William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Offers some thoughts about the idea of trusteeship and its place in the history of international society. The first section, Unity, Progress, and Perfection of Humankind, puts forward the claim that ...
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Offers some thoughts about the idea of trusteeship and its place in the history of international society. The first section, Unity, Progress, and Perfection of Humankind, puts forward the claim that trusteeship is a historic idea that is distinctive of a particular time and place, and, specifically, that it is intelligible in relation to other ideas that are especially characteristic of the Enlightenment. Thus, trusteeship discloses moral excellence, and indeed obtains powerful justification, when it contributes to the unity, progress, and perfection of the human family. The second section, A Society of States and a Family of Peoples, argues that these ideas call forth an understanding of international life that conceives international society and human society as forming a perfect identity, and which is underwritten by the duty that we should act so as to secure the good of our fellows. The third section, The Limit of Obligation, considers the limits of this duty, and concludes that in seeking the good of our fellows we must stop short of treating people paternally. This conclusion casts a pall of doubt on the legitimacy of trusteeship in contemporary international society, even when it is aimed at protecting fundamental human rights, because it proposes to treat an equal unequally—indeed, trusteeship is morally objectionable because it offends the irreducible sanctity of human personality by repudiating the essence of what it means to be human, a thinking and choosing agent.Less
Offers some thoughts about the idea of trusteeship and its place in the history of international society. The first section, Unity, Progress, and Perfection of Humankind, puts forward the claim that trusteeship is a historic idea that is distinctive of a particular time and place, and, specifically, that it is intelligible in relation to other ideas that are especially characteristic of the Enlightenment. Thus, trusteeship discloses moral excellence, and indeed obtains powerful justification, when it contributes to the unity, progress, and perfection of the human family. The second section, A Society of States and a Family of Peoples, argues that these ideas call forth an understanding of international life that conceives international society and human society as forming a perfect identity, and which is underwritten by the duty that we should act so as to secure the good of our fellows. The third section, The Limit of Obligation, considers the limits of this duty, and concludes that in seeking the good of our fellows we must stop short of treating people paternally. This conclusion casts a pall of doubt on the legitimacy of trusteeship in contemporary international society, even when it is aimed at protecting fundamental human rights, because it proposes to treat an equal unequally—indeed, trusteeship is morally objectionable because it offends the irreducible sanctity of human personality by repudiating the essence of what it means to be human, a thinking and choosing agent.
Thomas Tunstall Allcock
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176154
- eISBN:
- 9780813176185
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176154.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
When launching the Alliance for Progress in 1961, John F. Kennedy promised that this new development program would transform Latin America into a community of modern, prosperous, and politically ...
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When launching the Alliance for Progress in 1961, John F. Kennedy promised that this new development program would transform Latin America into a community of modern, prosperous, and politically stable allies. Yet, when Richard Nixon ended the program ten years later, there was more evidence of broken promises, political coups, and covert military operations than of transformative cooperation. Sandwiched between Kennedy’s and Nixon’s presidencies, Lyndon Johnson’s marked a transformative era in inter-American relations as Johnson and his chief inter-American aide, Thomas C. Mann, struggled to deliver on their predecessors’ bold promises while grappling with the demands of Cold War national security. In this first in-depth study of Johnson, Mann, and Latin America in the 1960s, Thomas Tunstall Allcock provides a nuanced and balanced assessment of two often maligned yet hugely influential policy makers during this vital period. In demonstrating that Johnson and Mann were New Dealers, keen to operate as good neighbors and support Latin American development and regional integration, Tunstall Allcock illuminates the difficulties faced by US modernization efforts. Ranging from domestic challenges from both right and left to a series of military and political crises including riots in the Panama Canal Zone and the threat of “another Cuba” in the Dominican Republic, these difficulties would be handled with wildly varying degrees of success. In Tunstall Allcock’s account, Johnson and Mann emerge as complex, rounded figures struggling to overcome a host of challenges and their own limitations even as the flaws and shortcomings of US policy are laid bare.Less
When launching the Alliance for Progress in 1961, John F. Kennedy promised that this new development program would transform Latin America into a community of modern, prosperous, and politically stable allies. Yet, when Richard Nixon ended the program ten years later, there was more evidence of broken promises, political coups, and covert military operations than of transformative cooperation. Sandwiched between Kennedy’s and Nixon’s presidencies, Lyndon Johnson’s marked a transformative era in inter-American relations as Johnson and his chief inter-American aide, Thomas C. Mann, struggled to deliver on their predecessors’ bold promises while grappling with the demands of Cold War national security. In this first in-depth study of Johnson, Mann, and Latin America in the 1960s, Thomas Tunstall Allcock provides a nuanced and balanced assessment of two often maligned yet hugely influential policy makers during this vital period. In demonstrating that Johnson and Mann were New Dealers, keen to operate as good neighbors and support Latin American development and regional integration, Tunstall Allcock illuminates the difficulties faced by US modernization efforts. Ranging from domestic challenges from both right and left to a series of military and political crises including riots in the Panama Canal Zone and the threat of “another Cuba” in the Dominican Republic, these difficulties would be handled with wildly varying degrees of success. In Tunstall Allcock’s account, Johnson and Mann emerge as complex, rounded figures struggling to overcome a host of challenges and their own limitations even as the flaws and shortcomings of US policy are laid bare.
David Manning
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195182392
- eISBN:
- 9780199851485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182392.003.0090
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
The libretto of this Morality is a free adaptation of John Bunyan's allegory. The text is chiefly from Bunyan, with additions from the Psalms and other parts of the Bible. The words of Lord Lechery's ...
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The libretto of this Morality is a free adaptation of John Bunyan's allegory. The text is chiefly from Bunyan, with additions from the Psalms and other parts of the Bible. The words of Lord Lechery's song in Act Three are by Ursula Wood. For stage purposes a good deal of adaptation and simplification of the original has been necessary: thus, The Pilgrim's Progress's early domestic happiness has been omitted; his two companions, Faithful and Hopeful, do not appear; there are only three Shepherds; and Mr By-Ends has been provided with a wife. For this purpose the libretto has utilized the escape, described later, from Doubting Castle. Incidentally, the name Pilgrim is used throughout the libretto as being of more universal significance than Bunyan's title.Less
The libretto of this Morality is a free adaptation of John Bunyan's allegory. The text is chiefly from Bunyan, with additions from the Psalms and other parts of the Bible. The words of Lord Lechery's song in Act Three are by Ursula Wood. For stage purposes a good deal of adaptation and simplification of the original has been necessary: thus, The Pilgrim's Progress's early domestic happiness has been omitted; his two companions, Faithful and Hopeful, do not appear; there are only three Shepherds; and Mr By-Ends has been provided with a wife. For this purpose the libretto has utilized the escape, described later, from Doubting Castle. Incidentally, the name Pilgrim is used throughout the libretto as being of more universal significance than Bunyan's title.
Michael Davies
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199242405
- eISBN:
- 9780191602405
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242402.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Bunyan’s theology is not obsessed with a forbidding Calvinist doctrine of predestination. Rather, his is a comfortable doctrine, in which the believer is encouraged to accept salvation through the ...
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Bunyan’s theology is not obsessed with a forbidding Calvinist doctrine of predestination. Rather, his is a comfortable doctrine, in which the believer is encouraged to accept salvation through the more accommodating terms of Bunyan’s covenant theology. Bunyan’s narrative style is informed by this doctrine, and his major works (with particular focus on Grace Abounding and The Pilgrim’s Progress) reveal a profound sensitivity to narrative and reading practices, with reading itself instrumental to spiritual instruction. The ‘graceful reading’ of the book’s title thus encompasses a Bunyan for whom grace rather than predestination is most important, as well as a Bunyan whose narrative style tests the reader by presenting narratives that must be read for something other than ‘story’ alone. As commentators tend to divorce the ‘literary’ aspects of Bunyan’s works from their Calvinism, this book suggests a more constructive way of reading his narrative and doctrinal writings, by integrating literary interpretation with their theology and by viewing them in the context of late seventeenth-century Nonconformist culture, as well as against the narrative strategies of postmodernist fiction.Less
Bunyan’s theology is not obsessed with a forbidding Calvinist doctrine of predestination. Rather, his is a comfortable doctrine, in which the believer is encouraged to accept salvation through the more accommodating terms of Bunyan’s covenant theology. Bunyan’s narrative style is informed by this doctrine, and his major works (with particular focus on Grace Abounding and The Pilgrim’s Progress) reveal a profound sensitivity to narrative and reading practices, with reading itself instrumental to spiritual instruction. The ‘graceful reading’ of the book’s title thus encompasses a Bunyan for whom grace rather than predestination is most important, as well as a Bunyan whose narrative style tests the reader by presenting narratives that must be read for something other than ‘story’ alone. As commentators tend to divorce the ‘literary’ aspects of Bunyan’s works from their Calvinism, this book suggests a more constructive way of reading his narrative and doctrinal writings, by integrating literary interpretation with their theology and by viewing them in the context of late seventeenth-century Nonconformist culture, as well as against the narrative strategies of postmodernist fiction.
Cybelle Fox
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152233
- eISBN:
- 9781400842582
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152233.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter discusses the subsequent battle over citizenship and legal status restrictions in the Works Progress Administration (WPA), and the local implementation of those restrictions. When the ...
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This chapter discusses the subsequent battle over citizenship and legal status restrictions in the Works Progress Administration (WPA), and the local implementation of those restrictions. When the WPA was first authorized in 1935, there were no citizenship or legal status restrictions for access to the program. Just as with Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), New Deal officials expressly forbade local WPA administrators from discriminating on the basis of race, color, religion, or non-citizenship. Because of these non-discrimination provisions, blacks and Mexican Americans gained unprecedented access to WPA employment. Over time, however, Congress imposed successively harsher restrictions against aliens, barring the employment of illegal aliens on WPA projects in 1936 and imposing a full ban for legal non-citizens by 1939. While these citizenship restrictions constituted the greatest challenge to aliens' access to the welfare state during this period, its impact was short-lived and its effects fell disproportionately on Mexican non-citizens.Less
This chapter discusses the subsequent battle over citizenship and legal status restrictions in the Works Progress Administration (WPA), and the local implementation of those restrictions. When the WPA was first authorized in 1935, there were no citizenship or legal status restrictions for access to the program. Just as with Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA), New Deal officials expressly forbade local WPA administrators from discriminating on the basis of race, color, religion, or non-citizenship. Because of these non-discrimination provisions, blacks and Mexican Americans gained unprecedented access to WPA employment. Over time, however, Congress imposed successively harsher restrictions against aliens, barring the employment of illegal aliens on WPA projects in 1936 and imposing a full ban for legal non-citizens by 1939. While these citizenship restrictions constituted the greatest challenge to aliens' access to the welfare state during this period, its impact was short-lived and its effects fell disproportionately on Mexican non-citizens.
Michael Davies
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199242405
- eISBN:
- 9780191602405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242402.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Like Thomas Sherman’s Part 2, which rewrites The Pilgrim’s Progress to rid it of romantic ‘froth’, Bunyan’s Badman and The Holy War too could in no way be mistaken as mere ‘romances’. Despite being ...
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Like Thomas Sherman’s Part 2, which rewrites The Pilgrim’s Progress to rid it of romantic ‘froth’, Bunyan’s Badman and The Holy War too could in no way be mistaken as mere ‘romances’. Despite being less critically acclaimed and less popular than The Pilgrim’s Progress, Badman and The Holy War are much more accomplished theological narratives. The Pilgrim’s Progress, Part II presents Bunyan’s ideal readers of The Pilgrim’s Progress and demonstrates that Bunyan’s theological and doctrinal beliefs did not mellow between the publication of The Pilgrim’s Progress and his Part II.Less
Like Thomas Sherman’s Part 2, which rewrites The Pilgrim’s Progress to rid it of romantic ‘froth’, Bunyan’s Badman and The Holy War too could in no way be mistaken as mere ‘romances’. Despite being less critically acclaimed and less popular than The Pilgrim’s Progress, Badman and The Holy War are much more accomplished theological narratives. The Pilgrim’s Progress, Part II presents Bunyan’s ideal readers of The Pilgrim’s Progress and demonstrates that Bunyan’s theological and doctrinal beliefs did not mellow between the publication of The Pilgrim’s Progress and his Part II.
Michael Davies
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199242405
- eISBN:
- 9780191602405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242402.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
The enduring success of Bunyan’s allegory has been upheld largely by re-inscribing it as a universally religious or moralistic book rather than one that deals strictly with Bunyan’s Calvinist ...
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The enduring success of Bunyan’s allegory has been upheld largely by re-inscribing it as a universally religious or moralistic book rather than one that deals strictly with Bunyan’s Calvinist theology of grace, as in the anonymous Part 3 of The Pilgrim’s Progress or Alcott’s Little Women. Only by returning Bunyan’s theology to the text, in ways often avoided by Bunyan’s literary commentators, can The Pilgrim’s Progress be recognized as a work holding more radical, nonconformist literary implications.Less
The enduring success of Bunyan’s allegory has been upheld largely by re-inscribing it as a universally religious or moralistic book rather than one that deals strictly with Bunyan’s Calvinist theology of grace, as in the anonymous Part 3 of The Pilgrim’s Progress or Alcott’s Little Women. Only by returning Bunyan’s theology to the text, in ways often avoided by Bunyan’s literary commentators, can The Pilgrim’s Progress be recognized as a work holding more radical, nonconformist literary implications.
Tony Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154923
- eISBN:
- 9781400842025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154923.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The ...
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This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The Alliance for Progress was vital to American national security interest in Latin America: it was formed to democratize authoritarian regimes and address the challenge of communism in the region. The chapter first provides a background on the Alliance for Progress, with emphasis on its linkage of socioeconomic to political reform, before discussing the Kennedy administration's justification for the program insofar as effecting fundamental change in Latin America was concerned. It also considers the reasons why the Alliance for Progress's proclaimed goal of promoting democracy in Latin America did not come to fruition, including Washington's failure to support land reform. The United States' experiences with Chile and the Dominican Republic illustrate the failure of the Alliance for Progress.Less
This chapter examines John F. Kennedy's efforts to foster democracy and social justice in Latin America during the period 1961–1965 through an initiative known as the Alliance for Progress. The Alliance for Progress was vital to American national security interest in Latin America: it was formed to democratize authoritarian regimes and address the challenge of communism in the region. The chapter first provides a background on the Alliance for Progress, with emphasis on its linkage of socioeconomic to political reform, before discussing the Kennedy administration's justification for the program insofar as effecting fundamental change in Latin America was concerned. It also considers the reasons why the Alliance for Progress's proclaimed goal of promoting democracy in Latin America did not come to fruition, including Washington's failure to support land reform. The United States' experiences with Chile and the Dominican Republic illustrate the failure of the Alliance for Progress.
Taner Akçam
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153339
- eISBN:
- 9781400841844
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153339.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter explores the fundamental characteristics of the overall plan for the “homogenization” of Anatolia. Having initially devised and implemented a plan before the First World War to free ...
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This chapter explores the fundamental characteristics of the overall plan for the “homogenization” of Anatolia. Having initially devised and implemented a plan before the First World War to free themselves of non-Turkish elements in the Aegean region, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) then, under the cover of war, expanded this plan to include all of Anatolia. The primary goal of this project was a conscious reshaping of the region's demographic character on the basis of its Muslim Turkish population. The two main pillars of this policy, which can be characterized as the government's population and resettlement policy, were as follows: the first entailed the “cleansing” of Anatolia's non-Muslim population; the second was the assimilation of all of Anatolia's non-Turkish Muslim communities.Less
This chapter explores the fundamental characteristics of the overall plan for the “homogenization” of Anatolia. Having initially devised and implemented a plan before the First World War to free themselves of non-Turkish elements in the Aegean region, the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) then, under the cover of war, expanded this plan to include all of Anatolia. The primary goal of this project was a conscious reshaping of the region's demographic character on the basis of its Muslim Turkish population. The two main pillars of this policy, which can be characterized as the government's population and resettlement policy, were as follows: the first entailed the “cleansing” of Anatolia's non-Muslim population; the second was the assimilation of all of Anatolia's non-Turkish Muslim communities.
Taner Akçam
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153339
- eISBN:
- 9781400841844
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153339.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter illustrates how the deportations left an enormous amount of abandoned Armenian property and possessions in their wake. This posed the question of what policy the government and local ...
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This chapter illustrates how the deportations left an enormous amount of abandoned Armenian property and possessions in their wake. This posed the question of what policy the government and local officials should take in regard to its preservation or liquidation. The answer of the Unionist government is highly instructive regarding the ultimate aims of their Armenian policy. On the basis of existing Interior Ministry Papers from the period, it can be asserted that the goal of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was not the resettlement of Anatolia's Armenian population and their just compensation for the property and possessions that they were forced to leave behind. Rather, the confiscation and subsequent use of Armenian property clearly demonstrated that Unionist government policy was intended to completely deprive the Armenians of all possibility of continued existence.Less
This chapter illustrates how the deportations left an enormous amount of abandoned Armenian property and possessions in their wake. This posed the question of what policy the government and local officials should take in regard to its preservation or liquidation. The answer of the Unionist government is highly instructive regarding the ultimate aims of their Armenian policy. On the basis of existing Interior Ministry Papers from the period, it can be asserted that the goal of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) was not the resettlement of Anatolia's Armenian population and their just compensation for the property and possessions that they were forced to leave behind. Rather, the confiscation and subsequent use of Armenian property clearly demonstrated that Unionist government policy was intended to completely deprive the Armenians of all possibility of continued existence.
Catherine A. Stewart
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626260
- eISBN:
- 9781469628295
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626260.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
From 1936 to 1939, the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration collected life stories from more than 2,300 former slaves. These narratives are now widely used as a source to ...
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From 1936 to 1939, the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration collected life stories from more than 2,300 former slaves. These narratives are now widely used as a source to understand the experience of African Americans who made the transition from slavery to freedom. But in this examination of the project and its legacy, Catherine A. Stewart shows how the WPA slave narratives were shaped by competing visions of the past, as ex-slaves' memories of bondage, emancipation, and life as freedmen and freedwomen were used to craft arguments for and against full inclusion of African Americans in society. Stewart demonstrates how project administrators, such as the folklorist John Lomax, white and black interviewers, including Zora Neale Hurston, and the ex-slaves themselves fought to shape understandings of black identity. She reveals that some influential project employees were also members of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, intent on memorializing the Old South. Stewart places ex-slaves at the center of debates over black citizenship during the New Deal to illuminate African Americans’ struggle to redefine their past and claim their future in the face of formidable opposition. Stewart sheds new light on a critically important episode in the history of race, remembrance, and the legacy of slavery in the United States, and compels readers to rethink a prominent archive used to construct that history.Less
From 1936 to 1939, the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress Administration collected life stories from more than 2,300 former slaves. These narratives are now widely used as a source to understand the experience of African Americans who made the transition from slavery to freedom. But in this examination of the project and its legacy, Catherine A. Stewart shows how the WPA slave narratives were shaped by competing visions of the past, as ex-slaves' memories of bondage, emancipation, and life as freedmen and freedwomen were used to craft arguments for and against full inclusion of African Americans in society. Stewart demonstrates how project administrators, such as the folklorist John Lomax, white and black interviewers, including Zora Neale Hurston, and the ex-slaves themselves fought to shape understandings of black identity. She reveals that some influential project employees were also members of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, intent on memorializing the Old South. Stewart places ex-slaves at the center of debates over black citizenship during the New Deal to illuminate African Americans’ struggle to redefine their past and claim their future in the face of formidable opposition. Stewart sheds new light on a critically important episode in the history of race, remembrance, and the legacy of slavery in the United States, and compels readers to rethink a prominent archive used to construct that history.
Ryan Gingeras
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199561520
- eISBN:
- 9780191721076
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561520.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter begins by taking up the constitution and ideology of the Ottoman Muslim elite at the outset of the First World War. After coming to power in 1908, the newly formed government under the ...
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This chapter begins by taking up the constitution and ideology of the Ottoman Muslim elite at the outset of the First World War. After coming to power in 1908, the newly formed government under the direction of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) instituted a new wave of centralizing measures in the hopes of strengthening Istanbul's influence over the provinces. Central to this centralizing effort was the state's drive to manage and integrate the empire's incredibly diverse population. In order to emphasize the challenges confronting the CUP, as well as to set the stage for further discussions later on in the book, the chapter also surveys the interaction between the state and Armenians, Greeks, Albanians, and North Caucasians found in the South Marmara. Particular attention is paid to the social and political bifurcation between native Christians and immigrant Muslims, as well as internal complexities of these four communities.Less
This chapter begins by taking up the constitution and ideology of the Ottoman Muslim elite at the outset of the First World War. After coming to power in 1908, the newly formed government under the direction of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) instituted a new wave of centralizing measures in the hopes of strengthening Istanbul's influence over the provinces. Central to this centralizing effort was the state's drive to manage and integrate the empire's incredibly diverse population. In order to emphasize the challenges confronting the CUP, as well as to set the stage for further discussions later on in the book, the chapter also surveys the interaction between the state and Armenians, Greeks, Albanians, and North Caucasians found in the South Marmara. Particular attention is paid to the social and political bifurcation between native Christians and immigrant Muslims, as well as internal complexities of these four communities.
Steven B. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780300198393
- eISBN:
- 9780300220988
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300198393.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
In this book, Steven Smith examines modernity as the site of a unique type of human being entirely unknown to the ancient and medieval worlds that is called the bourgeois. The characteristics and ...
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In this book, Steven Smith examines modernity as the site of a unique type of human being entirely unknown to the ancient and medieval worlds that is called the bourgeois. The characteristics and qualities attributed to this new kind of individual by writers like Descartes, Hobbes, Spinoza, Franklin, and Kant included the desire for autonomy, to live independently of custom, habit, and tradition, and to be the ultimate locus of moral responsibility. This kind of bourgeois culture that has become most fully associated with America and the American way of life was accompanied by doubts and fears. Bourgeois society was rejected by some of its leading critics as domineering and tyrannical (Marx), as tepid and cowardly (Nietzsche), and as lacking in taste and culture (Flaubert). The concept of the bourgeois slowly became the locus of scorn and as the cause of our manifold discontents. How did modernity that was once considered the locus of the free and responsible individual become associated with low-minded materialism, moral cowardice, and philistinism? This provocative book explores some of reasons for these anxieties in the works of Rousseau, Tocqueville, Flaubert, Leo Strauss, Isaiah Berlin, and Saul Bellow. The work offers a novel perspective of what it means to be modern by showing what is most characteristic of modernity are the self-criticisms and doubts that have accompanied political progress and why some of these discontents have produced movements of radical rejection.Less
In this book, Steven Smith examines modernity as the site of a unique type of human being entirely unknown to the ancient and medieval worlds that is called the bourgeois. The characteristics and qualities attributed to this new kind of individual by writers like Descartes, Hobbes, Spinoza, Franklin, and Kant included the desire for autonomy, to live independently of custom, habit, and tradition, and to be the ultimate locus of moral responsibility. This kind of bourgeois culture that has become most fully associated with America and the American way of life was accompanied by doubts and fears. Bourgeois society was rejected by some of its leading critics as domineering and tyrannical (Marx), as tepid and cowardly (Nietzsche), and as lacking in taste and culture (Flaubert). The concept of the bourgeois slowly became the locus of scorn and as the cause of our manifold discontents. How did modernity that was once considered the locus of the free and responsible individual become associated with low-minded materialism, moral cowardice, and philistinism? This provocative book explores some of reasons for these anxieties in the works of Rousseau, Tocqueville, Flaubert, Leo Strauss, Isaiah Berlin, and Saul Bellow. The work offers a novel perspective of what it means to be modern by showing what is most characteristic of modernity are the self-criticisms and doubts that have accompanied political progress and why some of these discontents have produced movements of radical rejection.
Daphna Erdinast-Vulcan
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198184997
- eISBN:
- 9780191674426
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198184997.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, European Literature
This chapter examines Conrad's discursive strategy as a mode of anarchist practice enabled by the Romantic context. Against the familiar reading of Conrad's irony as a distancing strategy or as a ...
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This chapter examines Conrad's discursive strategy as a mode of anarchist practice enabled by the Romantic context. Against the familiar reading of Conrad's irony as a distancing strategy or as a corrosive tactic which does not allow for an authorial ethical stance, the chapter offers a reading of Conrad's ironic mode of writing in ‘The Informer’ and in related stories like ‘An Anarchist’ and ‘An Outpost of Progress’ as a cognitive structure of subjectivity, related to questions of complicity and agency and motivated by a sense of moral outrage. It is the Romantic sense of an ‘explanatory collapse’ which triggers the use of irony not as a rhetorical device, but as an intensely self-reflective mode of subjectivity which constantly undermines and transcends itself.Less
This chapter examines Conrad's discursive strategy as a mode of anarchist practice enabled by the Romantic context. Against the familiar reading of Conrad's irony as a distancing strategy or as a corrosive tactic which does not allow for an authorial ethical stance, the chapter offers a reading of Conrad's ironic mode of writing in ‘The Informer’ and in related stories like ‘An Anarchist’ and ‘An Outpost of Progress’ as a cognitive structure of subjectivity, related to questions of complicity and agency and motivated by a sense of moral outrage. It is the Romantic sense of an ‘explanatory collapse’ which triggers the use of irony not as a rhetorical device, but as an intensely self-reflective mode of subjectivity which constantly undermines and transcends itself.
Robert Heilbroner
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195102864
- eISBN:
- 9780199854974
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195102864.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Behavioural Economics
This chapter presumes that the forces that have established the differences of Yesterday from the Distant Past, and that still shape Today's world, will continue to exercise their role Tomorrow. ...
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This chapter presumes that the forces that have established the differences of Yesterday from the Distant Past, and that still shape Today's world, will continue to exercise their role Tomorrow. Science and technology are sources of unease as we look into the future since it may be used as weapons of mass destruction. It is likely that capitalism will be the principal form of socioeconomic organization during the 21st century but some say capitalism will not last forever. Political prospects are certainly better in the advanced world. Mass political will, largely impotent during the Distant Past, has become the wild card of Today, and perhaps even more so of Tomorrow. Taken together the three forces formed the basis of an utterly new conception of the future as embodying Progress—power over nature, access to and expectations of improved material well-being, and political responsibility.Less
This chapter presumes that the forces that have established the differences of Yesterday from the Distant Past, and that still shape Today's world, will continue to exercise their role Tomorrow. Science and technology are sources of unease as we look into the future since it may be used as weapons of mass destruction. It is likely that capitalism will be the principal form of socioeconomic organization during the 21st century but some say capitalism will not last forever. Political prospects are certainly better in the advanced world. Mass political will, largely impotent during the Distant Past, has become the wild card of Today, and perhaps even more so of Tomorrow. Taken together the three forces formed the basis of an utterly new conception of the future as embodying Progress—power over nature, access to and expectations of improved material well-being, and political responsibility.
CHRISTOPHER MORASH
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198182795
- eISBN:
- 9780191673887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198182795.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
The sanctification of the idea of progress in the mid-19th century has a direct bearing on the writing of the Irish Famine. In Ireland the situation was very different. Famine Ireland was decidedly ...
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The sanctification of the idea of progress in the mid-19th century has a direct bearing on the writing of the Irish Famine. In Ireland the situation was very different. Famine Ireland was decidedly an ‘enemy’ of progress, and was therefore to be treated as such. The assault on the idea of progress which the Famine constituted is registered in the texts of those who considered themselves to be on the side of progress. With the disappearance of the visible signifiers of material progress — railways, sanitation, the rituals of civil society — the idea of progress itself begins to unravel and with it the progressive linearity of time and history. As these images suggest, the violence on an idea is real violence. ‘In order to advance to the city of the future’, writes John Bagnell in The Idea of Progress, ‘we must have a force and a lever. Man is the force, and the lever is the idea of Progress’.Less
The sanctification of the idea of progress in the mid-19th century has a direct bearing on the writing of the Irish Famine. In Ireland the situation was very different. Famine Ireland was decidedly an ‘enemy’ of progress, and was therefore to be treated as such. The assault on the idea of progress which the Famine constituted is registered in the texts of those who considered themselves to be on the side of progress. With the disappearance of the visible signifiers of material progress — railways, sanitation, the rituals of civil society — the idea of progress itself begins to unravel and with it the progressive linearity of time and history. As these images suggest, the violence on an idea is real violence. ‘In order to advance to the city of the future’, writes John Bagnell in The Idea of Progress, ‘we must have a force and a lever. Man is the force, and the lever is the idea of Progress’.
Willard Spiegelman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195368130
- eISBN:
- 9780199852192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368130.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Poetry
This chapter criticizes Anglo-American poet W. H. Auden's translation of the opera The Rake's Progress, Magic Flute, and Don Giovanni. It suggests that Auden's translation of the opera has given the ...
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This chapter criticizes Anglo-American poet W. H. Auden's translation of the opera The Rake's Progress, Magic Flute, and Don Giovanni. It suggests that Auden's translation of the opera has given the lie to his earlier pronouncements that the verses which the librettist writes are not addressed to the public but are really a private letter to the composer and that in opera the orchestra is addressed to the singers not to the audience. It contends that The Rake's Progress has overcome the label of being merely an exercise in imitation because its music, especially music wedded to words, offered a chance for something different.Less
This chapter criticizes Anglo-American poet W. H. Auden's translation of the opera The Rake's Progress, Magic Flute, and Don Giovanni. It suggests that Auden's translation of the opera has given the lie to his earlier pronouncements that the verses which the librettist writes are not addressed to the public but are really a private letter to the composer and that in opera the orchestra is addressed to the singers not to the audience. It contends that The Rake's Progress has overcome the label of being merely an exercise in imitation because its music, especially music wedded to words, offered a chance for something different.
Frank Palmeri
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175166
- eISBN:
- 9780231541282
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175166.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
Frank Palmeri sees the conjectural histories of Rousseau, Hume, Herder, and other Enlightenment philosophers as a template for the development of the social sciences in the nineteenth and early ...
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Frank Palmeri sees the conjectural histories of Rousseau, Hume, Herder, and other Enlightenment philosophers as a template for the development of the social sciences in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Without documents or memorials, these thinkers, he argues, employed conjecture to formulate a naturalistic account of society’s commercial and secular progression. Palmeri finds evidence of speculative frameworks in the political economy of Malthus, Martineau, Mill, and Marx. He traces the influence of speculative thought in the development of anthropology and ethnography in the 1860s, the foundational sociology of Comte and Spencer, and the sociology of religion pioneered by Weber, Durkheim, and Freud. Conjectural histories reveal a surprising ambivalence toward progress, modernity, and secularization among leading thinkers of the time, an attitude that affected texts as varied as Darwin’s Descent of Man, Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morality, and the novels of Walter Scott, George Eliot, and H.G. Wells. Establishing the critical value of conjectural thinking in the study of modern forms of knowledge, Palmeri concludes his investigation with its return in the work of Foucault and in recent histories on early religion, political organization, and material life.Less
Frank Palmeri sees the conjectural histories of Rousseau, Hume, Herder, and other Enlightenment philosophers as a template for the development of the social sciences in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Without documents or memorials, these thinkers, he argues, employed conjecture to formulate a naturalistic account of society’s commercial and secular progression. Palmeri finds evidence of speculative frameworks in the political economy of Malthus, Martineau, Mill, and Marx. He traces the influence of speculative thought in the development of anthropology and ethnography in the 1860s, the foundational sociology of Comte and Spencer, and the sociology of religion pioneered by Weber, Durkheim, and Freud. Conjectural histories reveal a surprising ambivalence toward progress, modernity, and secularization among leading thinkers of the time, an attitude that affected texts as varied as Darwin’s Descent of Man, Nietzsche’s Genealogy of Morality, and the novels of Walter Scott, George Eliot, and H.G. Wells. Establishing the critical value of conjectural thinking in the study of modern forms of knowledge, Palmeri concludes his investigation with its return in the work of Foucault and in recent histories on early religion, political organization, and material life.
Eileen Boris and Jennifer Klein
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195329117
- eISBN:
- 9780199949496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195329117.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter locates the origins of home care as a distinct occupation in the visiting housekeeper programs of the New Deal. With private social welfare agencies and public hospitals reeling from the ...
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This chapter locates the origins of home care as a distinct occupation in the visiting housekeeper programs of the New Deal. With private social welfare agencies and public hospitals reeling from the Great Depression, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) provided jobs for unemployed middle-aged women, mostly African American, to substitute for incapacitated mothers as a form of reverse foster care and attend to chronically ill and aged people in their own homes. Gender and racial divisions of labor, government funding, close cooperation between private organizations and government agencies, and provider and recipient poverty shaped the home care project. While welfare administrators treated the visiting housekeeper as above the maid, Congress classified them, like family carers, as domestics excluded from labor standards and collective bargaining. Nurses determined to restrict any home care encroachment upon their responsibilities. The legacies of the New Deal persisted for the rest of the century.Less
This chapter locates the origins of home care as a distinct occupation in the visiting housekeeper programs of the New Deal. With private social welfare agencies and public hospitals reeling from the Great Depression, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) provided jobs for unemployed middle-aged women, mostly African American, to substitute for incapacitated mothers as a form of reverse foster care and attend to chronically ill and aged people in their own homes. Gender and racial divisions of labor, government funding, close cooperation between private organizations and government agencies, and provider and recipient poverty shaped the home care project. While welfare administrators treated the visiting housekeeper as above the maid, Congress classified them, like family carers, as domestics excluded from labor standards and collective bargaining. Nurses determined to restrict any home care encroachment upon their responsibilities. The legacies of the New Deal persisted for the rest of the century.
Thomas C. Jr. Field
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452604
- eISBN:
- 9780801470455
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452604.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
During the most idealistic years of John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress development program, Bolivia was the highest per capita recipient of U.S. foreign aid in Latin America. Nonetheless, ...
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During the most idealistic years of John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress development program, Bolivia was the highest per capita recipient of U.S. foreign aid in Latin America. Nonetheless, Washington's modernization programs in early 1960s Bolivia ended up on a collision course with important sectors of the country's civil society, including radical workers, rebellious students, and a plethora of rightwing and leftwing political parties. This book reconstructs the untold story of USAID's first years in Bolivia, including the country's 1964 military coup d'ètat. The book draws heavily on local sources to demonstrate that Bolivia's turn toward anti-communist, development-oriented dictatorship was the logical and practical culmination of the military-led modernization paradigm that provided the liberal underpinnings of Kennedy's Alliance for Progress. In the process, the book explores several underappreciated aspects of Cold War liberal internationalism: the tendency of “development” to encourage authoritarian solutions to political unrest, the connection between modernization theories and the rise of Third World armed forces, and the intimacy between USAID and CIA covert operations. At the same time, the book challenges the conventional dichotomy between ideology and strategy in international politics, and it engages with a growing literature on development as a key rubric for understanding the interconnected processes of decolonization and the Cold War.Less
During the most idealistic years of John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress development program, Bolivia was the highest per capita recipient of U.S. foreign aid in Latin America. Nonetheless, Washington's modernization programs in early 1960s Bolivia ended up on a collision course with important sectors of the country's civil society, including radical workers, rebellious students, and a plethora of rightwing and leftwing political parties. This book reconstructs the untold story of USAID's first years in Bolivia, including the country's 1964 military coup d'ètat. The book draws heavily on local sources to demonstrate that Bolivia's turn toward anti-communist, development-oriented dictatorship was the logical and practical culmination of the military-led modernization paradigm that provided the liberal underpinnings of Kennedy's Alliance for Progress. In the process, the book explores several underappreciated aspects of Cold War liberal internationalism: the tendency of “development” to encourage authoritarian solutions to political unrest, the connection between modernization theories and the rise of Third World armed forces, and the intimacy between USAID and CIA covert operations. At the same time, the book challenges the conventional dichotomy between ideology and strategy in international politics, and it engages with a growing literature on development as a key rubric for understanding the interconnected processes of decolonization and the Cold War.
