Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Normally, in a first past the post‐electoral system in which majority single‐party government is the rule, the sovereign has no choice as to who to call to the Palace. But, in cases of emergency—war ...
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Normally, in a first past the post‐electoral system in which majority single‐party government is the rule, the sovereign has no choice as to who to call to the Palace. But, in cases of emergency—war or economic crisis, as in 1931—the sovereign may enjoy discretion. In such circumstances, it may be necessary to create a coalition government, as in 1915, 1916, 1931, or 1940, and the sovereign's role may then be crucial. The danger is that, in using his or her discretion, the sovereign's actions may appear partisan, and the sovereign's actions will then be labelled `unconstitutional’.Less
Normally, in a first past the post‐electoral system in which majority single‐party government is the rule, the sovereign has no choice as to who to call to the Palace. But, in cases of emergency—war or economic crisis, as in 1931—the sovereign may enjoy discretion. In such circumstances, it may be necessary to create a coalition government, as in 1915, 1916, 1931, or 1940, and the sovereign's role may then be crucial. The danger is that, in using his or her discretion, the sovereign's actions may appear partisan, and the sovereign's actions will then be labelled `unconstitutional’.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung ...
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Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.Less
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The sovereign's relationship with the Commonwealth derives from Britain's imperial history. For, nearly all of the members of the Commonwealth are formerly dependent territories of the Empire, which ...
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The sovereign's relationship with the Commonwealth derives from Britain's imperial history. For, nearly all of the members of the Commonwealth are formerly dependent territories of the Empire, which chose to cooperate voluntarily on a basis of full constitutional equality. Since 1953, the Crown has been divisible, and the Queen of Britain is now also Queen of 15 other Commonwealth monarchies, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Jamaica, etc. In those countries, the functions of the sovereign are, in practice, undertaken by a Governor‐General, appointed by the sovereign on the advice of the Prime Minister of the country concerned. But, since 1949, it has been possible for members of the Commonwealth to become republics, and the majority of the member states are now republics. They must, however, recognize the sovereign as `the symbol of the free association of its independent member nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth’. But the position of Head of the Commonwealth is not an office but rather an expression of a symbolic character without any separate constitutional standing or capacity.Less
The sovereign's relationship with the Commonwealth derives from Britain's imperial history. For, nearly all of the members of the Commonwealth are formerly dependent territories of the Empire, which chose to cooperate voluntarily on a basis of full constitutional equality. Since 1953, the Crown has been divisible, and the Queen of Britain is now also Queen of 15 other Commonwealth monarchies, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Jamaica, etc. In those countries, the functions of the sovereign are, in practice, undertaken by a Governor‐General, appointed by the sovereign on the advice of the Prime Minister of the country concerned. But, since 1949, it has been possible for members of the Commonwealth to become republics, and the majority of the member states are now republics. They must, however, recognize the sovereign as `the symbol of the free association of its independent member nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth’. But the position of Head of the Commonwealth is not an office but rather an expression of a symbolic character without any separate constitutional standing or capacity.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This book provides a biography of Charles, second Earl Grey. Grey was a leading figure in the Whig party from the 1780s to the 1830s, and is best known as the Prime Minister who passed the Great ...
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This book provides a biography of Charles, second Earl Grey. Grey was a leading figure in the Whig party from the 1780s to the 1830s, and is best known as the Prime Minister who passed the Great Reform Act of 1832. As Prime Minister from 1830 to 1834, Grey saw it as his mission and duty to restore public confidence in the traditional institutions of British government, rather than to promote the cause of radical reform, which he in fact detested. The biography shows that Grey was responsible for guiding the country through a period of threatened revolution and maintaining the continuity of its political institutions. Based on an extensive range of historical sources, some hitherto unpublished, this study re-evaluates Grey's career and achievements in the light of modern scholarship, and provides an insight into his complex and troubled personality.Less
This book provides a biography of Charles, second Earl Grey. Grey was a leading figure in the Whig party from the 1780s to the 1830s, and is best known as the Prime Minister who passed the Great Reform Act of 1832. As Prime Minister from 1830 to 1834, Grey saw it as his mission and duty to restore public confidence in the traditional institutions of British government, rather than to promote the cause of radical reform, which he in fact detested. The biography shows that Grey was responsible for guiding the country through a period of threatened revolution and maintaining the continuity of its political institutions. Based on an extensive range of historical sources, some hitherto unpublished, this study re-evaluates Grey's career and achievements in the light of modern scholarship, and provides an insight into his complex and troubled personality.
Matthias Ries
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249589
- eISBN:
- 9780191600029
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924958X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Israel since its independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Israel's political history, outlines the evolution of ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Israel since its independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Israel's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary, presidential elections and elections for Prime Minister, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Israel since its independence in 1948. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Israel's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for candidates and/or parties in parliamentary, presidential elections and elections for Prime Minister, the electoral participation of political parties, the distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
David Thomas, David Carlton, and Anne Etienne
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199260287
- eISBN:
- 9780191717390
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199260287.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama
Using previously unpublished material from the National Archives, this book offers a new perspective on British cultural history. Statutory theatre censorship was first introduced in Britain by Sir ...
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Using previously unpublished material from the National Archives, this book offers a new perspective on British cultural history. Statutory theatre censorship was first introduced in Britain by Sir Robert Walpole with his Licensing Act of 1737. Previously, theatre censorship was exercised under the Royal Prerogative. Walpole's action in giving the Lord Chamberlain statutory powers of theatre censorship had the unforeseen consequence that confusion over the relationship between the Royal Prerogative and statute law would prevent any serious challenge to theatre censorship in Parliament until the 20th century. Sections outlining the political history of key periods explain why theatre censorship legislation was introduced in 1737; why attempts to reform the legislation failed in 1832, 1909, and 1949; and finally succeeded in 1968. In 1909, despite a vigorous campaign by playwrights and politicians, opposition from Edward VII helped to prevent the abolition of theatre censorship. Thereafter, resistance to change and obfuscation on the part of Home Office officials undermined attempts to abolish theatre censorship legislation until 1968. There was also strong support for theatre censorship on the part of commercial theatre managers who saw censorship as offering protection from vexatious prosecution. In 1968, although there was opposition from Elizabeth II, Lord Cobbold (her Lord Chamberlain) and Harold Wilson (her Prime Minister), the combined pressure of playwrights, directors, critics, audiences, and politicians (notably Roy Jenkins) ensured that theatre censorship was finally abolished. The book concludes by exploring whether new forms of covert censorship have replaced the statutory theatre censorship abolished with the 1968 Theatres Act.Less
Using previously unpublished material from the National Archives, this book offers a new perspective on British cultural history. Statutory theatre censorship was first introduced in Britain by Sir Robert Walpole with his Licensing Act of 1737. Previously, theatre censorship was exercised under the Royal Prerogative. Walpole's action in giving the Lord Chamberlain statutory powers of theatre censorship had the unforeseen consequence that confusion over the relationship between the Royal Prerogative and statute law would prevent any serious challenge to theatre censorship in Parliament until the 20th century. Sections outlining the political history of key periods explain why theatre censorship legislation was introduced in 1737; why attempts to reform the legislation failed in 1832, 1909, and 1949; and finally succeeded in 1968. In 1909, despite a vigorous campaign by playwrights and politicians, opposition from Edward VII helped to prevent the abolition of theatre censorship. Thereafter, resistance to change and obfuscation on the part of Home Office officials undermined attempts to abolish theatre censorship legislation until 1968. There was also strong support for theatre censorship on the part of commercial theatre managers who saw censorship as offering protection from vexatious prosecution. In 1968, although there was opposition from Elizabeth II, Lord Cobbold (her Lord Chamberlain) and Harold Wilson (her Prime Minister), the combined pressure of playwrights, directors, critics, audiences, and politicians (notably Roy Jenkins) ensured that theatre censorship was finally abolished. The book concludes by exploring whether new forms of covert censorship have replaced the statutory theatre censorship abolished with the 1968 Theatres Act.
Robert Blake and Wm. Roger Louis (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206262
- eISBN:
- 9780191677052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206262.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Winston Churchill was an extraordinary figure. There has never been anyone quite like him, and inevitably legends have accumulated. How can he be treated both realistically and fairly after so much ...
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Winston Churchill was an extraordinary figure. There has never been anyone quite like him, and inevitably legends have accumulated. How can he be treated both realistically and fairly after so much has been written about his controversial career by himself and others? This book provides a fresh look at Churchill and his role in twentieth-century history. Each of the authors in this book is an authority on at least one aspect of Churchill's life. The result is a fascinating interplay of ideas about his policies and motives. Some of it is critical and unflattering. Even the greatest of statesmen can make mistakes and misjudgements, and Churchill was at the centre of the political scene for more than half a century. Yet he emerges with both his integrity and his greatness intact. His achievement seems as remarkable as ever. The picture that is drawn by this lively and readable study is of an astonishing personality with some flaws, but also with immense strengths. The book provides a fuller understanding of how Churchill came to be, in A. J. P. Taylor's words, ‘the saviour of his nation’.Less
Winston Churchill was an extraordinary figure. There has never been anyone quite like him, and inevitably legends have accumulated. How can he be treated both realistically and fairly after so much has been written about his controversial career by himself and others? This book provides a fresh look at Churchill and his role in twentieth-century history. Each of the authors in this book is an authority on at least one aspect of Churchill's life. The result is a fascinating interplay of ideas about his policies and motives. Some of it is critical and unflattering. Even the greatest of statesmen can make mistakes and misjudgements, and Churchill was at the centre of the political scene for more than half a century. Yet he emerges with both his integrity and his greatness intact. His achievement seems as remarkable as ever. The picture that is drawn by this lively and readable study is of an astonishing personality with some flaws, but also with immense strengths. The book provides a fuller understanding of how Churchill came to be, in A. J. P. Taylor's words, ‘the saviour of his nation’.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the ...
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The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the development of the office is traced, and it is contrasted with the office of private secretary to the Governor‐General in Commonwealth monarchies. The private secretary needs to enjoy the confidence not only of the sovereign but also of the Prime Minister and of the Leader of the Opposition.Less
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the development of the office is traced, and it is contrasted with the office of private secretary to the Governor‐General in Commonwealth monarchies. The private secretary needs to enjoy the confidence not only of the sovereign but also of the Prime Minister and of the Leader of the Opposition.
Robert Blake
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206262
- eISBN:
- 9780191677052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206262.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Winston Churchill was 54 when the Conservative Party narrowly lost the general election of June 1929 to a combination of Labour and Liberals. He had held all the principal offices of state except ...
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Winston Churchill was 54 when the Conservative Party narrowly lost the general election of June 1929 to a combination of Labour and Liberals. He had held all the principal offices of state except those of Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary. No man had more experience in public life, and he had every reason to expect high office when Stanley Baldwin returned to power — an event expected soon in light of the fragile position of the second Labour Cabinet under Ramsay MacDonald, 1929–1931. Churchill resigned on January 27, 1931 from the Conservative ‘Business Committee’, the equivalent of the modern Shadow Cabinet, because Baldwin supported the tentative moves by Lord Irwin (later Viscount Halifax) towards Indian self-government. Churchill believed that the Irwin-MacDonald-Baldwin policy would be a disaster for Britain, India, and the Empire. Churchill's outlook on foreign policy and defence has been given a retrospective consistency that the facts hardly warrant. Churchill became Prime Minister by default against the wishes of his own party and with only tepid acquiescence by the others.Less
Winston Churchill was 54 when the Conservative Party narrowly lost the general election of June 1929 to a combination of Labour and Liberals. He had held all the principal offices of state except those of Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary. No man had more experience in public life, and he had every reason to expect high office when Stanley Baldwin returned to power — an event expected soon in light of the fragile position of the second Labour Cabinet under Ramsay MacDonald, 1929–1931. Churchill resigned on January 27, 1931 from the Conservative ‘Business Committee’, the equivalent of the modern Shadow Cabinet, because Baldwin supported the tentative moves by Lord Irwin (later Viscount Halifax) towards Indian self-government. Churchill believed that the Irwin-MacDonald-Baldwin policy would be a disaster for Britain, India, and the Empire. Churchill's outlook on foreign policy and defence has been given a retrospective consistency that the facts hardly warrant. Churchill became Prime Minister by default against the wishes of his own party and with only tepid acquiescence by the others.
Stephen Wall
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199284559
- eISBN:
- 9780191700309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199284559.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, UK Politics
This chapter explains how Britain makes its policy towards Europe. Successive British governments have used a model of decision-making on European Union (EU) issues which is often envied by other ...
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This chapter explains how Britain makes its policy towards Europe. Successive British governments have used a model of decision-making on European Union (EU) issues which is often envied by other member states and has been emulated by not a few. The Foreign Secretary, as chairman of the European Committee of Cabinet, sums up interministerial correspondence on a particular EU issue, tries to adjudicate where there is disagreement, and chairs a meeting of the committee where his word alone is not enough to resolve a dispute. It was no more than common sense therefore for the Prime Minister to have a small team dealing with foreign policy rather than a one-man band. The final piece in the jigsaw of European policymaking in London is implementation: how the policy decisions of ministers are carried out.Less
This chapter explains how Britain makes its policy towards Europe. Successive British governments have used a model of decision-making on European Union (EU) issues which is often envied by other member states and has been emulated by not a few. The Foreign Secretary, as chairman of the European Committee of Cabinet, sums up interministerial correspondence on a particular EU issue, tries to adjudicate where there is disagreement, and chairs a meeting of the committee where his word alone is not enough to resolve a dispute. It was no more than common sense therefore for the Prime Minister to have a small team dealing with foreign policy rather than a one-man band. The final piece in the jigsaw of European policymaking in London is implementation: how the policy decisions of ministers are carried out.
Jagdish Bhagwati
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198288473
- eISBN:
- 9780191684609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198288473.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This book offers an overview of the policies that produced India's sorry economic performance over a third of a century. The author's analysis puts into sharp focus the crippling effects of the ...
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This book offers an overview of the policies that produced India's sorry economic performance over a third of a century. The author's analysis puts into sharp focus the crippling effects of the inward-looking, bureaucratic regime that grew to Kafkaesque dimensions, starting in the early 1950s. It provides a rationale for the economic reforms begun in June 1991 by the new government of Prime Minister Rao. These reforms are set into historical and analytical perspective.Less
This book offers an overview of the policies that produced India's sorry economic performance over a third of a century. The author's analysis puts into sharp focus the crippling effects of the inward-looking, bureaucratic regime that grew to Kafkaesque dimensions, starting in the early 1950s. It provides a rationale for the economic reforms begun in June 1991 by the new government of Prime Minister Rao. These reforms are set into historical and analytical perspective.
E. A. Smith
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201632
- eISBN:
- 9780191674969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201632.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the ...
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This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the time and for two years after the Bill was passed. As Prime Minister, Grey guided his country through a process of reform that strengthened those traditional values and institutions which he always respected and revered. The Great Reform Act remains Grey's supreme achievement. His succession to the Premiership in 1830 had shown that he still enjoyed general respect and authority as leader of the Whig party and of reformist opinion, and his handling of the long crisis on 1831–2 entitled him to the great reputation his name was to enjoy for the rest of the century and beyond.Less
This chapter discusses Grey's appointment as Prime Minister. It describes the passage of the Great Reform Bill and how he dealt with all other issues of government and policy that arose during the time and for two years after the Bill was passed. As Prime Minister, Grey guided his country through a process of reform that strengthened those traditional values and institutions which he always respected and revered. The Great Reform Act remains Grey's supreme achievement. His succession to the Premiership in 1830 had shown that he still enjoyed general respect and authority as leader of the Whig party and of reformist opinion, and his handling of the long crisis on 1831–2 entitled him to the great reputation his name was to enjoy for the rest of the century and beyond.
Rodney Brazier
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198859291
- eISBN:
- 9780191891731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198859291.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Between the resignation (or death) of a Prime Minister and the formal appointment of a successor the office is vacant. How is the office discharged during an interregnum, or when a Prime Minister is ...
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Between the resignation (or death) of a Prime Minister and the formal appointment of a successor the office is vacant. How is the office discharged during an interregnum, or when a Prime Minister is away from the United Kingdom, or is ill, or on holiday? There is no consistency on whether there is a Deputy Prime Minister, and indeed sometimes it is difficult to say who in a Cabinet should take temporary charge if the Prime Minister is unable to act. The constitutional nature of prime-ministerial deputies is fully explored, including examples of Ministers who are designated—in one of a number of ways—to act for a Prime Minister. The constitutional and political difficulties which would be caused by the death of a Prime Minister are examined, and possible answers to those difficulties are set out.Less
Between the resignation (or death) of a Prime Minister and the formal appointment of a successor the office is vacant. How is the office discharged during an interregnum, or when a Prime Minister is away from the United Kingdom, or is ill, or on holiday? There is no consistency on whether there is a Deputy Prime Minister, and indeed sometimes it is difficult to say who in a Cabinet should take temporary charge if the Prime Minister is unable to act. The constitutional nature of prime-ministerial deputies is fully explored, including examples of Ministers who are designated—in one of a number of ways—to act for a Prime Minister. The constitutional and political difficulties which would be caused by the death of a Prime Minister are examined, and possible answers to those difficulties are set out.
Rodney Brazier
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198859291
- eISBN:
- 9780191891731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198859291.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
When Prime Ministers resigned they used to be replaced through informal means, often requiring the Sovereign’s personal discretion to choose the replacement. The secrecy in which this was done ...
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When Prime Ministers resigned they used to be replaced through informal means, often requiring the Sovereign’s personal discretion to choose the replacement. The secrecy in which this was done extended to matters such as a Prime Minister’s fitness for office, for example regarding serious illness. Prime Ministers rarely wish to retire wholly voluntarily: some resignations have been called retirements, but they were not retirements in the true sense of the word—circumstances left the premiers concerned with no option but to go. Death, serious illness, and ousting by the Cabinet or party have all led to vacancies. The two world wars resulted in six different Governments fighting them. Very rarely a coalition government has been needed to meet a peacetime national emergency.Less
When Prime Ministers resigned they used to be replaced through informal means, often requiring the Sovereign’s personal discretion to choose the replacement. The secrecy in which this was done extended to matters such as a Prime Minister’s fitness for office, for example regarding serious illness. Prime Ministers rarely wish to retire wholly voluntarily: some resignations have been called retirements, but they were not retirements in the true sense of the word—circumstances left the premiers concerned with no option but to go. Death, serious illness, and ousting by the Cabinet or party have all led to vacancies. The two world wars resulted in six different Governments fighting them. Very rarely a coalition government has been needed to meet a peacetime national emergency.
Geoffrey Marshall
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198762027
- eISBN:
- 9780191695179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198762027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
In Britain and other commonwealth countries, it is convention rather than law that determines many crucial questions of government behavior. This timely volume examines these major conventions and ...
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In Britain and other commonwealth countries, it is convention rather than law that determines many crucial questions of government behavior. This timely volume examines these major conventions and practices, including rules governing the activities of the Cabinet, the Prime Minister, and the Crown; the doctrines of collective and individual responsibilities of ministers and to Parliament; and the principles of accountability applicable to public servants. The theory of convention since Dicey is explored in the first chapter. The uses of the Queen, the practice of dissolution, and the doctrine of Ministerial responsibility are the main concerns of chapters two, three, and four. Chapters five, six, and seven focus on the principles of ombudsmanship, the morality of public office, and the politics of justice and security. The status of the police, duties of the army, and the rules of the Commonwealth are then assessed in the next chapters. The last four chapters of this book concentrate on the problems of patriation, limitation of sovereignty, character of convention, and the recent developments on the conventions of accountability.Less
In Britain and other commonwealth countries, it is convention rather than law that determines many crucial questions of government behavior. This timely volume examines these major conventions and practices, including rules governing the activities of the Cabinet, the Prime Minister, and the Crown; the doctrines of collective and individual responsibilities of ministers and to Parliament; and the principles of accountability applicable to public servants. The theory of convention since Dicey is explored in the first chapter. The uses of the Queen, the practice of dissolution, and the doctrine of Ministerial responsibility are the main concerns of chapters two, three, and four. Chapters five, six, and seven focus on the principles of ombudsmanship, the morality of public office, and the politics of justice and security. The status of the police, duties of the army, and the rules of the Commonwealth are then assessed in the next chapters. The last four chapters of this book concentrate on the problems of patriation, limitation of sovereignty, character of convention, and the recent developments on the conventions of accountability.
Kevin Featherstone and Dimitris Papadimitriou
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198717171
- eISBN:
- 9780191785924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198717171.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenures of Andreas Papandreou (1981–9 and 1993–6). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then ...
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The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenures of Andreas Papandreou (1981–9 and 1993–6). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the outlook of his inner-circle with particular reference to the structure and activism of the Prime Minister’s Office. The chapter proceeds with an examination of Papandreou’s management of his Cabinet and the institutional framework for supporting government business. It is argued that, despite empowerment of his Prime Minister’s Office, Papandreou’s diffused and relatively detached management style exacerbated problems of control and coordination within his government, which operated under conditions of continuous improvisation and very weak institutionalization.Less
The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenures of Andreas Papandreou (1981–9 and 1993–6). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the outlook of his inner-circle with particular reference to the structure and activism of the Prime Minister’s Office. The chapter proceeds with an examination of Papandreou’s management of his Cabinet and the institutional framework for supporting government business. It is argued that, despite empowerment of his Prime Minister’s Office, Papandreou’s diffused and relatively detached management style exacerbated problems of control and coordination within his government, which operated under conditions of continuous improvisation and very weak institutionalization.
Kevin Featherstone and Dimitris Papadimitriou
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198717171
- eISBN:
- 9780191785924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198717171.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenure of Costas Karamanlis (2004–9). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the ...
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The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenure of Costas Karamanlis (2004–9). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the outlook of his inner-circle with particular reference to the structure and activism of the Prime Minister’s Office. The chapter proceeds with an examination of Karamanlis’ management of his Cabinet and the institutional framework for supporting government business. It is argued that Karamanlis’ leadership profile and his informal management style produced weak institutionalisation and much uncertainty over coordination and control within his government. As senior members of the Cabinet sought to avoid scrutiny and protect ministerial turfs, the Prime Minister’s consensual manner failed to provide his government with an adequate steer from above.Less
The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenure of Costas Karamanlis (2004–9). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the outlook of his inner-circle with particular reference to the structure and activism of the Prime Minister’s Office. The chapter proceeds with an examination of Karamanlis’ management of his Cabinet and the institutional framework for supporting government business. It is argued that Karamanlis’ leadership profile and his informal management style produced weak institutionalisation and much uncertainty over coordination and control within his government. As senior members of the Cabinet sought to avoid scrutiny and protect ministerial turfs, the Prime Minister’s consensual manner failed to provide his government with an adequate steer from above.
Geoffrey Marshall
- Published in print:
- 1987
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198762027
- eISBN:
- 9780191695179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198762027.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
The power to dissolve Parliament is in form an exercise of the Royal prerogative. However, a modern belief that dissolution is a matter for decision by the Prime Minister appears to have sprung up ...
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The power to dissolve Parliament is in form an exercise of the Royal prerogative. However, a modern belief that dissolution is a matter for decision by the Prime Minister appears to have sprung up after the First World War. The manner in which the Prime Ministerial theory of dissolution came to existence in Britain deserves examination, thus, in this chapter, the author discusses the origin of its theory. In recent practice, the author first cited Sir Ivor Jennings statement that ‘No dissolution since 1918 has been brought before the Cabinet and all Prime Ministers since Mr. Lloyd George have assumed a right to give the advice’, before arguing that the first part of this statement does not accurately reflect the practice of Cabinets since 1945 and it may be not clear beyond doubt that all Prime Ministers have assumed the right or that they would have been correct to do so.Less
The power to dissolve Parliament is in form an exercise of the Royal prerogative. However, a modern belief that dissolution is a matter for decision by the Prime Minister appears to have sprung up after the First World War. The manner in which the Prime Ministerial theory of dissolution came to existence in Britain deserves examination, thus, in this chapter, the author discusses the origin of its theory. In recent practice, the author first cited Sir Ivor Jennings statement that ‘No dissolution since 1918 has been brought before the Cabinet and all Prime Ministers since Mr. Lloyd George have assumed a right to give the advice’, before arguing that the first part of this statement does not accurately reflect the practice of Cabinets since 1945 and it may be not clear beyond doubt that all Prime Ministers have assumed the right or that they would have been correct to do so.
Kevin Featherstone and Dimitris Papadimitriou
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198717171
- eISBN:
- 9780191785924
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198717171.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenure of Costas Simitis (1996–2004). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the ...
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The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenure of Costas Simitis (1996–2004). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the outlook of his inner-circle with particular reference to the structure and activism of the Prime Minister’s Office. The chapter proceeds with an examination of Simitis’ management of his Cabinet and the institutional framework for supporting government business. It is argued that during Simitis’ tenure the senior echelons of the Greek executive operated under conditions of unprecedented institutionalisation. However, Simitis’ own precarious position within his party and the contradictions sustained within his inner circle, undermined the coherence of his government and prevented him for instituting a paradigmatic change in the operation of the Greek core executive.Less
The chapter examines the prime-ministerial tenure of Costas Simitis (1996–2004). It starts with a review of the formative experiences that shaped his leadership credentials. It then discusses the outlook of his inner-circle with particular reference to the structure and activism of the Prime Minister’s Office. The chapter proceeds with an examination of Simitis’ management of his Cabinet and the institutional framework for supporting government business. It is argued that during Simitis’ tenure the senior echelons of the Greek executive operated under conditions of unprecedented institutionalisation. However, Simitis’ own precarious position within his party and the contradictions sustained within his inner circle, undermined the coherence of his government and prevented him for instituting a paradigmatic change in the operation of the Greek core executive.
Patrick Weller
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199646203
- eISBN:
- 9780191850424
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199646203.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Prime ministers dominate, but still lose office. Why? This chapter explores the conundrum that infests debates on the prime ministers’ power and influence. It examines the ambiguous and uncertain ...
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Prime ministers dominate, but still lose office. Why? This chapter explores the conundrum that infests debates on the prime ministers’ power and influence. It examines the ambiguous and uncertain institutional environment with its scope for initiatives and choices. It rejects normative notions of what prime ministers should do and illustrates that accusations of excessive power and ambition have been thrown at prime ministers from the very beginning. It identifies the strategy of the book: to compare institutional arrangements in four Westminster systems—Britain, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand—to see how prime ministers have chosen to define their role. It proposes tests for assessing prime ministers and for judging their performance and options.Less
Prime ministers dominate, but still lose office. Why? This chapter explores the conundrum that infests debates on the prime ministers’ power and influence. It examines the ambiguous and uncertain institutional environment with its scope for initiatives and choices. It rejects normative notions of what prime ministers should do and illustrates that accusations of excessive power and ambition have been thrown at prime ministers from the very beginning. It identifies the strategy of the book: to compare institutional arrangements in four Westminster systems—Britain, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand—to see how prime ministers have chosen to define their role. It proposes tests for assessing prime ministers and for judging their performance and options.
