Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King analyses segregation in federal prisons—institutions that he argues reproduced segregationist pressures ever since the 1930 establishment of the Bureau of Prisons through the 1960s, even in ...
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King analyses segregation in federal prisons—institutions that he argues reproduced segregationist pressures ever since the 1930 establishment of the Bureau of Prisons through the 1960s, even in those penitentiaries located in parts of the country outside the South. After discussing the origins of federal penitentiaries, King presents a statistical profile and racial composition of inmates in federal prisons before the legal ‘separate but equal’ doctrine. He then considers how the segregated system operated in federal prisons and how attempts at integration were carried out.Less
King analyses segregation in federal prisons—institutions that he argues reproduced segregationist pressures ever since the 1930 establishment of the Bureau of Prisons through the 1960s, even in those penitentiaries located in parts of the country outside the South. After discussing the origins of federal penitentiaries, King presents a statistical profile and racial composition of inmates in federal prisons before the legal ‘separate but equal’ doctrine. He then considers how the segregated system operated in federal prisons and how attempts at integration were carried out.
Mike Hough, Rob Allen, and Enver Solomon (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847421104
- eISBN:
- 9781447303657
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847421104.001.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Crime and Justice
This book is a response to controversial proposals for prisons and sentencing set out in by Lord Patrick Carter's ‘Review of Prisons’, published in 2007. The Carter review proposed the construction ...
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This book is a response to controversial proposals for prisons and sentencing set out in by Lord Patrick Carter's ‘Review of Prisons’, published in 2007. The Carter review proposed the construction of vast ‘Titan’ prisons to deal with the immediate problem of prison overcrowding, the establishment of a Sentencing Commission as a mechanism for keeping judicial demand for prison places in line with supply, along with further use of the private sector, including private-sector management methods. The book comprises nine chapters by academic experts, who expose these proposals to critical scrutiny. Chapters take the Carter Report to task for construing the problems too narrowly, in terms of efficiency and economy, and for failing to understand the wider issues of justice that need addressing. They argue that the crisis of prison overcrowding is first and foremost a political problem – arising from penal populism – for which political solutions need to be found.Less
This book is a response to controversial proposals for prisons and sentencing set out in by Lord Patrick Carter's ‘Review of Prisons’, published in 2007. The Carter review proposed the construction of vast ‘Titan’ prisons to deal with the immediate problem of prison overcrowding, the establishment of a Sentencing Commission as a mechanism for keeping judicial demand for prison places in line with supply, along with further use of the private sector, including private-sector management methods. The book comprises nine chapters by academic experts, who expose these proposals to critical scrutiny. Chapters take the Carter Report to task for construing the problems too narrowly, in terms of efficiency and economy, and for failing to understand the wider issues of justice that need addressing. They argue that the crisis of prison overcrowding is first and foremost a political problem – arising from penal populism – for which political solutions need to be found.
Zoe A. Colley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813042411
- eISBN:
- 9780813043050
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813042411.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, thousands of people were incarcerated in southern jails as a result of their involvement with the civil rights movement. This book follows those activists inside ...
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During the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, thousands of people were incarcerated in southern jails as a result of their involvement with the civil rights movement. This book follows those activists inside the jail cell to explore the trials and tribulations of life as a civil rights prisoner. It highlights the conditions inside southern jails, activists’ interactions with “ordinary” prisoners, and the importance of race and gender in shaping the prisoners’ treatment. It also reveals how, beyond the jail cell, the movement sought to counter such repression via an ideology that embraced imprisonment as a mark of honor and a statement of resistance, while also seeking to fill the jails and thereby place financial pressure upon local government; this was encapsulated in the term “jail-no-bail.” Organizations and individuals regularly testified to the importance of incarceration as a form of induction into the movement. However, after 1963, as activists faced increasingly serious charges and served longer sentences, many struggled to maintain their commitment to the philosophy behind jail-no-bail. Beneath movement rhetoric, activists found that the earlier exuberance for jail sentences did not fit with the conditions under which they worked. Ain’t Scared of Your Jail concludes by examining the shift toward black power in the post-1965 era and demonstrates how activists, now freed from an earlier focus upon integration and respectability, began to challenge mainstream definitions of criminality to claim that black prisoners were not so much criminals as victims of a racist social structure.Less
During the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, thousands of people were incarcerated in southern jails as a result of their involvement with the civil rights movement. This book follows those activists inside the jail cell to explore the trials and tribulations of life as a civil rights prisoner. It highlights the conditions inside southern jails, activists’ interactions with “ordinary” prisoners, and the importance of race and gender in shaping the prisoners’ treatment. It also reveals how, beyond the jail cell, the movement sought to counter such repression via an ideology that embraced imprisonment as a mark of honor and a statement of resistance, while also seeking to fill the jails and thereby place financial pressure upon local government; this was encapsulated in the term “jail-no-bail.” Organizations and individuals regularly testified to the importance of incarceration as a form of induction into the movement. However, after 1963, as activists faced increasingly serious charges and served longer sentences, many struggled to maintain their commitment to the philosophy behind jail-no-bail. Beneath movement rhetoric, activists found that the earlier exuberance for jail sentences did not fit with the conditions under which they worked. Ain’t Scared of Your Jail concludes by examining the shift toward black power in the post-1965 era and demonstrates how activists, now freed from an earlier focus upon integration and respectability, began to challenge mainstream definitions of criminality to claim that black prisoners were not so much criminals as victims of a racist social structure.
Damien M. Sojoyner
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816697533
- eISBN:
- 9781452955230
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816697533.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
First Strike is an ambitious project that utilizes a multi-method approach to gain insight into the confluence between public education and prison. It takes an unique perspective and delves into the ...
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First Strike is an ambitious project that utilizes a multi-method approach to gain insight into the confluence between public education and prison. It takes an unique perspective and delves into the root causes of an ever-expansive prison system and disastrous educational policy. First Strike intervenes in a spirited public discussion on the relation of education policies and budgets, the rise of mass incarceration and permutations of racism. Policy makers, school districts and local governments have long known that there is a relationship between high incarceration rates and school failure. First Strike is the first book that demonstrates how and why that connection exists and shows in what ways school districts, cities and states have been complicit and can reverse a disturbing and needless trend.Less
First Strike is an ambitious project that utilizes a multi-method approach to gain insight into the confluence between public education and prison. It takes an unique perspective and delves into the root causes of an ever-expansive prison system and disastrous educational policy. First Strike intervenes in a spirited public discussion on the relation of education policies and budgets, the rise of mass incarceration and permutations of racism. Policy makers, school districts and local governments have long known that there is a relationship between high incarceration rates and school failure. First Strike is the first book that demonstrates how and why that connection exists and shows in what ways school districts, cities and states have been complicit and can reverse a disturbing and needless trend.
Karina Biondi
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469623405
- eISBN:
- 9781469630328
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469623405.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
The First Command of Capital (Primeiro Comando do Capital - PCC) is a São Paulo prison gang, founded in the 1990s, that has expanded into the most powerful criminal network in Brazil. Karina Biondi’s ...
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The First Command of Capital (Primeiro Comando do Capital - PCC) is a São Paulo prison gang, founded in the 1990s, that has expanded into the most powerful criminal network in Brazil. Karina Biondi’s rich ethnography of the PCC is uniquely informed by her insider-outsider status. Prior to his acquittal, Biondi’s husband was incarcerated in a PCC-dominated prison for several years. During the period of Biondi’s intense and intimate visits with her husband and her extensive fieldwork in prisons and on the streets of São Paulo, the PCC effectively controlled more than 90 percent of São Paulo’s 147 prison facilities.
Available for the first time in English, Biondi's riveting portrait of the PCC illuminates how the organization operates inside and outside of prison, creatively elaborating on a decentered, non-hierarchical, and far-reaching command system. This system challenges both the police forces against which the PCC has declared war and the methods and analytic concepts traditionally employed by social scientists concerned with organized crime, incarceration, and policing. Biondi posits that the PCC embodies a “politics of transcendence,” a group identity that is braided together with, but also autonomous from, its decentralized parts. Biondi also situates the PCC in relation to redemocratization and rampant socioeconomic inequality in Brazil, as well as to counter-state movements, crime, and punishment in the Americas.Less
The First Command of Capital (Primeiro Comando do Capital - PCC) is a São Paulo prison gang, founded in the 1990s, that has expanded into the most powerful criminal network in Brazil. Karina Biondi’s rich ethnography of the PCC is uniquely informed by her insider-outsider status. Prior to his acquittal, Biondi’s husband was incarcerated in a PCC-dominated prison for several years. During the period of Biondi’s intense and intimate visits with her husband and her extensive fieldwork in prisons and on the streets of São Paulo, the PCC effectively controlled more than 90 percent of São Paulo’s 147 prison facilities.
Available for the first time in English, Biondi's riveting portrait of the PCC illuminates how the organization operates inside and outside of prison, creatively elaborating on a decentered, non-hierarchical, and far-reaching command system. This system challenges both the police forces against which the PCC has declared war and the methods and analytic concepts traditionally employed by social scientists concerned with organized crime, incarceration, and policing. Biondi posits that the PCC embodies a “politics of transcendence,” a group identity that is braided together with, but also autonomous from, its decentralized parts. Biondi also situates the PCC in relation to redemocratization and rampant socioeconomic inequality in Brazil, as well as to counter-state movements, crime, and punishment in the Americas.
Renaud Morieux
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- November 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198723585
- eISBN:
- 9780191790379
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198723585.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Military History
War captivity is an ideal observatory to address three interrelated questions. First, I argue that in order to understand what a prisoner of war was in the eighteenth century, from a legal viewpoint, ...
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War captivity is an ideal observatory to address three interrelated questions. First, I argue that in order to understand what a prisoner of war was in the eighteenth century, from a legal viewpoint, we must forget what we know about this notion, as it has been shaped by twentieth-century international conventions. In the eighteenth century, the distinction between a prisoner of war, a hostage, a criminal and a slave was not always clear-cut, in theory and even more so in practice. Second, war captivity tells us something important about the eighteenth-century state, how it transformed itself, and why it endured. The third approach is a social history of international relations. The aim here is to understand how eighteenth-century societies were impacted by war: how the detention of foreign enemies on home soil revealed and challenged social values, representations, hierarchies, and practices. The book’s argument hinges on the experience of prisoners of war as the pivot of social relations within and outside the prison, between Britons and French and between prisoners and host communities. War does not simply destroy society, but it also creates new sorts of social ties.The book addresses a wide range of topics, such as the ethics of war, philanthropy, forced migrations, the sociology of the prison and the architecture of detention places. One of its strengths is the sheer magnitude and diversity of the archival material used, in English and in French, most of which have been little explored by other historians.Less
War captivity is an ideal observatory to address three interrelated questions. First, I argue that in order to understand what a prisoner of war was in the eighteenth century, from a legal viewpoint, we must forget what we know about this notion, as it has been shaped by twentieth-century international conventions. In the eighteenth century, the distinction between a prisoner of war, a hostage, a criminal and a slave was not always clear-cut, in theory and even more so in practice. Second, war captivity tells us something important about the eighteenth-century state, how it transformed itself, and why it endured. The third approach is a social history of international relations. The aim here is to understand how eighteenth-century societies were impacted by war: how the detention of foreign enemies on home soil revealed and challenged social values, representations, hierarchies, and practices. The book’s argument hinges on the experience of prisoners of war as the pivot of social relations within and outside the prison, between Britons and French and between prisoners and host communities. War does not simply destroy society, but it also creates new sorts of social ties.The book addresses a wide range of topics, such as the ethics of war, philanthropy, forced migrations, the sociology of the prison and the architecture of detention places. One of its strengths is the sheer magnitude and diversity of the archival material used, in English and in French, most of which have been little explored by other historians.
Leonard A. Jason
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199841851
- eISBN:
- 9780199315901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199841851.003.0003
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
In Chapter 3, I provide an overview of the complex network of health care systems, and why working with community-based coalitions is critical. This is our next principle for social change: the ...
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In Chapter 3, I provide an overview of the complex network of health care systems, and why working with community-based coalitions is critical. This is our next principle for social change: the importance of working with or creating like-minded groups who are affected by the current situation. I begin with a reflection on the closure of mental hospitals in the 1960s, which many heralded as a serious effort to bring patients back to the community. Unfortunately, this was a case of the best intentions with unintended consequences years later. It wasn’t until years afterward that researchers realized that the number of patients with mental disorders had not decreased. Worse, they were now either in prison, in nursing homes, or homeless. In this chapter, I provide a glimpse into the Oxford House coalition of recovery homes to demonstrate the potential for giving people who are disenfranchised through drugs, prison records, or mental illness the chance to take decision-making responsibilities and authority into their own hands.Less
In Chapter 3, I provide an overview of the complex network of health care systems, and why working with community-based coalitions is critical. This is our next principle for social change: the importance of working with or creating like-minded groups who are affected by the current situation. I begin with a reflection on the closure of mental hospitals in the 1960s, which many heralded as a serious effort to bring patients back to the community. Unfortunately, this was a case of the best intentions with unintended consequences years later. It wasn’t until years afterward that researchers realized that the number of patients with mental disorders had not decreased. Worse, they were now either in prison, in nursing homes, or homeless. In this chapter, I provide a glimpse into the Oxford House coalition of recovery homes to demonstrate the potential for giving people who are disenfranchised through drugs, prison records, or mental illness the chance to take decision-making responsibilities and authority into their own hands.
Laura A. Dickinson
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479842933
- eISBN:
- 9781479857609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479842933.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter responds to Debra Satz’s paper. It argues that a more expansive conception of accountability, which addresses the structural transformation of governance, includes concerns about ...
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This chapter responds to Debra Satz’s paper. It argues that a more expansive conception of accountability, which addresses the structural transformation of governance, includes concerns about distortion and equality. Through examples of security and military privatization, Dickinson maintains that such privatization has enabled the expansion of executive power and the fragmentation and diffusion of governmental authority, threats to accountability with serious consequences for democracy.Less
This chapter responds to Debra Satz’s paper. It argues that a more expansive conception of accountability, which addresses the structural transformation of governance, includes concerns about distortion and equality. Through examples of security and military privatization, Dickinson maintains that such privatization has enabled the expansion of executive power and the fragmentation and diffusion of governmental authority, threats to accountability with serious consequences for democracy.
J. L. Cassaniti
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501707995
- eISBN:
- 9781501714177
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501707995.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the ways that monks in Thailand make sense of and make use of mindfulness in the course of their everyday lives at Thai monasteries. It focuses on two monks in particular as ...
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This chapter examines the ways that monks in Thailand make sense of and make use of mindfulness in the course of their everyday lives at Thai monasteries. It focuses on two monks in particular as representative case studies: a rural wandering thudong monk in a remote monastery in “Mae Jaeng” outside of Chiang Mai, and an urban monk at the busy university monastery of Wat Suan Dok in the city. In relating the experiences of these two monks it explains some of the most common definitions of mindfulness in Thailand, as raluk dai (‘recollecting the mind’), along with some of the most common affective uses and some of the most common meditative practices to cultivate mindfulness. It also introduces some of the most well-known textual renderings of mindfulness in the region, as drawing from Thai iterations of Pali-language texts.Less
This chapter examines the ways that monks in Thailand make sense of and make use of mindfulness in the course of their everyday lives at Thai monasteries. It focuses on two monks in particular as representative case studies: a rural wandering thudong monk in a remote monastery in “Mae Jaeng” outside of Chiang Mai, and an urban monk at the busy university monastery of Wat Suan Dok in the city. In relating the experiences of these two monks it explains some of the most common definitions of mindfulness in Thailand, as raluk dai (‘recollecting the mind’), along with some of the most common affective uses and some of the most common meditative practices to cultivate mindfulness. It also introduces some of the most well-known textual renderings of mindfulness in the region, as drawing from Thai iterations of Pali-language texts.
Tanya Katerí Hernández
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479830329
- eISBN:
- 9781479840748
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479830329.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
When mixed-race persons are removed from society because they have either been arrested or convicted of a criminal offense, the criminal justice system they enter is not devoid of racial hierarchy. ...
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When mixed-race persons are removed from society because they have either been arrested or convicted of a criminal offense, the criminal justice system they enter is not devoid of racial hierarchy. In fact, there are ways in which the criminal justice system is even more explicitly racially stratified with whites as the bulk of law enforcement officers and non-whites as the disproportionate portion of arrestees and inmates. Ninety percent of those admitted to prison for drug offenses in many states are black and/or Latino, and convictions for drug offenses have been identified as the single most important cause of the explosion in incarceration rates in the United States. It is thus noteworthy to observe that mixed-race arrestees and prisoners describe their experiences of discrimination in ways that parallel the white versus non-white binary found in all other multiracial discrimination contexts.Less
When mixed-race persons are removed from society because they have either been arrested or convicted of a criminal offense, the criminal justice system they enter is not devoid of racial hierarchy. In fact, there are ways in which the criminal justice system is even more explicitly racially stratified with whites as the bulk of law enforcement officers and non-whites as the disproportionate portion of arrestees and inmates. Ninety percent of those admitted to prison for drug offenses in many states are black and/or Latino, and convictions for drug offenses have been identified as the single most important cause of the explosion in incarceration rates in the United States. It is thus noteworthy to observe that mixed-race arrestees and prisoners describe their experiences of discrimination in ways that parallel the white versus non-white binary found in all other multiracial discrimination contexts.
Jerry Flores
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520284876
- eISBN:
- 9780520960541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520284876.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
In this and other American detention centers, violence is ubiquitous, a central part of life behind bars. Most research in this area focuses on the violence that takes place among fellow inmates ...
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In this and other American detention centers, violence is ubiquitous, a central part of life behind bars. Most research in this area focuses on the violence that takes place among fellow inmates (Davis, 2003). My time observing the girls at El Valle suggests the behavior of the correctional staff contributes to violence and fighting in secure detention. In the following chapter, I demonstrate how this institution and its staff promote problematic behaviors (like fighting) and create an atmosphere where these behaviors are necessary. Encouraging these actions might help keep girls safe in detention, but it ultimately further entrenches these young women in the El Valle–Legacy Community School cycle and the larger criminal justice system, contrary to the stated goals of wraparound services. Most of the young people in this study were initially arrested for nonviolent, drug-related offenses, but they earned more time in secure confinement because of fighting. In other words, girls began participating in violent behavior after entering El Valle juvenile detention center.Less
In this and other American detention centers, violence is ubiquitous, a central part of life behind bars. Most research in this area focuses on the violence that takes place among fellow inmates (Davis, 2003). My time observing the girls at El Valle suggests the behavior of the correctional staff contributes to violence and fighting in secure detention. In the following chapter, I demonstrate how this institution and its staff promote problematic behaviors (like fighting) and create an atmosphere where these behaviors are necessary. Encouraging these actions might help keep girls safe in detention, but it ultimately further entrenches these young women in the El Valle–Legacy Community School cycle and the larger criminal justice system, contrary to the stated goals of wraparound services. Most of the young people in this study were initially arrested for nonviolent, drug-related offenses, but they earned more time in secure confinement because of fighting. In other words, girls began participating in violent behavior after entering El Valle juvenile detention center.
Gerard Noonan
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781781380260
- eISBN:
- 9781781387191
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781380260.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter studies the reaction of the authorities to the threat posed by Irish republicanism in Britain, 1919–1923. The political situation in post-war Britain and the British Empire, the context ...
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This chapter studies the reaction of the authorities to the threat posed by Irish republicanism in Britain, 1919–1923. The political situation in post-war Britain and the British Empire, the context which coloured the government's view of the republican movement, is sketched. Bolshevism was seen as particularly threatening. The means by which politicians and the police attempted to frustrate IRA gunrunning and violence during the war of independence are then examined. These are compared and contrasted with the tools their predecessors employed when wrestling with the Fenians in the 1860s and 1880s. Republicans’ experiences of the British criminal justice system – the courts and the prisons – are explored. The focus then shifts to the post-treaty and civil war periods, when the British authorities were helped by some of their former enemies in the IRA now ensconced in power in Dublin to frustrate republican activities. The author contends that the British government was slow to react to the republican threat during the war of independence and that the police found it difficult to tackle IRA violence. However, in the period following the passage of the treaty, the new Irish authorities worked reasonably well with their British counterparts to neutralize the republican menace.Less
This chapter studies the reaction of the authorities to the threat posed by Irish republicanism in Britain, 1919–1923. The political situation in post-war Britain and the British Empire, the context which coloured the government's view of the republican movement, is sketched. Bolshevism was seen as particularly threatening. The means by which politicians and the police attempted to frustrate IRA gunrunning and violence during the war of independence are then examined. These are compared and contrasted with the tools their predecessors employed when wrestling with the Fenians in the 1860s and 1880s. Republicans’ experiences of the British criminal justice system – the courts and the prisons – are explored. The focus then shifts to the post-treaty and civil war periods, when the British authorities were helped by some of their former enemies in the IRA now ensconced in power in Dublin to frustrate republican activities. The author contends that the British government was slow to react to the republican threat during the war of independence and that the police found it difficult to tackle IRA violence. However, in the period following the passage of the treaty, the new Irish authorities worked reasonably well with their British counterparts to neutralize the republican menace.
Philip Whitehead
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447343417
- eISBN:
- 9781447343455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447343417.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
After wading in the stream of history, this chapter advances a detailed examination of the other in criminology and the criminal justice system. In other words, an organisational perspective. Chapter ...
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After wading in the stream of history, this chapter advances a detailed examination of the other in criminology and the criminal justice system. In other words, an organisational perspective. Chapter two assembles a rich literature review on the subject, paying particular attention to the Eriksson edited collection: Punishing the Other (2016). Importantly, this chapter draws together the interrelated themes of crime, punishment, criminal justice, and neoliberal capitalism. It is not possible to explore the other in criminology and modernised criminal justice system without paying attention to the conditions of existence provided by the neoliberal politico-economic platform.Less
After wading in the stream of history, this chapter advances a detailed examination of the other in criminology and the criminal justice system. In other words, an organisational perspective. Chapter two assembles a rich literature review on the subject, paying particular attention to the Eriksson edited collection: Punishing the Other (2016). Importantly, this chapter draws together the interrelated themes of crime, punishment, criminal justice, and neoliberal capitalism. It is not possible to explore the other in criminology and modernised criminal justice system without paying attention to the conditions of existence provided by the neoliberal politico-economic platform.
Richard Huzzey
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780719091834
- eISBN:
- 9781781707890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719091834.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
In 1830, an article in the Monthly Repository argued that ‘the proper use of government is to teach men the true enjoyment of their liberties’. The ‘men’ in this declaration were slave-holders. And ...
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In 1830, an article in the Monthly Repository argued that ‘the proper use of government is to teach men the true enjoyment of their liberties’. The ‘men’ in this declaration were slave-holders. And the ‘true enjoyment of their liberties’ meant ‘such a degree of restraint as is necessary to prevent them from infringing on the rights of others’ – in other words, a state enforced abolition of slavery. British emancipation would restrain the slave-holders in the hope of unshackling the liberties of enslaved men, women and children. In this formulation, emancipation was both the use of state power to restrain slave-holders and the withdrawal of state power supporting the legal status of slavery in the British Empire. In this sense, the declaration encapsulated Victorians’ complex attitudes to both liberty and the state. Richard Huzzey explores the post-emancipation debates within Britain about the meanings of an “antislavery nation” and ‘freedom”.Less
In 1830, an article in the Monthly Repository argued that ‘the proper use of government is to teach men the true enjoyment of their liberties’. The ‘men’ in this declaration were slave-holders. And the ‘true enjoyment of their liberties’ meant ‘such a degree of restraint as is necessary to prevent them from infringing on the rights of others’ – in other words, a state enforced abolition of slavery. British emancipation would restrain the slave-holders in the hope of unshackling the liberties of enslaved men, women and children. In this formulation, emancipation was both the use of state power to restrain slave-holders and the withdrawal of state power supporting the legal status of slavery in the British Empire. In this sense, the declaration encapsulated Victorians’ complex attitudes to both liberty and the state. Richard Huzzey explores the post-emancipation debates within Britain about the meanings of an “antislavery nation” and ‘freedom”.
Adam Malka
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469636290
- eISBN:
- 9781469636313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636290.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter chronicles the development of police reform in Baltimore during the middle decades of the nineteenth century – the development, that is, of both a professional municipal police force and ...
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This chapter chronicles the development of police reform in Baltimore during the middle decades of the nineteenth century – the development, that is, of both a professional municipal police force and a reformative state-run penal system. Police reform grew state power in the name of liberal freedom. Reformers established the police force to protect the rights of individuals, particularly their property rights, and built prisons to remake inmates into individuals capable of possessing such rights in the first place. But this liberalism had far-reaching implications for a wide range of free Baltimoreans, particularly the white workingmen who made up the rank and file of the city’s political order. As “property holders” of wages and dependents, white workingmen deployed real power under the new system.Less
This chapter chronicles the development of police reform in Baltimore during the middle decades of the nineteenth century – the development, that is, of both a professional municipal police force and a reformative state-run penal system. Police reform grew state power in the name of liberal freedom. Reformers established the police force to protect the rights of individuals, particularly their property rights, and built prisons to remake inmates into individuals capable of possessing such rights in the first place. But this liberalism had far-reaching implications for a wide range of free Baltimoreans, particularly the white workingmen who made up the rank and file of the city’s political order. As “property holders” of wages and dependents, white workingmen deployed real power under the new system.
Adam Malka
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469636290
- eISBN:
- 9781469636313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636290.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter argues that white Baltimoreans acted on their fears of free black crime all the time, often violently and usually with the municipality’s approval. In the process, it shows that the ...
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This chapter argues that white Baltimoreans acted on their fears of free black crime all the time, often violently and usually with the municipality’s approval. In the process, it shows that the compatibility between professional and popular policing manifested not only in job-busting attacks and home invasions but also in more prosaic moments, such as when an ordinary citizen arrested a black man or protected him from harm. The public authorities were nominally engaged in a broader project of seizing legitimate force for the state alone, but the policing of free black Baltimoreans relied upon informal white power no less than it did upon formal state power. Police officers did not always protect them. Prisons did not always house them. In the age of slavery, Baltimore’s officials preferred to leave the fates of free people of color to ordinary white men. When it came to policing black people, white vigilantes were the police.Less
This chapter argues that white Baltimoreans acted on their fears of free black crime all the time, often violently and usually with the municipality’s approval. In the process, it shows that the compatibility between professional and popular policing manifested not only in job-busting attacks and home invasions but also in more prosaic moments, such as when an ordinary citizen arrested a black man or protected him from harm. The public authorities were nominally engaged in a broader project of seizing legitimate force for the state alone, but the policing of free black Baltimoreans relied upon informal white power no less than it did upon formal state power. Police officers did not always protect them. Prisons did not always house them. In the age of slavery, Baltimore’s officials preferred to leave the fates of free people of color to ordinary white men. When it came to policing black people, white vigilantes were the police.
Adam Malka
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469636290
- eISBN:
- 9781469636313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636290.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Slavery in Maryland died during the 1860s, but for all of their promise the changes also brought heartbreak. As Chapter 7 shows, black men’s acquisition of a fuller bundle of property rights and ...
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Slavery in Maryland died during the 1860s, but for all of their promise the changes also brought heartbreak. As Chapter 7 shows, black men’s acquisition of a fuller bundle of property rights and legal protections brought them into conflict with the very criminal justice system built to guard those rights and ensure those protections. White commentators scoffed at black men’s supposed indolence and bristled at their households’ apparent disorder; police officers arrested black Baltimoreans for an expanding list of crimes; and black people, black men in particular, were incarcerated at growing rates. During the years immediately following the Civil War, Baltimore’s policemen and prisons perpetrated a form of racial violence that was different from yet indicative of the violence inflicted by the old order’s vigilantes. Castigated as criminals, freedmen’s legal victories provoked a form of policing reserved for the truly free.Less
Slavery in Maryland died during the 1860s, but for all of their promise the changes also brought heartbreak. As Chapter 7 shows, black men’s acquisition of a fuller bundle of property rights and legal protections brought them into conflict with the very criminal justice system built to guard those rights and ensure those protections. White commentators scoffed at black men’s supposed indolence and bristled at their households’ apparent disorder; police officers arrested black Baltimoreans for an expanding list of crimes; and black people, black men in particular, were incarcerated at growing rates. During the years immediately following the Civil War, Baltimore’s policemen and prisons perpetrated a form of racial violence that was different from yet indicative of the violence inflicted by the old order’s vigilantes. Castigated as criminals, freedmen’s legal victories provoked a form of policing reserved for the truly free.
Karina Biondi
John F. Collins (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469623405
- eISBN:
- 9781469630328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469623405.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter presents a short and fairly standard history of the First Command of Capital (Primeiro Comando da Capital - PCC) and the individuals and spaces that will follow in successive chapters. ...
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This chapter presents a short and fairly standard history of the First Command of Capital (Primeiro Comando da Capital - PCC) and the individuals and spaces that will follow in successive chapters. Some official characteristics of the penitentiary system in São Paulo, Brazil, are intertwined with the everyday operation of the prisons and its informal (although sometimes official) aspects. This chapter introduces the way inmates rules are taught and learned by the prisoners, in order to absorb everyday practices and come to understand the importance and the central characteristics of the PCC. Biondi focuses on how to practice equality and humility without confusing it with weakness, and how it is coherent with the ideals of the PCC. The knowledge produced in these practices constitutes trul theories of prison life, and the specialists in these theories are invited to join the PCC.Less
This chapter presents a short and fairly standard history of the First Command of Capital (Primeiro Comando da Capital - PCC) and the individuals and spaces that will follow in successive chapters. Some official characteristics of the penitentiary system in São Paulo, Brazil, are intertwined with the everyday operation of the prisons and its informal (although sometimes official) aspects. This chapter introduces the way inmates rules are taught and learned by the prisoners, in order to absorb everyday practices and come to understand the importance and the central characteristics of the PCC. Biondi focuses on how to practice equality and humility without confusing it with weakness, and how it is coherent with the ideals of the PCC. The knowledge produced in these practices constitutes trul theories of prison life, and the specialists in these theories are invited to join the PCC.
Karina Biondi
John F. Collins (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469623405
- eISBN:
- 9781469630328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469623405.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
The expansion of the First Command of the Capital (PCC), making it the most powerful criminal network in Brazil, happened after the addition of “Equality” to its “ideals”. This incorporation provoked ...
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The expansion of the First Command of the Capital (PCC), making it the most powerful criminal network in Brazil, happened after the addition of “Equality” to its “ideals”. This incorporation provoked a series of mechanisms and strategies to produce a “Command” between “equals”, nourishing a tension that infiltrates and spreads out across all the political dimensions of the PCC. This chapter examines the diverse plans through whichPCC politics operates. One of these plans mentions the PCC as transcendence, something that only exists because of their immanent forces. This approach reflects an immanentist anthropology on a transcendent construction, an anthropology that permits one to think about transcendence without imagining that it pre-exists. This PCC-as-transcendence, produced in the immanence and mixed to it, results on a decentered, non-hierarchical social formation. The PCC is thus presented as a creative social formation that challenges the concept of organized crime and offers another approach to the notion of the prison gang.Less
The expansion of the First Command of the Capital (PCC), making it the most powerful criminal network in Brazil, happened after the addition of “Equality” to its “ideals”. This incorporation provoked a series of mechanisms and strategies to produce a “Command” between “equals”, nourishing a tension that infiltrates and spreads out across all the political dimensions of the PCC. This chapter examines the diverse plans through whichPCC politics operates. One of these plans mentions the PCC as transcendence, something that only exists because of their immanent forces. This approach reflects an immanentist anthropology on a transcendent construction, an anthropology that permits one to think about transcendence without imagining that it pre-exists. This PCC-as-transcendence, produced in the immanence and mixed to it, results on a decentered, non-hierarchical social formation. The PCC is thus presented as a creative social formation that challenges the concept of organized crime and offers another approach to the notion of the prison gang.
William Murphy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199569076
- eISBN:
- 9780191747373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199569076.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The period from the summer of 1918 to the summer of 1919 marks a trough between two great waves of hunger strike protest. The period did not, however, see a respite for the General Prisons Board of ...
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The period from the summer of 1918 to the summer of 1919 marks a trough between two great waves of hunger strike protest. The period did not, however, see a respite for the General Prisons Board of Ireland and Dublin Castle. This chapter explores the ongoing attempts by separatist prisoners to undermine the Irish prison system through other forms of protest, including riot and concerted campaigns of disobedience. During 1918 the authorities collected ‘political’ prisoners at Belfast prison and it became the centre of conflict, The influenza epidemic of that year affected the prison authorities’ capacity to control this. Then, early 1919 witnessed a wider challenge across the system directed from outside, involving a range of protest methods and a series of escape attempts. These protests opened divisions among senior government officials and continued to produce local, and national, heroes and martyrs, while crowds and voters were mobilized.Less
The period from the summer of 1918 to the summer of 1919 marks a trough between two great waves of hunger strike protest. The period did not, however, see a respite for the General Prisons Board of Ireland and Dublin Castle. This chapter explores the ongoing attempts by separatist prisoners to undermine the Irish prison system through other forms of protest, including riot and concerted campaigns of disobedience. During 1918 the authorities collected ‘political’ prisoners at Belfast prison and it became the centre of conflict, The influenza epidemic of that year affected the prison authorities’ capacity to control this. Then, early 1919 witnessed a wider challenge across the system directed from outside, involving a range of protest methods and a series of escape attempts. These protests opened divisions among senior government officials and continued to produce local, and national, heroes and martyrs, while crowds and voters were mobilized.
