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Offers some thoughts about the idea of trusteeship and its place in the history of international society. The first section, Unity, Progress, and Perfection of Humankind, puts forward the claim that trusteeship is a historic idea that is distinctive of a particular time and place, and, specifically, that it is intelligible in relation to other ideas that are especially characteristic of the Enlightenment. Thus, trusteeship discloses moral excellence, and indeed obtains powerful justification, when it contributes to the unity, progress, and perfection of the human family. The second section, A Society of States and a Family of Peoples, argues that these ideas call forth an understanding of international life that conceives international society and human society as forming a perfect identity, and which is underwritten by the duty that we should act so as to secure the good of our fellows. The third section, The Limit of Obligation, considers the limits of this duty, and concludes that in seeking the good of our fellows we must stop short of treating people paternally. This conclusion casts a pall of doubt on the legitimacy of trusteeship in contemporary international society, even when it is aimed at protecting fundamental human rights, because it proposes to treat an equal unequally—indeed, trusteeship is morally objectionable because it offends the irreducible sanctity of human personality by repudiating the essence of what it means to be human, a thinking and choosing agent.

The libretto of this Morality is a free adaptation of John Bunyan's allegory. The text is chiefly from Bunyan, with additions from the Psalms and other parts of the Bible. The words of Lord Lechery's song in Act Three are by Ursula Wood. For stage purposes a good deal of adaptation and simplification of the original has been necessary: thus, The Pilgrim's Progress's early domestic happiness has been omitted; his two companions, Faithful and Hopeful, do not appear; there are only three Shepherds; and Mr By-Ends has been provided with a wife. For this purpose the libretto has utilized the escape, described later, from Doubting Castle. Incidentally, the name Pilgrim is used throughout the libretto as being of more universal significance than Bunyan's title.

This chapter discusses the subsequent battle over citizenship and legal status restrictions in the Works Progress Administration (WPA), and the local implementation of those restrictions. When the WPA was first authorized in 1935, there were no citizenship or legal status restrictions for access to the program. Just as with Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), New Deal officials expressly forbade local WPA administrators from discriminating on the basis of race, color, religion, or non-citizenship. Because of these non-discrimination provisions, blacks and Mexican Americans gained unprecedented access to WPA employment. Over time, however, Congress imposed successively harsher restrictions against aliens, barring the employment of illegal aliens on WPA projects in 1936 and imposing a full ban for legal non-citizens by 1939. While these citizenship restrictions constituted the greatest challenge to aliens' access to the welfare state during this period, its impact was short-lived and its effects fell disproportionately on Mexican non-citizens.

Like Thomas Sherman’s Part 2, which rewrites The Pilgrim’s Progress to rid it of romantic ‘froth’, Bunyan’s Badman and The Holy War too could in no way be mistaken as mere ‘romances’. Despite being less critically acclaimed and less popular than The Pilgrim’s Progress, Badman and The Holy War are much more accomplished theological narratives. The Pilgrim’s Progress, Part II presents Bunyan’s ideal readers of The Pilgrim’s Progress and demonstrates that Bunyan’s theological and doctrinal beliefs did not mellow between the publication of The Pilgrim’s Progress and his Part II.

The enduring success of Bunyan’s allegory has been upheld largely by re-inscribing it as a universally religious or moralistic book rather than one that deals strictly with Bunyan’s Calvinist theology of grace, as in the anonymous Part 3 of The Pilgrim’s Progress or Alcott’s Little Women. Only by returning Bunyan’s theology to the text, in ways often avoided by Bunyan’s literary commentators, can The Pilgrim’s Progress be recognized as a work holding more radical, nonconformist literary implications.

This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The Alliance for Progress was vital to American national security interest in Latin America: it was formed to democratize authoritarian regimes and address the challenge of communism in the region. The chapter first provides a background on the Alliance for Progress, with emphasis on its linkage of socioeconomic to political reform, before discussing the Kennedy administration's justification for the program insofar as effecting fundamental change in Latin America was concerned. It also considers the reasons why the Alliance for Progress's proclaimed goal of promoting democracy in Latin America did not come to fruition, including Washington's failure to support land reform. The United States' experiences with Chile and the Dominican Republic illustrate the failure of the Alliance for Progress.

This chapter explores the fundamental characteristics of the overall plan for the “homogenization” of Anatolia. Having initially devised and implemented a plan before the First World War to free themselves of non-Turkish elements in the Aegean region, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) then, under the cover of war, expanded this plan to include all of Anatolia. The primary goal of this project was a conscious reshaping of the region's demographic character on the basis of its Muslim Turkish population. The two main pillars of this policy, which can be characterized as the government's population and resettlement policy, were as follows: the first entailed the “cleansing” of Anatolia's non-Muslim population; the second was the assimilation of all of Anatolia's non-Turkish Muslim communities.

This chapter illustrates how the deportations left an enormous amount of abandoned Armenian property and possessions in their wake. This posed the question of what policy the government and local officials should take in regard to its preservation or liquidation. The answer of the Unionist government is highly instructive regarding the ultimate aims of their Armenian policy. On the basis of existing Interior Ministry Papers from the period, it can be asserted that the goal of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was not the resettlement of Anatolia's Armenian population and their just compensation for the property and possessions that they were forced to leave behind. Rather, the confiscation and subsequent use of Armenian property clearly demonstrated that Unionist government policy was intended to completely deprive the Armenians of all possibility of continued existence.

This chapter presumes that the forces that have established the differences of Yesterday from the Distant Past, and that still shape Today's world, will continue to exercise their role Tomorrow. Science and technology are sources of unease as we look into the future since it may be used as weapons of mass destruction. It is likely that capitalism will be the principal form of socioeconomic organization during the 21st century but some say capitalism will not last forever. Political prospects are certainly better in the advanced world. Mass political will, largely impotent during the Distant Past, has become the wild card of Today, and perhaps even more so of Tomorrow. Taken together the three forces formed the basis of an utterly new conception of the future as embodying Progress—power over nature, access to and expectations of improved material well-being, and political responsibility.

This chapter begins by taking up the constitution and ideology of the Ottoman Muslim elite at the outset of the First World War. After coming to power in 1908, the newly formed government under the direction of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) instituted a new wave of centralizing measures in the hopes of strengthening Istanbul's influence over the provinces. Central to this centralizing effort was the state's drive to manage and integrate the empire's incredibly diverse population. In order to emphasize the challenges confronting the CUP, as well as to set the stage for further discussions later on in the book, the chapter also surveys the interaction between the state and Armenians, Greeks, Albanians, and North Caucasians found in the South Marmara. Particular attention is paid to the social and political bifurcation between native Christians and immigrant Muslims, as well as internal complexities of these four communities.

This chapter examines Conrad's discursive strategy as a mode of anarchist practice enabled by the Romantic context. Against the familiar reading of Conrad's irony as a distancing strategy or as a corrosive tactic which does not allow for an authorial ethical stance, the chapter offers a reading of Conrad's ironic mode of writing in ‘The Informer’ and in related stories like ‘An Anarchist’ and ‘An Outpost of Progress’ as a cognitive structure of subjectivity, related to questions of complicity and agency and motivated by a sense of moral outrage. It is the Romantic sense of an ‘explanatory collapse’ which triggers the use of irony not as a rhetorical device, but as an intensely self-reflective mode of subjectivity which constantly undermines and transcends itself.

This chapter criticizes Anglo-American poet W. H. Auden's translation of the opera The Rake's Progress, Magic Flute, and Don Giovanni. It suggests that Auden's translation of the opera has given the lie to his earlier pronouncements that the verses which the librettist writes are not addressed to the public but are really a private letter to the composer and that in opera the orchestra is addressed to the singers not to the audience. It contends that The Rake's Progress has overcome the label of being merely an exercise in imitation because its music, especially music wedded to words, offered a chance for something different.

This chapter locates the origins of home care as a distinct occupation in the visiting housekeeper programs of the New Deal. With private social welfare agencies and public hospitals reeling from the Great Depression, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) provided jobs for unemployed middle-aged women, mostly African American, to substitute for incapacitated mothers as a form of reverse foster care and attend to chronically ill and aged people in their own homes. Gender and racial divisions of labor, government funding, close cooperation between private organizations and government agencies, and provider and recipient poverty shaped the home care project. While welfare administrators treated the visiting housekeeper as above the maid, Congress classified them, like family carers, as domestics excluded from labor standards and collective bargaining. Nurses determined to restrict any home care encroachment upon their responsibilities. The legacies of the New Deal persisted for the rest of the century.