project.
Hillary Kaell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625294
- eISBN:
- 9781469625317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625294.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
While it is generally assumed that the Second Vatican Council did not leave much room for public devotion outside the reformed and newly endorsed patterns of the Catholic liturgy, laid out in the ...
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While it is generally assumed that the Second Vatican Council did not leave much room for public devotion outside the reformed and newly endorsed patterns of the Catholic liturgy, laid out in the Constitution on the sacred liturgy (Sacrosanctum Concilium), the present essay shows a remarkable case of the survival and transformation of a preconciliar devotional practice. The 3,000 crosses that still decorate the landscape in the Canadian province of Quebec are being maintained and taken care of by Catholic laypeople. In a complex process of selective (re)interpretation and (re)negotiation of what they see as key concepts of the Council–such as lay participation, openness to the world, and a positive attitude toward non-Catholics and non-Christians–these Quebeckers succeed in making the crosses into a new, revitalized expression of their postconciliar religiosity and their own distinct Catholic identity, with little interference from the Church authorities.Less
While it is generally assumed that the Second Vatican Council did not leave much room for public devotion outside the reformed and newly endorsed patterns of the Catholic liturgy, laid out in the Constitution on the sacred liturgy (Sacrosanctum Concilium), the present essay shows a remarkable case of the survival and transformation of a preconciliar devotional practice. The 3,000 crosses that still decorate the landscape in the Canadian province of Quebec are being maintained and taken care of by Catholic laypeople. In a complex process of selective (re)interpretation and (re)negotiation of what they see as key concepts of the Council–such as lay participation, openness to the world, and a positive attitude toward non-Catholics and non-Christians–these Quebeckers succeed in making the crosses into a new, revitalized expression of their postconciliar religiosity and their own distinct Catholic identity, with little interference from the Church authorities.
Peter J. Marshall
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199640355
- eISBN:
- 9780191739279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199640355.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Quebec and Nova Scotia were the most important North American colonies which remained British after 1783. Both attracted loyalists who had opposed the Revolution. Ambitious initial hopes that these ...
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Quebec and Nova Scotia were the most important North American colonies which remained British after 1783. Both attracted loyalists who had opposed the Revolution. Ambitious initial hopes that these colonies would prosper within the empire and would become show cases to the United States for the virtues of British constitutional government proved difficult to realise. Rather than separation from the Americans, informal links across the international border developed. Nova Scotia and its offshoot the new colony of New Brunswick were governed according to old established models of colonial government. In the 1791 Canada Act Quebec was divided to give the loyalists their own colony separate from the French majority and attempts were made to strengthen imperial authority in both the new colonies.Less
Quebec and Nova Scotia were the most important North American colonies which remained British after 1783. Both attracted loyalists who had opposed the Revolution. Ambitious initial hopes that these colonies would prosper within the empire and would become show cases to the United States for the virtues of British constitutional government proved difficult to realise. Rather than separation from the Americans, informal links across the international border developed. Nova Scotia and its offshoot the new colony of New Brunswick were governed according to old established models of colonial government. In the 1791 Canada Act Quebec was divided to give the loyalists their own colony separate from the French majority and attempts were made to strengthen imperial authority in both the new colonies.
David McKay
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242139
- eISBN:
- 9780191697012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242139.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The constitutions created in 1791 for francophone Lower Canada and anglophone Upper Canada established a system of strong executive power vested in a crown-appointed governor-general. During the ...
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The constitutions created in 1791 for francophone Lower Canada and anglophone Upper Canada established a system of strong executive power vested in a crown-appointed governor-general. During the first part of the 19th century Canada developed into three distinctive economic and social units: anglophone Upper Canada centred on Ontario, francophone Lower Canada centred on Quebec, and the maritime colonies, which were predominantly anglophone hut constituted separate and fragmented political communities. Given the continuing distinctiveness not only of Quebec but also the western provinces, and the absence of central institutions for the representation of provincial interests, it is not surprising that grievances are aired and positions negotiated through the First Ministers Conference. The fact that such a body has become so crucial to mediating disputes speaks volumes for the status of Canadian federalism. Such institutions are more typical of interstate bargaining in confederations or in such bodies as the European Union than they are of mature federations.Less
The constitutions created in 1791 for francophone Lower Canada and anglophone Upper Canada established a system of strong executive power vested in a crown-appointed governor-general. During the first part of the 19th century Canada developed into three distinctive economic and social units: anglophone Upper Canada centred on Ontario, francophone Lower Canada centred on Quebec, and the maritime colonies, which were predominantly anglophone hut constituted separate and fragmented political communities. Given the continuing distinctiveness not only of Quebec but also the western provinces, and the absence of central institutions for the representation of provincial interests, it is not surprising that grievances are aired and positions negotiated through the First Ministers Conference. The fact that such a body has become so crucial to mediating disputes speaks volumes for the status of Canadian federalism. Such institutions are more typical of interstate bargaining in confederations or in such bodies as the European Union than they are of mature federations.
STEPHEN TIERNEY
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199298617
- eISBN:
- 9780191708855
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199298617.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter focuses on the Secession Reference. The most dramatic and potentially influential decision to be reached in recent years is the opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada in the Quebec ...
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This chapter focuses on the Secession Reference. The most dramatic and potentially influential decision to be reached in recent years is the opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada in the Quebec Secession Reference. In this case, the federal government, further to the Quebec referendum on sovereignty in 1995, asked the Supreme Court to offer its opinion on the legality of any future attempt by Quebec to secede unilaterally from Canada. The chapter develops two structural issues which emerged from the Secession Reference. The first concerns the ability of the court to appear sufficiently independent of the different sides involved. The second addresses the relationship between the courts and the constitution itself, and in particular the power which a court has to define, or indeed redefine, the relationship between the written constitution and the unwritten constitutional principles or rules which the judiciary considers underpin that written text.Less
This chapter focuses on the Secession Reference. The most dramatic and potentially influential decision to be reached in recent years is the opinion of the Supreme Court of Canada in the Quebec Secession Reference. In this case, the federal government, further to the Quebec referendum on sovereignty in 1995, asked the Supreme Court to offer its opinion on the legality of any future attempt by Quebec to secede unilaterally from Canada. The chapter develops two structural issues which emerged from the Secession Reference. The first concerns the ability of the court to appear sufficiently independent of the different sides involved. The second addresses the relationship between the courts and the constitution itself, and in particular the power which a court has to define, or indeed redefine, the relationship between the written constitution and the unwritten constitutional principles or rules which the judiciary considers underpin that written text.
Geneviève Zubrzycki
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226391540
- eISBN:
- 9780226391717
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226391717.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Beheading the Saint analyzes the genesis and transformation of national identity in Québec from the mid-nineteenth century to the present, with specific attention to the secularization of French ...
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Beheading the Saint analyzes the genesis and transformation of national identity in Québec from the mid-nineteenth century to the present, with specific attention to the secularization of French Canadianness during the 1960s’ Quiet Revolution. Zubrzycki does so by tracing the symbolic career of St. John the Baptist, the national patron saint, in processions, parades and protests, which, she argues, contributed to the articulation of a new, secular Quebecois identity. She extends her analysis of nationalism, religion and secularism in Québec by examining recent debates on immigration, the reasonable accommodation of religious minorities’ practices, and the place of religious symbols in the public sphere.Less
Beheading the Saint analyzes the genesis and transformation of national identity in Québec from the mid-nineteenth century to the present, with specific attention to the secularization of French Canadianness during the 1960s’ Quiet Revolution. Zubrzycki does so by tracing the symbolic career of St. John the Baptist, the national patron saint, in processions, parades and protests, which, she argues, contributed to the articulation of a new, secular Quebecois identity. She extends her analysis of nationalism, religion and secularism in Québec by examining recent debates on immigration, the reasonable accommodation of religious minorities’ practices, and the place of religious symbols in the public sphere.
Jack Downey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780823265435
- eISBN:
- 9780823266906
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823265435.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This study investigates the origins, development, and influence of a controversial retreat movement which emerged as a self-consciously countercultural response to the socio-religious revival in ...
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This study investigates the origins, development, and influence of a controversial retreat movement which emerged as a self-consciously countercultural response to the socio-religious revival in early twentieth-century Québec. The movement's founder and namesake, Onésime Lacouture, S.J., developed a redaction of the Ignatian Exercises that was heavily informed by his mystical experiences and ascetic theology. The retreat was wildly attractive to some, while others saw it as overly severe, possibly heretical. The retreat endured Lacouture's personal suppression, and migrated southward to the United States, nesting among sympathetic clergy constellated around Pittsburgh. Its most prolific advocate and apologist was a diocesan priest named John Hugo, who traded blows with antagonistic critics and was himself “exiled” to a series of suburban Pennsylvanian parishes. Hugo would proselytize the retreat tirelessly, and found an enthusiastic vessel in Dorothy Day—cofounder of the Catholic Worker movement, candidate for sainthood, and an icon of contemporary radical Catholic activism. From a socially withdrawn contemplative movement—deeply opposed to mainstream Canadien assimilation into Anglo Canadian culture and the then-ascendant “social Catholicism”—the Lacouture retreat would morph into spiritual fodder for arguably the most radically socially engaged iteration of Roman Catholicism in North America. This book discusses the evolution of “Lacouturisme” and its impact on Catholic Worker theology within the contexts of the Christian ascetic tradition, Catholic engagements with “Modernism,” and spiritual transnationalism.Less
This study investigates the origins, development, and influence of a controversial retreat movement which emerged as a self-consciously countercultural response to the socio-religious revival in early twentieth-century Québec. The movement's founder and namesake, Onésime Lacouture, S.J., developed a redaction of the Ignatian Exercises that was heavily informed by his mystical experiences and ascetic theology. The retreat was wildly attractive to some, while others saw it as overly severe, possibly heretical. The retreat endured Lacouture's personal suppression, and migrated southward to the United States, nesting among sympathetic clergy constellated around Pittsburgh. Its most prolific advocate and apologist was a diocesan priest named John Hugo, who traded blows with antagonistic critics and was himself “exiled” to a series of suburban Pennsylvanian parishes. Hugo would proselytize the retreat tirelessly, and found an enthusiastic vessel in Dorothy Day—cofounder of the Catholic Worker movement, candidate for sainthood, and an icon of contemporary radical Catholic activism. From a socially withdrawn contemplative movement—deeply opposed to mainstream Canadien assimilation into Anglo Canadian culture and the then-ascendant “social Catholicism”—the Lacouture retreat would morph into spiritual fodder for arguably the most radically socially engaged iteration of Roman Catholicism in North America. This book discusses the evolution of “Lacouturisme” and its impact on Catholic Worker theology within the contexts of the Christian ascetic tradition, Catholic engagements with “Modernism,” and spiritual transnationalism.
Colin M. Coates
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199563746
- eISBN:
- 9780191701900
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563746.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the historical ambivalence of French Canadians to the British Empire. French Canadians had many reasons to feel ambivalent about the British Empire. This is because throughout ...
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This chapter examines the historical ambivalence of French Canadians to the British Empire. French Canadians had many reasons to feel ambivalent about the British Empire. This is because throughout the time of French colonial rule, the French settlements in North America faced almost continual threat from the British. The Anglo-American colonists continued their attacks on Quebec. Their antipathy to the French colony was firmly established among the Protestant colonists in the south.Less
This chapter examines the historical ambivalence of French Canadians to the British Empire. French Canadians had many reasons to feel ambivalent about the British Empire. This is because throughout the time of French colonial rule, the French settlements in North America faced almost continual threat from the British. The Anglo-American colonists continued their attacks on Quebec. Their antipathy to the French colony was firmly established among the Protestant colonists in the south.
