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This concluding chapter draws together the themes that have emerged in the volume and provides an overarching analysis of the three sections concerning the concepts and history of Sport and Diplomacy, its relationship to public diplomacy and soft power, and considerations of boycotts. Furthermore, it considers a range of questions which simultaneously consolidate but also challenge the parameters of the field. These include the validity of sport as a ‘site of diplomacy’, the value of spatial and temporal dimensions to the field, and lines of future research.

The introduction to the book lays out the key arguments of sport and diplomacy. It explains the value of the field of study, and why it has emerged in the last five years, and the relationship between these two enduring features of the contemporary world. The sections of the book addressing ‘Concepts and History’, ‘Public Diplomacy’ and ‘No Sport as Diplomacy’ are laid out. Further, it keeps a firm focus on the impact of the relationship between sport and diplomacy on practitioners and policy makers. The introduction argues for the relevance of the whole volume as shedding new light on to question such as: How far has sport been materially overlooked in the relationship between states and diplomacy? To what extent does sport provide a lens upon the international system that gives insight into broader issues of diplomacy, particularly the discourses of Soft Power and Public Diplomacy?; and What is the future of the relationship between Sport and Diplomacy?

This chapter considers the ways in which selected perspectives from the new public diplomacy, as well as established forms of diplomatic study of both state and non-state actors, can illuminate and enhance an understanding of the history and growth of the governing body of world football and the "continental" confederations recognized by FIFA. In turn, it reflect on the ways in which a rigorous study of sporting institutions such as FIFA can contribute to an understanding of the crossover between sport development, sport governance and related forms of diplomacy. A new analysis of the cultural and political dynamics of the developments of FIFA’s regional bodues warrants a forensic approach to the analysis of the historical phases of the confederations emergence. The chapter therefore considers the cases of the formative years of CONCACAF and OCEANIA, small players initially in global football politics but by 2016 providing 52 full members of FIFA, almost a quarter of the powerbrokers making up the 209 members of its Congress. In conclusion, the generally unacknowledged contribution of sport governing bodies to forms of diplomatic practice and relations is reconsidered, in the comparative light of other studies within the book, and the detailed consideration in this chapter of the selected phase of FIFA and confederation development.

This chapter considers China’s use of film to build its soft power in the West. In recent years, the Chinese film market has grown (and seemingly continues to grow) at an exponential rate, and this remarkable turn of events has enabled China to co-opt Hollywood as an adjunct soft power asset. Keen to deepen its penetration of China’s now highly lucrative market, the Hollywood majors are adopting a more ecumenical understanding of geopolitical space and proffering affirmative images of China’s role in world affairs. This chapter considers the depth and scope of this understanding and its articulation on screen. It argues that the positively framed understanding of China and its place in the world faces mounting competition from other Western sources of China information, few of which seem to share Hollywood’s affirmative stance.

A decade before official 'ping pong diplomacy', leaders in the People's Republic of China (PRC) used sports delegation visits to cultivate diplomatic relations with recently decolonized nations. In the early 1960s, the Sino-Soviet split, the rise of various Afro-Asian movements, and decolonization in Africa led to intense Sino-Soviet competition for socialist influence in the Third World. Officially presented to the Chinese public as “friendly” sports exchanges, PRC leaders sought to expand their influence and prove that Chinese socialism under Mao as an alternative (and superior) model to that of the Soviet Union. The chapter, based primarily on declassified official reports from Chinese archives, begins with the first major PRC sports delegation sent to Africa in 1962, a contingent of well-known ping pong athletes. The visit helped Chinese leaders gather knowledge on new allies, officially express shared historical and political solidarities against colonialism and imperialism, and, through sport, demonstrate China's achievements through socialism. These visits sought to build diplomatic ties while promoting and shoring up support - foreign as well as domestic - for a Chinese brand of socialism that professed an alternative, non-Soviet path to socialist modernity.

This chapter focuses on the “soft” aspects of the diplomatic relationship between the United States and Mongolia - public outreach; public affairs; educational exchanges and cultural ties. It also details the growing interaction between Americans who work in Mongolia and Mongolians who live in the United States, marking the foundation of an active Mongolian-American community that has grown significantly in recent years. Education exchanges such as the Fulbright program are discussed and assessed, along with Mongolia's success in accessing funds for cultural support through the Ambassador's Fund for Cultural Preservation. Finally, it discusses the establishment and growth of a large Peace Corps presence in Mongolia.

Diplomacy Unbound explores the emerging practice of digital diplomacy. First, it outlines how we valued the efficacy and power of diplomacy before Twitter and Facebook and mesh networks by tracing the notion of diplomatic power. It then argues that we need to view digital diplomacy initiatives in two categories, those that simply expand the practice of public diplomacy into a new medium, and those that seek to fundamentally engage in the digital space, using the tools and capabilities outlined throughout this book. I argue that when the bounds of diplomacy are extended into influencing not just states, but also digital actors, then they overlap fundamentally with other foreign policy programs and objectives. And this invariably leads to conflicting methods and outcomes. The undue negative costs associated with coercive digital diplomacy demonstrate the weakness of the state in a major realm of its foreign policy. And if the state can’t be effectively diplomatic in the digital space, then what does this tell us about the contemporary relevance of diplomacy itself?

This chapter analyzes recent Russian popular historical movies in the era of Vladimir Medinskii as Minister of Culture and Vladimir Putin’s return to the Russian presidency (2012-present). Following Keith Dinnie, Melissa Aronczyk, and Robert Saunders, I see attempts to “brand” a nation, even for domestic audiences, as a crucial component of soft power and as a form of public diplomacy. Medinskii in particular has helped to promote a patriotic culture centered on the Second World War, Soviet sports achievements, and the Soviet space program. Developing this patriotic brand, however, has come with some costs. The branding of a Russian nation as advertised onscreen since 2012, in short, has produced a mixed bag of results in terms of soft power success.

In 1919, Afghanistan won its independence from British suzerainty. In each subsequent year, the state celebrated the event by staging military parades, organising cultural programmes – and sporting competitions. This chapter considers the independence games from the perspective of British diplomats in Afghanistan who also took part in the contests. In particular, the chapter studies the reports written by British diplomats on the games and explores how notions of fair play and athleticism were projected on the independent state of Afghanistan. The chapter asks if these reports are indicative of larger political and/or colonial ambitions. Complicating conventional assumptions on the primacy of the political in diplomatic relations, this chapter suggests that the physical encounter constituted a central feature in British-Afghan relations.

This chapter responds to issues surrounding Mega Sports Events (MSE) using a study of the political and international relations dimensions of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 Football World Cup. The findings presented confirm the importance of foreign policy in the political ambitions held for the event and provide discussion points concerning the position of Middle Powers within the international community and the policy tools available to them. They also highlight how the value placed on the foreign policy potential of the event, such as the perceived opportunity to demonstrate parity of status with the developed international community, reduced the capacity to pursue or protect domestic policy interests. This notwithstanding, positive outcomes were perceived in a range of areas which suggests that hosting events in developing country contexts may provide valuable opportunities to advance domestic and foreign policy interests if more is known about the true nature of the opportunities presented and how to realise them.