D. R. M. Irving
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195378269
- eISBN:
- 9780199864614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378269.003.0008
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
This chapter examines six areas of musical performance that were governed or influenced by ecclesiastical decrees or governmental legislation: Asian musics, vernacular‐language vocal music in sacred ...
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This chapter examines six areas of musical performance that were governed or influenced by ecclesiastical decrees or governmental legislation: Asian musics, vernacular‐language vocal music in sacred contexts (such as villancicos), musical practices for Marian devotions, liturgical music and the use of instruments in churches, theatrical performances, and music in processions, celebrations, and feasts. It draws on sources including manuals published by religious orders for the regulation of parochial life, religious statutes and ordinances, Papal Bulls, royal decrees, and archiepiscopal decrees. It also examines musical references found in the proceedings of the Provincial Council of Manila (1771) and the Synod of Calasiao (1773).Less
This chapter examines six areas of musical performance that were governed or influenced by ecclesiastical decrees or governmental legislation: Asian musics, vernacular‐language vocal music in sacred contexts (such as villancicos), musical practices for Marian devotions, liturgical music and the use of instruments in churches, theatrical performances, and music in processions, celebrations, and feasts. It draws on sources including manuals published by religious orders for the regulation of parochial life, religious statutes and ordinances, Papal Bulls, royal decrees, and archiepiscopal decrees. It also examines musical references found in the proceedings of the Provincial Council of Manila (1771) and the Synod of Calasiao (1773).
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Wars with France made Charles V's government in Brussels dependent on the creditworthiness of the provinces. The provincial states issued long‐term bonds (underline renten), using the capital to pay ...
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Wars with France made Charles V's government in Brussels dependent on the creditworthiness of the provinces. The provincial states issued long‐term bonds (underline renten), using the capital to pay off high‐interest bankers' loans, but the states (not the central government) collected the taxes by which bonds were funded. By 1557 things looked so desperate that Philip II summoned the States General—a risk his father had carefully avoided. While the revenue plan adopted was found to be unworkable, the fact that the larger assembly had been convened to deliberate on high policy did much to enhance its prestige. Meanwhile, Antwerp's bankers followed the money; they dealt not with government officials (who now had little disposable revenue) but with the provincial parliaments.Less
Wars with France made Charles V's government in Brussels dependent on the creditworthiness of the provinces. The provincial states issued long‐term bonds (underline renten), using the capital to pay off high‐interest bankers' loans, but the states (not the central government) collected the taxes by which bonds were funded. By 1557 things looked so desperate that Philip II summoned the States General—a risk his father had carefully avoided. While the revenue plan adopted was found to be unworkable, the fact that the larger assembly had been convened to deliberate on high policy did much to enhance its prestige. Meanwhile, Antwerp's bankers followed the money; they dealt not with government officials (who now had little disposable revenue) but with the provincial parliaments.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
When Prince Philip toured the Low Countries in 1549, lavish festivities allowed him to greet the great nobles who commanded Habsburg armies in the region, including young William of Orange. He also ...
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When Prince Philip toured the Low Countries in 1549, lavish festivities allowed him to greet the great nobles who commanded Habsburg armies in the region, including young William of Orange. He also met the bankers, based in Antwerp, whose loans kept Habsburg armies marching, while eating up revenues, often pledged far in advance. From Castile Philip knew the ways of nobles and bankers. But nothing there prepared him for the politics of this country, a loose union of semi‐autonomous provinces; as heir apparent to Charles V, Philip had to be acclaimed separately by each local parliament, as duke of Brabant, count of Flanders, count of Holland and Zeeland, etc. Moreover, in solemn entries laid on by the towns, His Catholic Majesty had unpleasant reminders that Protestant doctrine was making inroads.Less
When Prince Philip toured the Low Countries in 1549, lavish festivities allowed him to greet the great nobles who commanded Habsburg armies in the region, including young William of Orange. He also met the bankers, based in Antwerp, whose loans kept Habsburg armies marching, while eating up revenues, often pledged far in advance. From Castile Philip knew the ways of nobles and bankers. But nothing there prepared him for the politics of this country, a loose union of semi‐autonomous provinces; as heir apparent to Charles V, Philip had to be acclaimed separately by each local parliament, as duke of Brabant, count of Flanders, count of Holland and Zeeland, etc. Moreover, in solemn entries laid on by the towns, His Catholic Majesty had unpleasant reminders that Protestant doctrine was making inroads.
M. Safa Saraçoglu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430999
- eISBN:
- 9781474449762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430999.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book explores Ottoman local governance during the liberal-capitalist state formation of the long 19th century (1789-1922) with a particular focus on the administrative and judiciary councils of ...
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This book explores Ottoman local governance during the liberal-capitalist state formation of the long 19th century (1789-1922) with a particular focus on the administrative and judiciary councils of the Vidin County in the second half of the 19th century. It explains the structure and procedures of these councils and provides an analysis of their function in local politics and economics in addition to an examination of their correspondence and people who worked in the governmental sphere dominated by these councils. Between 1396 and 1878, Vidin was a town under Ottoman administration and became a county centre in the Danube Province when an imperial reform restructured provincial governance and redefined imperial administrative divisions in 1864. The processes explored here focus mostly on the individuals’ rights to the means of production because a majority of the disputes within and petitions from the provinces during the nineteenth century were concerned with property and taxation. Local agents and groups engaged with each other within the judicio-administrative sphere dominated by these councils and sought to advance their interests by using the language, rules and practices of Ottoman governance. This book argues that in 19th century Vidin, we do not see a binary opposition between a state that coerces transformation against a society that opposes reforms. Vidiners, including the notables and the less wealthy inhabitants utilized the judicio-administrative sphere as a hegemonic domain to pursue their strategies as they problematized proper governance (debating matters of property, security, market order and population) as part of Ottoman biopolitics.Less
This book explores Ottoman local governance during the liberal-capitalist state formation of the long 19th century (1789-1922) with a particular focus on the administrative and judiciary councils of the Vidin County in the second half of the 19th century. It explains the structure and procedures of these councils and provides an analysis of their function in local politics and economics in addition to an examination of their correspondence and people who worked in the governmental sphere dominated by these councils. Between 1396 and 1878, Vidin was a town under Ottoman administration and became a county centre in the Danube Province when an imperial reform restructured provincial governance and redefined imperial administrative divisions in 1864. The processes explored here focus mostly on the individuals’ rights to the means of production because a majority of the disputes within and petitions from the provinces during the nineteenth century were concerned with property and taxation. Local agents and groups engaged with each other within the judicio-administrative sphere dominated by these councils and sought to advance their interests by using the language, rules and practices of Ottoman governance. This book argues that in 19th century Vidin, we do not see a binary opposition between a state that coerces transformation against a society that opposes reforms. Vidiners, including the notables and the less wealthy inhabitants utilized the judicio-administrative sphere as a hegemonic domain to pursue their strategies as they problematized proper governance (debating matters of property, security, market order and population) as part of Ottoman biopolitics.
M. Safa Saraçoglu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430999
- eISBN:
- 9781474449762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430999.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter focuses on the organizational structure of a key provincial administrative unit, the county (liva or sancak) and the politics of administering this unit. It includes a general summary of ...
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This chapter focuses on the organizational structure of a key provincial administrative unit, the county (liva or sancak) and the politics of administering this unit. It includes a general summary of its organizational structure, including the offices within Vidin County and people associated with those offices. By exploring the connection between the offices and the people who occupy them, the chapter defines the judicio-administrative sphere of provincial governance in Vidin: the space occupied by people and offices associated with provincial judiciary and administration. The main argument is that counties were key units of provincial administration and local notables dominated their councils, which were central to the larger provincial judicio-administrative sphere. The chapter provides a summary of how the county and its key judiciary and administrative councils were structured by two key regulations (issued in 1864 and 1871), relates these councils to the earlier provincial councils and explains how he election and appointment of council members took place. The election process in the local judicio-administrative sphere was a charged process that was impossible to untangle from the provincial power dynamics. Local notables maintained their prominence by consistently remaining as members of this judicio-administrative sphere, which was key to Ottoman governance.Less
This chapter focuses on the organizational structure of a key provincial administrative unit, the county (liva or sancak) and the politics of administering this unit. It includes a general summary of its organizational structure, including the offices within Vidin County and people associated with those offices. By exploring the connection between the offices and the people who occupy them, the chapter defines the judicio-administrative sphere of provincial governance in Vidin: the space occupied by people and offices associated with provincial judiciary and administration. The main argument is that counties were key units of provincial administration and local notables dominated their councils, which were central to the larger provincial judicio-administrative sphere. The chapter provides a summary of how the county and its key judiciary and administrative councils were structured by two key regulations (issued in 1864 and 1871), relates these councils to the earlier provincial councils and explains how he election and appointment of council members took place. The election process in the local judicio-administrative sphere was a charged process that was impossible to untangle from the provincial power dynamics. Local notables maintained their prominence by consistently remaining as members of this judicio-administrative sphere, which was key to Ottoman governance.
Katy Layton-Jones
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719099694
- eISBN:
- 9781526104038
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099694.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Drawing on images that shaped the popular perception of British towns between 1780 and 1880, Beyond the Metropolis challenges enduring misconceptions about urbanization, its representation, and ...
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Drawing on images that shaped the popular perception of British towns between 1780 and 1880, Beyond the Metropolis challenges enduring misconceptions about urbanization, its representation, and interpretation throughout the long nineteenth century. Over the past century, historical reality has merged seamlessly with mythology, literature, and caricature, to create a dramatic, but utterly misleading representation of our urban past. Dark satanic mills, cobbled streets, and cholera have become common shorthand for the nineteenth-century British town. Yet, there is little to suggest that the Urban Renaissance identified by Peter Borsay ended in 1770, or that every town in Britain experienced the same topographical consequences of expansion. Using engaging and diverse evidence, including souvenirs, pocket panoramas, and ceramics, this book investigates the relationship between pictorial convention, visual innovation, and urban identity. In contrast to myriad publications that address London exclusively, it examines images that reflect the growing political, social, and cultural significance of British provincial towns in the wake of the Industrial Revolution. Covering locations from Bristol to Leeds, Glasgow to Birmingham, and Manchester to Swansea, it reveals a complex and compelling new narrative of British urbanisation. Subjects that currently enjoy the attention of historians, planners, and politicians alike, including public space, popular protest, civic identity, and residential development, are approached from unfamiliar vantage points provided by hitherto under-researched sources. The result is a timely and persuasive re-evaluation of the British city, its changing form, representation, and impact.Less
Drawing on images that shaped the popular perception of British towns between 1780 and 1880, Beyond the Metropolis challenges enduring misconceptions about urbanization, its representation, and interpretation throughout the long nineteenth century. Over the past century, historical reality has merged seamlessly with mythology, literature, and caricature, to create a dramatic, but utterly misleading representation of our urban past. Dark satanic mills, cobbled streets, and cholera have become common shorthand for the nineteenth-century British town. Yet, there is little to suggest that the Urban Renaissance identified by Peter Borsay ended in 1770, or that every town in Britain experienced the same topographical consequences of expansion. Using engaging and diverse evidence, including souvenirs, pocket panoramas, and ceramics, this book investigates the relationship between pictorial convention, visual innovation, and urban identity. In contrast to myriad publications that address London exclusively, it examines images that reflect the growing political, social, and cultural significance of British provincial towns in the wake of the Industrial Revolution. Covering locations from Bristol to Leeds, Glasgow to Birmingham, and Manchester to Swansea, it reveals a complex and compelling new narrative of British urbanisation. Subjects that currently enjoy the attention of historians, planners, and politicians alike, including public space, popular protest, civic identity, and residential development, are approached from unfamiliar vantage points provided by hitherto under-researched sources. The result is a timely and persuasive re-evaluation of the British city, its changing form, representation, and impact.
H. Leith Spencer
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198112037
- eISBN:
- 9780191670664
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198112037.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Early and Medieval Literature
This chapter discusses preaching of the gospel and the conflict between lay education and censorship. It describes the heretical preaching which the Church associates with John Wyclif. The Lollards ...
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This chapter discusses preaching of the gospel and the conflict between lay education and censorship. It describes the heretical preaching which the Church associates with John Wyclif. The Lollards or followers of Wyclif began circulating vernacular translations of the Bible which enabled those who are literate in English to read the Bible. Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, by means of his Provincial Constitutions, imposed restrictions on unlicensed preaching and circulation of vernacular scriptures.Less
This chapter discusses preaching of the gospel and the conflict between lay education and censorship. It describes the heretical preaching which the Church associates with John Wyclif. The Lollards or followers of Wyclif began circulating vernacular translations of the Bible which enabled those who are literate in English to read the Bible. Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, by means of his Provincial Constitutions, imposed restrictions on unlicensed preaching and circulation of vernacular scriptures.
Roy Hora
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208846
- eISBN:
- 9780191678158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208846.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
During the 1880s, the estancieros had been almost united in their political views: whatever their personal feelings towards the Partido Autonomista Nacional government, they all realized that ...
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During the 1880s, the estancieros had been almost united in their political views: whatever their personal feelings towards the Partido Autonomista Nacional government, they all realized that challenging the political elite was a difficult task. Criticism of the government was not uncommon in landed circles. However, the landowners never attempted to take an active stance in politics, a form of self-denial for which there were solid reasons. During the 1890s a more cohesive, potentially more hegemonic landed class undertook the formation of a political party, the Unión Provincial. This chapter explores the emergence and performance of estanciero-based political parties in Argentina. More generally, the relationship between political power and the landed class is scrutinized, as is the landowners' attitude towards the development of domestic industry and protectionist economic policy. This chapter also looks at Defensa Rural, a political party launched by landowners to provide the propertied classes of Buenos Aires with a weapon to parry the government's attacks on the rural interest.Less
During the 1880s, the estancieros had been almost united in their political views: whatever their personal feelings towards the Partido Autonomista Nacional government, they all realized that challenging the political elite was a difficult task. Criticism of the government was not uncommon in landed circles. However, the landowners never attempted to take an active stance in politics, a form of self-denial for which there were solid reasons. During the 1890s a more cohesive, potentially more hegemonic landed class undertook the formation of a political party, the Unión Provincial. This chapter explores the emergence and performance of estanciero-based political parties in Argentina. More generally, the relationship between political power and the landed class is scrutinized, as is the landowners' attitude towards the development of domestic industry and protectionist economic policy. This chapter also looks at Defensa Rural, a political party launched by landowners to provide the propertied classes of Buenos Aires with a weapon to parry the government's attacks on the rural interest.
M. Safa Saraçoglu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430999
- eISBN:
- 9781474449762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430999.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter presents the general conclusion of this book:
Although the highest tier of Vidin’s local dynasties gradually lost their power vis-à-vis the imperial administration by the beginning of ...
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This chapter presents the general conclusion of this book:
Although the highest tier of Vidin’s local dynasties gradually lost their power vis-à-vis the imperial administration by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the lower-tier elite benefited from cooperation with the Ottoman administration.
The Ottoman transformation during the long nineteenth century focused on legitimating the imperial order by establishing limits to governance. Part of this change was the establishment of provincial councils by 1840 as part of an Ottoman governance, which aimed to protect the ‘natural’ market order through civil law.
The 1864 and 1871 regulations organised the provincial administrative and judicial councils as separate bodies where the elite’s influence was restrained with term-limits. Yet the notables dominated Vidin’s councils by moving between offices. This led to a connected judicio-adminisrative sphere, dominated by the local elite and reflecting the political dynamics among them. Different agents/groups problematized issues pertaining to security, territory and population within this sphere using technologies of Ottoman governance to pursue their strategies.
These councils and Ottoman governance was not serving the elite alone but provided a negotiation platform for different people and alliances in Vidin county in conjunction with economic liberalization of the long-nineteenth century.Less
This chapter presents the general conclusion of this book:
Although the highest tier of Vidin’s local dynasties gradually lost their power vis-à-vis the imperial administration by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the lower-tier elite benefited from cooperation with the Ottoman administration.
The Ottoman transformation during the long nineteenth century focused on legitimating the imperial order by establishing limits to governance. Part of this change was the establishment of provincial councils by 1840 as part of an Ottoman governance, which aimed to protect the ‘natural’ market order through civil law.
The 1864 and 1871 regulations organised the provincial administrative and judicial councils as separate bodies where the elite’s influence was restrained with term-limits. Yet the notables dominated Vidin’s councils by moving between offices. This led to a connected judicio-adminisrative sphere, dominated by the local elite and reflecting the political dynamics among them. Different agents/groups problematized issues pertaining to security, territory and population within this sphere using technologies of Ottoman governance to pursue their strategies.
These councils and Ottoman governance was not serving the elite alone but provided a negotiation platform for different people and alliances in Vidin county in conjunction with economic liberalization of the long-nineteenth century.
Christopher Doughan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786942258
- eISBN:
- 9781789623833
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786942258.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book provides a comprehensive depiction of Ireland’s regional press during the turbulent years leading up to the foundation of the Irish Free State following the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. It ...
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This book provides a comprehensive depiction of Ireland’s regional press during the turbulent years leading up to the foundation of the Irish Free State following the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. It investigates the origins of the regional papers that reported this critical period of Irish history and profiles the personalities behind many of these publications. Furthermore, this book presents case studies of seventeen newspapers – nationalist, unionist, and independent – across the four provinces of Ireland. These case studies not only detail the history of the respective newspapers but also closely scrutinises the editorial commentary of each publication between 1914 and 1921. Consequently, a thorough analysis of how each of these regional titles responded to the many dramatic developments during these years is provided. This includes seminal events such as the outbreak of World War I, the Easter Rising of 1916, the rise of the Sinn Féin party, the War of Independence, and the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. During this time many of Ireland’s regional newspaper titles faced censorship, suppression, and in some cases, violent attack on their premises that threatened their livelihood. In some instances, newspaper owners, editors, and their staff were arrested and imprisoned. Their experiences during these years are meticulously detailed in this book.Less
This book provides a comprehensive depiction of Ireland’s regional press during the turbulent years leading up to the foundation of the Irish Free State following the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. It investigates the origins of the regional papers that reported this critical period of Irish history and profiles the personalities behind many of these publications. Furthermore, this book presents case studies of seventeen newspapers – nationalist, unionist, and independent – across the four provinces of Ireland. These case studies not only detail the history of the respective newspapers but also closely scrutinises the editorial commentary of each publication between 1914 and 1921. Consequently, a thorough analysis of how each of these regional titles responded to the many dramatic developments during these years is provided. This includes seminal events such as the outbreak of World War I, the Easter Rising of 1916, the rise of the Sinn Féin party, the War of Independence, and the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. During this time many of Ireland’s regional newspaper titles faced censorship, suppression, and in some cases, violent attack on their premises that threatened their livelihood. In some instances, newspaper owners, editors, and their staff were arrested and imprisoned. Their experiences during these years are meticulously detailed in this book.
Toba Singer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813044026
- eISBN:
- 9780813046259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813044026.003.0026
- Subject:
- Music, Dance
Two Ballet Nacional de Cuba principal dancers, Lázaro Carreño and his nephew Yoel, compare how they experienced Fernando as a teacher and a coach during the different generations to which they ...
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Two Ballet Nacional de Cuba principal dancers, Lázaro Carreño and his nephew Yoel, compare how they experienced Fernando as a teacher and a coach during the different generations to which they belonged, his emphasis on detail and discipline and insuring that steps and production values not be lost or compromised over time emphasizing that current dancers need to learn for the first time certain approaches that older dancers absorbed from Fernando from the very beginning of their dance education.Less
Two Ballet Nacional de Cuba principal dancers, Lázaro Carreño and his nephew Yoel, compare how they experienced Fernando as a teacher and a coach during the different generations to which they belonged, his emphasis on detail and discipline and insuring that steps and production values not be lost or compromised over time emphasizing that current dancers need to learn for the first time certain approaches that older dancers absorbed from Fernando from the very beginning of their dance education.
Andrew D. Morris
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781503610187
- eISBN:
- 9781503611016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503610187.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
In Taiwan, international sport during the 1950s–1970s centered on the war with the People’s Republic of China’s “Communist bandits” to represent China and achieve recognition from worldwide sporting ...
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In Taiwan, international sport during the 1950s–1970s centered on the war with the People’s Republic of China’s “Communist bandits” to represent China and achieve recognition from worldwide sporting bodies. Sport was meant to buttress the Republic of China’s legitimacy, to demonstrate the centrality of Chinese culture on this small island “province,” and to establish Taiwan’s teams and athletes as representative of a “Free China” regime and populace that could inspire a recovery of the mainland. The Nationalists and Communists both used sport to establish their own regime as the rightful modern revolutionary government of China and to end long-standing assumptions of Chinese weakness and degeneracy.Less
In Taiwan, international sport during the 1950s–1970s centered on the war with the People’s Republic of China’s “Communist bandits” to represent China and achieve recognition from worldwide sporting bodies. Sport was meant to buttress the Republic of China’s legitimacy, to demonstrate the centrality of Chinese culture on this small island “province,” and to establish Taiwan’s teams and athletes as representative of a “Free China” regime and populace that could inspire a recovery of the mainland. The Nationalists and Communists both used sport to establish their own regime as the rightful modern revolutionary government of China and to end long-standing assumptions of Chinese weakness and degeneracy.
Baojun Yang and Dongxiao Jin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789888028504
- eISBN:
- 9789882206717
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888028504.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter discusses the Pearl River Delta Urban Cluster Coordinated Development Plan (2004–20) (UCCDP). It discusses how this plan evolved out of the joint efforts of the Guangdong Provincial ...
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This chapter discusses the Pearl River Delta Urban Cluster Coordinated Development Plan (2004–20) (UCCDP). It discusses how this plan evolved out of the joint efforts of the Guangdong Provincial Government and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development to strengthen Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) coordination and enhance the competitiveness of the PRD city cluster. It examines the background, methodology, objectives, significance, and implementation process of the plan to aid in the further understanding of the theory and practice of mega-city regional governance and planning in contemporary China.Less
This chapter discusses the Pearl River Delta Urban Cluster Coordinated Development Plan (2004–20) (UCCDP). It discusses how this plan evolved out of the joint efforts of the Guangdong Provincial Government and Ministry of Housing and Urban-Rural Development to strengthen Pan-Pearl River Delta (Pan-PRD) coordination and enhance the competitiveness of the PRD city cluster. It examines the background, methodology, objectives, significance, and implementation process of the plan to aid in the further understanding of the theory and practice of mega-city regional governance and planning in contemporary China.
M. Safa Saraçoglu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430999
- eISBN:
- 9781474449762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430999.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter explains the primary focus and the theoretical devices for the book, introduces Vidin region and provides a brief outline for the chapters. Provincial councils were key offices of ...
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This chapter explains the primary focus and the theoretical devices for the book, introduces Vidin region and provides a brief outline for the chapters. Provincial councils were key offices of Ottoman governance from 1840s onward. In the broader context of Ottoman liberal-capitalist social formation during the long 19th century (1789-1922), local councils provided a venue for local agents pursue competing political and economic strategies. Conventional historiography on 19th century Ottoman state-society relations puts a lot of emphasis on an imperial regulation from 1864 in explaining provincial councils as an extension of imperial centralization policies. This study shifts the focus of research on provincial documents produced by such councils to reveal how these offices and practices of Ottoman governance served as a platform for the political and economic negotiations of provincial agents pursuing their interests. The documents produced by the provincial councils in Vidin County in Ottoman-administered Bulgaria provide a rich source to explore the dynamics of 19th century Ottoman governance in its full richness focusing on property rights, security matters, market order and population management.Less
This chapter explains the primary focus and the theoretical devices for the book, introduces Vidin region and provides a brief outline for the chapters. Provincial councils were key offices of Ottoman governance from 1840s onward. In the broader context of Ottoman liberal-capitalist social formation during the long 19th century (1789-1922), local councils provided a venue for local agents pursue competing political and economic strategies. Conventional historiography on 19th century Ottoman state-society relations puts a lot of emphasis on an imperial regulation from 1864 in explaining provincial councils as an extension of imperial centralization policies. This study shifts the focus of research on provincial documents produced by such councils to reveal how these offices and practices of Ottoman governance served as a platform for the political and economic negotiations of provincial agents pursuing their interests. The documents produced by the provincial councils in Vidin County in Ottoman-administered Bulgaria provide a rich source to explore the dynamics of 19th century Ottoman governance in its full richness focusing on property rights, security matters, market order and population management.
M. Safa Saraçoglu
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430999
- eISBN:
- 9781474449762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430999.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter explores the members’ involvement with the provincial councils to identify the patterns in member participation. These councils handled majority of the local administrative and judiciary ...
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This chapter explores the members’ involvement with the provincial councils to identify the patterns in member participation. These councils handled majority of the local administrative and judiciary issues, yet they did not keep meeting minutes. Their copy registers, where they kept a copy of their correspondence, serve as the single most important source on the members’ participation in the politics of Ottoman administration. When read against the provincial yearbooks that provided a detailed account of the composition of Vidin’s judicio-administrative sphere, the changes and irregularities in the local record keeping procedures and the structure of the written entries reveal details of council members’ attendance and participation. The main argument of the chapter is that council members did not participate in the meetings regularly and equally. Rather, political groupings among the members, reflective of the provincial dynamics among notable families, affected the members’ level of participation, occasionally resulting in irregularities. Furthermore, higher-ranking officials at the provincial administration seem to be aware of these dynamics and irregularities at the county level.Less
This chapter explores the members’ involvement with the provincial councils to identify the patterns in member participation. These councils handled majority of the local administrative and judiciary issues, yet they did not keep meeting minutes. Their copy registers, where they kept a copy of their correspondence, serve as the single most important source on the members’ participation in the politics of Ottoman administration. When read against the provincial yearbooks that provided a detailed account of the composition of Vidin’s judicio-administrative sphere, the changes and irregularities in the local record keeping procedures and the structure of the written entries reveal details of council members’ attendance and participation. The main argument of the chapter is that council members did not participate in the meetings regularly and equally. Rather, political groupings among the members, reflective of the provincial dynamics among notable families, affected the members’ level of participation, occasionally resulting in irregularities. Furthermore, higher-ranking officials at the provincial administration seem to be aware of these dynamics and irregularities at the county level.
Kit Morrell
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198755142
- eISBN:
- 9780191816512
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198755142.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This book examines attempts to improve provincial governance from 70–50, particularly the contributions of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus and the younger Marcus Porcius Cato. It contends that Romans of the ...
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This book examines attempts to improve provincial governance from 70–50, particularly the contributions of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus and the younger Marcus Porcius Cato. It contends that Romans of the late republic were more concerned about the problems of their empire than is generally recognized, and were taking steps to address them. These efforts ranged well beyond the sanctions of the extortion law to encompass show trials, exemplary governance, and ideas drawn from moral philosophy, culminating in 52–50 in a reform programme which combined what Cicero called ‘Cato’s policy’ of ethical governance with Pompey’s lex de provinciis, a law which transformed the very nature of provincial command. The book also demonstrates that Pompey and Cato, two figures usually seen as combatants, were capable of collaborating in the cause of reform. The opening chapters examine Pompey’s engagement with problems of imperial governance in his first consulship and in his eastern campaigns, and Cato’s Stoic view of empire. Next, attention turns to the extortion law passed by Julius Caesar in 59 and subsequent attempts by Pompey and Cato to extend its penalties to equestrian officials. The final chapters detail the aims, context, legislative framework, and implementation of the reform programme pursued by Pompey, Cato, and others in 52–50, from the catalyzing effect of Marcus Crassus’ defeat in Parthia to Cato and Cicero’s efforts to promote a new ethos of provincial governance. This programme was cut short by civil war, but provided an important model for Augustus’ reforms.Less
This book examines attempts to improve provincial governance from 70–50, particularly the contributions of Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus and the younger Marcus Porcius Cato. It contends that Romans of the late republic were more concerned about the problems of their empire than is generally recognized, and were taking steps to address them. These efforts ranged well beyond the sanctions of the extortion law to encompass show trials, exemplary governance, and ideas drawn from moral philosophy, culminating in 52–50 in a reform programme which combined what Cicero called ‘Cato’s policy’ of ethical governance with Pompey’s lex de provinciis, a law which transformed the very nature of provincial command. The book also demonstrates that Pompey and Cato, two figures usually seen as combatants, were capable of collaborating in the cause of reform. The opening chapters examine Pompey’s engagement with problems of imperial governance in his first consulship and in his eastern campaigns, and Cato’s Stoic view of empire. Next, attention turns to the extortion law passed by Julius Caesar in 59 and subsequent attempts by Pompey and Cato to extend its penalties to equestrian officials. The final chapters detail the aims, context, legislative framework, and implementation of the reform programme pursued by Pompey, Cato, and others in 52–50, from the catalyzing effect of Marcus Crassus’ defeat in Parthia to Cato and Cicero’s efforts to promote a new ethos of provincial governance. This programme was cut short by civil war, but provided an important model for Augustus’ reforms.
Howard Pashman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226334356
- eISBN:
- 9780226540573
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226540573.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
Chapter two examines how in the early months of the war, New Yorkers started to develop the authority of a revolutionary state. By spring 1776, New York's colonial government had collapsed: its ...
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Chapter two examines how in the early months of the war, New Yorkers started to develop the authority of a revolutionary state. By spring 1776, New York's colonial government had collapsed: its courts had ceased convening, the legislature no longer met, and the governor had fled to a British ship in New York Harbor. Local committees and other extra-legal groups emerged in the absence of central institutions. The British invaded New York City in the summer of 1776, spreading fear and confusion as people fled in all directions to escape the fighting. During this chaotic time, New York's provisional government created an ideological police force called the Committee for Detecting and Defeating Conspiracies. New Yorkers, desperate to stop people from collaborating with the invading army, came forward to help the Committee round up suspected British sympathizers, put them in jail, and send them to other provinces without any trial or investigation. This enforcement without due process resonated with New Yorkers who feared British sympathizers were helping the invading army. The policies of mass arrests and deportation to other provinces proved unsustainable. However, those policies had the surprising effect of beginning to consolidate the authority of a revolutionary state.Less
Chapter two examines how in the early months of the war, New Yorkers started to develop the authority of a revolutionary state. By spring 1776, New York's colonial government had collapsed: its courts had ceased convening, the legislature no longer met, and the governor had fled to a British ship in New York Harbor. Local committees and other extra-legal groups emerged in the absence of central institutions. The British invaded New York City in the summer of 1776, spreading fear and confusion as people fled in all directions to escape the fighting. During this chaotic time, New York's provisional government created an ideological police force called the Committee for Detecting and Defeating Conspiracies. New Yorkers, desperate to stop people from collaborating with the invading army, came forward to help the Committee round up suspected British sympathizers, put them in jail, and send them to other provinces without any trial or investigation. This enforcement without due process resonated with New Yorkers who feared British sympathizers were helping the invading army. The policies of mass arrests and deportation to other provinces proved unsustainable. However, those policies had the surprising effect of beginning to consolidate the authority of a revolutionary state.
Thomas L. Ahern
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125619
- eISBN:
- 9780813135342
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125619.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The innovative aspects of the intelligence collection and exploitation staff (ICEX) system, or the Phoenix program, included the action capability that the Quang Nam team and Walter Roberts had built ...
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The innovative aspects of the intelligence collection and exploitation staff (ICEX) system, or the Phoenix program, included the action capability that the Quang Nam team and Walter Roberts had built into the District Intelligence and Operations Coordination Center when they assigned it a Provincial Reconnaissance Unit. In Robert Komer's view, the proposed structure would generate the integrated, organized attack on the Viet Cong infrastructure which had not been mounted. In addition to better intelligence coordination and more effective use of information, Komer expected ICEX to address two other perennial problems. One was the disorderly administrative and judicial processing of Viet Cong prisoners, with the attendant difficulty of tracking their disposition. Implementing ICEX meant a substantial change in the command arrangement governing military advisers, and Komer needed General William Westmoreland's approval.Less
The innovative aspects of the intelligence collection and exploitation staff (ICEX) system, or the Phoenix program, included the action capability that the Quang Nam team and Walter Roberts had built into the District Intelligence and Operations Coordination Center when they assigned it a Provincial Reconnaissance Unit. In Robert Komer's view, the proposed structure would generate the integrated, organized attack on the Viet Cong infrastructure which had not been mounted. In addition to better intelligence coordination and more effective use of information, Komer expected ICEX to address two other perennial problems. One was the disorderly administrative and judicial processing of Viet Cong prisoners, with the attendant difficulty of tracking their disposition. Implementing ICEX meant a substantial change in the command arrangement governing military advisers, and Komer needed General William Westmoreland's approval.
Frank M. Snowden
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300108996
- eISBN:
- 9780300128437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300108996.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
This chapter discusses a new stage in the world history of malaria began in the midst of the emergency that had engulfed the Pontine Marshes. In June 1945, Alberto Missiroli announced in a speech to ...
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This chapter discusses a new stage in the world history of malaria began in the midst of the emergency that had engulfed the Pontine Marshes. In June 1945, Alberto Missiroli announced in a speech to the Provincial Antimalarial Committee (CPA), over which he presided, the availability of the new and magic weapon of DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane). It was so powerful that he predicted to a dubious audience that within five years malaria would be vanquished both locally in Littoria and throughout Italy. In this unexpected declaration, Missiroli had proclaimed the beginning of a new era in malariology that was to last for a generation. It was characterized by American dominance, euphoric optimism, and reliance on DDT to slay the hydra of malaria.Less
This chapter discusses a new stage in the world history of malaria began in the midst of the emergency that had engulfed the Pontine Marshes. In June 1945, Alberto Missiroli announced in a speech to the Provincial Antimalarial Committee (CPA), over which he presided, the availability of the new and magic weapon of DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane). It was so powerful that he predicted to a dubious audience that within five years malaria would be vanquished both locally in Littoria and throughout Italy. In this unexpected declaration, Missiroli had proclaimed the beginning of a new era in malariology that was to last for a generation. It was characterized by American dominance, euphoric optimism, and reliance on DDT to slay the hydra of malaria.
Jennifer Prah Ruger
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469630359
- eISBN:
- 9781469630373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630359.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter discusses challenges of global health inequalities in the current global health policy system. It then describes provincial globalism and a shared health governance framework as ...
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This chapter discusses challenges of global health inequalities in the current global health policy system. It then describes provincial globalism and a shared health governance framework as approaches to these challenges. Moral philosophers have for some time argued that global poverty and associated human suffering are universal concerns and that there is a moral obligation, beyond matters of charity, for wealthier countries to do more. Being serious about addressing the problem of global health inequalities requires developing a conception of global health justice. Moreover, addressing global health inequalities requires a reexamination of the norms and principles underlying global institutions in order to offer proposals for a better global health policy. This chapter sketches analytical components of provincial globalism, a framework that takes individuals to be the moral unit in both domestic and global contexts and that improves the prospects of alleviating global health inequalities. Provincial globalism promotes the realization of individuals’ health capabilities and supports a shared health governance that enables institutions to reexamine the objectives, policy goals, and decision-making procedures of the global health architecture. Shared health governance, in turn, provides standards for regulating global and domestic institutions and practices to create the conditions for realizing individuals’ health capabilities.Less
This chapter discusses challenges of global health inequalities in the current global health policy system. It then describes provincial globalism and a shared health governance framework as approaches to these challenges. Moral philosophers have for some time argued that global poverty and associated human suffering are universal concerns and that there is a moral obligation, beyond matters of charity, for wealthier countries to do more. Being serious about addressing the problem of global health inequalities requires developing a conception of global health justice. Moreover, addressing global health inequalities requires a reexamination of the norms and principles underlying global institutions in order to offer proposals for a better global health policy. This chapter sketches analytical components of provincial globalism, a framework that takes individuals to be the moral unit in both domestic and global contexts and that improves the prospects of alleviating global health inequalities. Provincial globalism promotes the realization of individuals’ health capabilities and supports a shared health governance that enables institutions to reexamine the objectives, policy goals, and decision-making procedures of the global health architecture. Shared health governance, in turn, provides standards for regulating global and domestic institutions and practices to create the conditions for realizing individuals’ health capabilities.
