Jonathan Colman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640133
- eISBN:
- 9780748652693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640133.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter considers two crises in the Middle East. During the 1964 crisis, there was the chance that Greece and Turkey, both NATO members, might end up fighting one another over the ethnically ...
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This chapter considers two crises in the Middle East. During the 1964 crisis, there was the chance that Greece and Turkey, both NATO members, might end up fighting one another over the ethnically divided island of Cyprus. Washington, seeking to put a lid on the crisis, attempted to mediate, and at one point suggested to Ankara that the United States would abandon its NATO commitments to defend a fellow member should Turkey end up in a war with the Soviet Union, which was providing tentative backing for Cyprus under its Greek Cypriot leader. Further south, the United States' relations with Egypt under President Nasser, who was strengthening his ties with Moscow, deteriorated while US bonds with Israel grew closer. Both developments stemmed from intensifying Egyptian hostility towards Israel and were also consistent with Johnson' s pro-Israeli outlook.Less
This chapter considers two crises in the Middle East. During the 1964 crisis, there was the chance that Greece and Turkey, both NATO members, might end up fighting one another over the ethnically divided island of Cyprus. Washington, seeking to put a lid on the crisis, attempted to mediate, and at one point suggested to Ankara that the United States would abandon its NATO commitments to defend a fellow member should Turkey end up in a war with the Soviet Union, which was providing tentative backing for Cyprus under its Greek Cypriot leader. Further south, the United States' relations with Egypt under President Nasser, who was strengthening his ties with Moscow, deteriorated while US bonds with Israel grew closer. Both developments stemmed from intensifying Egyptian hostility towards Israel and were also consistent with Johnson' s pro-Israeli outlook.
Edward Zigler and Sally J. Styfco
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393767
- eISBN:
- 9780199776993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393767.003.0003
- Subject:
- Psychology, Developmental Psychology
This chapter focuses on the early years of the Head Start program. As Head Start moved from the drawing board to the set-up phase, it very quickly brought out the best in Americans. Head Start's huge ...
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This chapter focuses on the early years of the Head Start program. As Head Start moved from the drawing board to the set-up phase, it very quickly brought out the best in Americans. Head Start's huge popularity was ignited by President and Lady Bird Johnson. Alleviating poverty was close to the president's emotional core, since he had lived among the poor as a boy, and his own family later fell on hard times so he had to work his way through college. The First Lady had a special place in her heart for children and adopted Head Start with the zeal of a missionary. Neither the planning committee nor decision makers anticipated the immense popularity of Head Start. No one came close to predicting that 560,000 children would be enrolled in the first summer.Less
This chapter focuses on the early years of the Head Start program. As Head Start moved from the drawing board to the set-up phase, it very quickly brought out the best in Americans. Head Start's huge popularity was ignited by President and Lady Bird Johnson. Alleviating poverty was close to the president's emotional core, since he had lived among the poor as a boy, and his own family later fell on hard times so he had to work his way through college. The First Lady had a special place in her heart for children and adopted Head Start with the zeal of a missionary. Neither the planning committee nor decision makers anticipated the immense popularity of Head Start. No one came close to predicting that 560,000 children would be enrolled in the first summer.
Jonathan Colman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640133
- eISBN:
- 9780748652693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640133.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores the escalation of the American commitment under President Johnson from 1963 to 1965. It notes key developments such as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in the summer of 1964, the ...
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This chapter explores the escalation of the American commitment under President Johnson from 1963 to 1965. It notes key developments such as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in the summer of 1964, the initiation of a bombing campaign in Vietnam in February 1965, and the introduction of American combat troops throughout South Vietnam a few months later. It presents an account of the various influences, potential or actual, upon the White House. These include concerns with international credibility; the ‘domino theory’; the role of advisers; public opinion in the United States; the role of allies; the regime in Saigon; and the Sino-Soviet dimension to policymaking. Johnson escalated the US commitment in Vietnam with deep foreboding and reticence and only after seeking a range of opinions from both inside and outside the Administration. Cold War anxieties about the United States' international credibility were the main motivation for intervention.Less
This chapter explores the escalation of the American commitment under President Johnson from 1963 to 1965. It notes key developments such as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in the summer of 1964, the initiation of a bombing campaign in Vietnam in February 1965, and the introduction of American combat troops throughout South Vietnam a few months later. It presents an account of the various influences, potential or actual, upon the White House. These include concerns with international credibility; the ‘domino theory’; the role of advisers; public opinion in the United States; the role of allies; the regime in Saigon; and the Sino-Soviet dimension to policymaking. Johnson escalated the US commitment in Vietnam with deep foreboding and reticence and only after seeking a range of opinions from both inside and outside the Administration. Cold War anxieties about the United States' international credibility were the main motivation for intervention.
Jonathan Colman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640133
- eISBN:
- 9780748652693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640133.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores two challenges to NATO connected with the Federal Republic of Germany. One of the challenges was to give the FRG a greater say in the Alliance's nuclear affairs. This question ...
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This chapter explores two challenges to NATO connected with the Federal Republic of Germany. One of the challenges was to give the FRG a greater say in the Alliance's nuclear affairs. This question found expression in the Multilateral Force (MLF), an ambitious American scheme for a nuclear-equipped NATO fleet operating under a US veto. The second issue is the question of the Bonn government's ‘offset’ of the foreign exchange costs for American troops in the FRG. The American troops issue was related to the nuclear question, because those troops were part of an implicit bargain to prevent, among other things, Bonn from pursuing nationalistic policies that might include seeking an independent nuclear capability. A series of ‘trilateral’ negotiations led to a satisfactory if short-term offset formula. President Johnson made a significant personal contribution to resolving both the MLF and the offset questions.Less
This chapter explores two challenges to NATO connected with the Federal Republic of Germany. One of the challenges was to give the FRG a greater say in the Alliance's nuclear affairs. This question found expression in the Multilateral Force (MLF), an ambitious American scheme for a nuclear-equipped NATO fleet operating under a US veto. The second issue is the question of the Bonn government's ‘offset’ of the foreign exchange costs for American troops in the FRG. The American troops issue was related to the nuclear question, because those troops were part of an implicit bargain to prevent, among other things, Bonn from pursuing nationalistic policies that might include seeking an independent nuclear capability. A series of ‘trilateral’ negotiations led to a satisfactory if short-term offset formula. President Johnson made a significant personal contribution to resolving both the MLF and the offset questions.
Edward Zigler and Sally J. Styfco
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393767
- eISBN:
- 9780199776993
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393767.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Developmental Psychology
Currently enrolling approximately 900,000 poor children each year, Head Start has served 25 million children and their families since it was established 43 years ago. Presidents and policymakers have ...
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Currently enrolling approximately 900,000 poor children each year, Head Start has served 25 million children and their families since it was established 43 years ago. Presidents and policymakers have embraced and scorned it. At times, scientists have misguided it and the media has misunderstood it. Despite its longevity and renown, much of Head Start's story has never been disclosed to the general public. This book gives a detailed account of the remarkable program, surveying projects that were forerunners of Head Start, its birth during the Johnson administration, its fate during the presidency of George W. Bush, and the many years between; as well as what the future may hold in store for it. The authors offer an inside view of the program's decades of service, detailing the ever-changing waves of politics, ideology, science, media interest, and public mood, which oftentimes threatened the program's very existence. Providing a balanced assessment of Head Start's effectiveness, which has been a matter of debate since its inception, this study strives to answer questions that continue to pervade discussions about the program and its future. For example, why is Head Start, a leader of early childhood services, still struggling to prove itself? Why does it serve such a narrow segment of the population? And how can Head Start continue its mission, as universal pre-school becomes a reality?Less
Currently enrolling approximately 900,000 poor children each year, Head Start has served 25 million children and their families since it was established 43 years ago. Presidents and policymakers have embraced and scorned it. At times, scientists have misguided it and the media has misunderstood it. Despite its longevity and renown, much of Head Start's story has never been disclosed to the general public. This book gives a detailed account of the remarkable program, surveying projects that were forerunners of Head Start, its birth during the Johnson administration, its fate during the presidency of George W. Bush, and the many years between; as well as what the future may hold in store for it. The authors offer an inside view of the program's decades of service, detailing the ever-changing waves of politics, ideology, science, media interest, and public mood, which oftentimes threatened the program's very existence. Providing a balanced assessment of Head Start's effectiveness, which has been a matter of debate since its inception, this study strives to answer questions that continue to pervade discussions about the program and its future. For example, why is Head Start, a leader of early childhood services, still struggling to prove itself? Why does it serve such a narrow segment of the population? And how can Head Start continue its mission, as universal pre-school becomes a reality?
Jonathan Colman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640133
- eISBN:
- 9780748652693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640133.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines Johnson's contribution to the foreign economic policies of the United States. It outlines the international monetary regime of the 1960s and then explores the chronic US balance ...
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This chapter examines Johnson's contribution to the foreign economic policies of the United States. It outlines the international monetary regime of the 1960s and then explores the chronic US balance of payments deficit, due in large part to defence spending in Europe and Asia. It assesses the economic crisis of 1967–8, which arose initially from the devaluation of sterling and left the dollar exposed to speculative attack. The Johnson Administration exploited continued American influence and succeeded in the establishment of a two-tier gold market and the creation of a new international currency known as Special Drawing Rights (SDR). This chapter also covers the Administration's successful effort to liberalise trade among the developed countries through the Kennedy Round of tariff negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).Less
This chapter examines Johnson's contribution to the foreign economic policies of the United States. It outlines the international monetary regime of the 1960s and then explores the chronic US balance of payments deficit, due in large part to defence spending in Europe and Asia. It assesses the economic crisis of 1967–8, which arose initially from the devaluation of sterling and left the dollar exposed to speculative attack. The Johnson Administration exploited continued American influence and succeeded in the establishment of a two-tier gold market and the creation of a new international currency known as Special Drawing Rights (SDR). This chapter also covers the Administration's successful effort to liberalise trade among the developed countries through the Kennedy Round of tariff negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).
Jonathan Colman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640133
- eISBN:
- 9780748652693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640133.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter notes that this book provides the most sympathetic general account to date of President Lyndon Johnson's foreign policies. It argues that the escalation of the US commitment in Vietnam ...
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This chapter notes that this book provides the most sympathetic general account to date of President Lyndon Johnson's foreign policies. It argues that the escalation of the US commitment in Vietnam was a rational and well-considered policy, although the war could have been waged more effectively even in the context of avoiding Chinese and Soviet intervention. There were some missteps on other issues, but overall Johnson handled American foreign and economic policy very capably, confounding the traditional image of him as maladroit in the realm of diplomacy and in keeping with the revisionist trend in historiography. Above all, Johnson dealt with successive challenges to the NATO alliance in a skilled and intelligent manner, leaving it politically stronger when he left office in 1969 than it had been in 1963.Less
This chapter notes that this book provides the most sympathetic general account to date of President Lyndon Johnson's foreign policies. It argues that the escalation of the US commitment in Vietnam was a rational and well-considered policy, although the war could have been waged more effectively even in the context of avoiding Chinese and Soviet intervention. There were some missteps on other issues, but overall Johnson handled American foreign and economic policy very capably, confounding the traditional image of him as maladroit in the realm of diplomacy and in keeping with the revisionist trend in historiography. Above all, Johnson dealt with successive challenges to the NATO alliance in a skilled and intelligent manner, leaving it politically stronger when he left office in 1969 than it had been in 1963.
Jonathan Colman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640133
- eISBN:
- 9780748652693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640133.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter provides a summary of the preceding chapters and considers additional issues such as the nature of the international environment in the 1960s, the impact of Vietnam on US foreign policy ...
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This chapter provides a summary of the preceding chapters and considers additional issues such as the nature of the international environment in the 1960s, the impact of Vietnam on US foreign policy in other parts of the world, and how far President Johnson's foreign policy skills came to evolve. The failure to prosecute the war in Vietnam more effectively shows that Johnson's aptitude as a military commander was limited, but his general record of success in foreign and economic affairs demonstrates that his skills in the diplomatic realm were more formidable than is generally assumed. He had the acumen, in what amounted to his greatest success, to deal with the challenges to NATO in ways that left the alliance more unified in 1969 than it had been in 1963.Less
This chapter provides a summary of the preceding chapters and considers additional issues such as the nature of the international environment in the 1960s, the impact of Vietnam on US foreign policy in other parts of the world, and how far President Johnson's foreign policy skills came to evolve. The failure to prosecute the war in Vietnam more effectively shows that Johnson's aptitude as a military commander was limited, but his general record of success in foreign and economic affairs demonstrates that his skills in the diplomatic realm were more formidable than is generally assumed. He had the acumen, in what amounted to his greatest success, to deal with the challenges to NATO in ways that left the alliance more unified in 1969 than it had been in 1963.
René Hayden
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469607429
- eISBN:
- 9781469611099
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469607429.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter considers issues relating to possessions at the end of the Civil War. After the Civil War, former slaves and Northerners both expected some redistribution of the defeated rebels ...
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This chapter considers issues relating to possessions at the end of the Civil War. After the Civil War, former slaves and Northerners both expected some redistribution of the defeated rebels property. By the end of 1865, however, the amnesty and pardon policies of President Andrew Johnson had fatally undermined such possibilities. Restoration of property to former Confederates, not its conveyance to former slaves, became the order of the day. The policy may have been settled, but its execution remained problematic wherever federal authorities had established ex-slaves on abandoned or confiscated property.Less
This chapter considers issues relating to possessions at the end of the Civil War. After the Civil War, former slaves and Northerners both expected some redistribution of the defeated rebels property. By the end of 1865, however, the amnesty and pardon policies of President Andrew Johnson had fatally undermined such possibilities. Restoration of property to former Confederates, not its conveyance to former slaves, became the order of the day. The policy may have been settled, but its execution remained problematic wherever federal authorities had established ex-slaves on abandoned or confiscated property.
Scott Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451256
- eISBN:
- 9780801465833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451256.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter analyzes how President Johnson and President Robles of Panama reached agreement on three treaties related to the Panama Canal. The first two detailed arrangements for the neutrality, ...
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This chapter analyzes how President Johnson and President Robles of Panama reached agreement on three treaties related to the Panama Canal. The first two detailed arrangements for the neutrality, defense, and operation of the existing lock waterway. The third treaty permitted Washington to build a sea-level waterway in Panama. Since the US government selected Panama for such a canal, Panama had the right to reject the use of the atom as a means of construction, and to extend said construction. This was good news to the AEC, since an extension of the Canal Commission's reporting deadline meant more time for the AEC to complete the experiments it believed necessary to demonstrate whether nuclear excavation of a canal was possible. While the Panama Canal treaties still required ratification, they formalized the determination by both countries for a sea-level waterway—possibly built with the help of the atom—become a reality.Less
This chapter analyzes how President Johnson and President Robles of Panama reached agreement on three treaties related to the Panama Canal. The first two detailed arrangements for the neutrality, defense, and operation of the existing lock waterway. The third treaty permitted Washington to build a sea-level waterway in Panama. Since the US government selected Panama for such a canal, Panama had the right to reject the use of the atom as a means of construction, and to extend said construction. This was good news to the AEC, since an extension of the Canal Commission's reporting deadline meant more time for the AEC to complete the experiments it believed necessary to demonstrate whether nuclear excavation of a canal was possible. While the Panama Canal treaties still required ratification, they formalized the determination by both countries for a sea-level waterway—possibly built with the help of the atom—become a reality.
Mark L. Bradley
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125077
- eISBN:
- 9780813135120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125077.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The Republicans attempted to gain control of Raleigh's and Washington, D.C.'s political affairs after the first year of Congressional Reconstruction in February 1868. The constitutional convention ...
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The Republicans attempted to gain control of Raleigh's and Washington, D.C.'s political affairs after the first year of Congressional Reconstruction in February 1868. The constitutional convention which was dominated by Republicans established the foundation for biracial democracy while President Andrew Johnson was voted by the U.S. House of Representatives to undergo impeachment since Congressional Republicans believed that Johnson would obstruct the Reconstruction policy. Various southern states including North Carolina were able to ratify new constitutions and bring new Republican governments into office. This chapter demonstrates how North Carolina was able to rejoin the Union after Military Reconstruction.Less
The Republicans attempted to gain control of Raleigh's and Washington, D.C.'s political affairs after the first year of Congressional Reconstruction in February 1868. The constitutional convention which was dominated by Republicans established the foundation for biracial democracy while President Andrew Johnson was voted by the U.S. House of Representatives to undergo impeachment since Congressional Republicans believed that Johnson would obstruct the Reconstruction policy. Various southern states including North Carolina were able to ratify new constitutions and bring new Republican governments into office. This chapter demonstrates how North Carolina was able to rejoin the Union after Military Reconstruction.
Craig Daigle
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300167139
- eISBN:
- 9780300183344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300167139.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter focuses on Soviet general secretary Leonid Brezhnev, perceived as a little more than an “apparatchik,” a Communist party man, who was an able administrator and bureaucrat but who lacked ...
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This chapter focuses on Soviet general secretary Leonid Brezhnev, perceived as a little more than an “apparatchik,” a Communist party man, who was an able administrator and bureaucrat but who lacked a strong personality that would make possible effective and dynamic leadership. In fact, few outside observers believed that he would emerge as Khrushchev's successor. For most of his first years in power, Brezhnev worked quietly behind the walls of the Kremlin supervising the military industrial complex and outer space projects in an effort to achieve strategic arms parity with the United States, while the role of leading Soviet statesman fell to Premier Alexei Kosygin. It was Kosygin who helped broker the ceasefire between India and Pakistan in 1965, avoiding a major war on the subcontinent, and two years later met with President Johnson at Glassboro, New Jersey, in the wake of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.Less
This chapter focuses on Soviet general secretary Leonid Brezhnev, perceived as a little more than an “apparatchik,” a Communist party man, who was an able administrator and bureaucrat but who lacked a strong personality that would make possible effective and dynamic leadership. In fact, few outside observers believed that he would emerge as Khrushchev's successor. For most of his first years in power, Brezhnev worked quietly behind the walls of the Kremlin supervising the military industrial complex and outer space projects in an effort to achieve strategic arms parity with the United States, while the role of leading Soviet statesman fell to Premier Alexei Kosygin. It was Kosygin who helped broker the ceasefire between India and Pakistan in 1965, avoiding a major war on the subcontinent, and two years later met with President Johnson at Glassboro, New Jersey, in the wake of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.
Mark L. Bradley
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125077
- eISBN:
- 9780813135120
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125077.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Albion W. Tourgée's novel A Fool's Errand attempted to shed light on how the postwar Reconstruction in the South experienced failure. The northern Reconstruction policy was attributed with a certain ...
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Albion W. Tourgée's novel A Fool's Errand attempted to shed light on how the postwar Reconstruction in the South experienced failure. The northern Reconstruction policy was attributed with a certain degree of moderation. President Andrew Johnson's proposed Reconstruction plan proved to be more compassionate as the southern states had to repeal their secession ordinances, reject their war debt, and ratify the Thirteenth Amendment that ended slavery to rejoin the Union. Along with the pardon that was granted to anyone who applied, the president attempted to restore confiscated southern areas to their owners. While this action turned down the hopes of receiving aid from the federal government, the livelihood of former slaves were still determined by their former masters. This chapter illustrates the effects of presidential Reconstruction on ex-Confederates, particularly to those in North Carolina.Less
Albion W. Tourgée's novel A Fool's Errand attempted to shed light on how the postwar Reconstruction in the South experienced failure. The northern Reconstruction policy was attributed with a certain degree of moderation. President Andrew Johnson's proposed Reconstruction plan proved to be more compassionate as the southern states had to repeal their secession ordinances, reject their war debt, and ratify the Thirteenth Amendment that ended slavery to rejoin the Union. Along with the pardon that was granted to anyone who applied, the president attempted to restore confiscated southern areas to their owners. While this action turned down the hopes of receiving aid from the federal government, the livelihood of former slaves were still determined by their former masters. This chapter illustrates the effects of presidential Reconstruction on ex-Confederates, particularly to those in North Carolina.
Steven K. Green
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190908140
- eISBN:
- 9780190908171
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190908140.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Religious Studies
This chapter examines the various events that undermined the public support for church–state separation in the 1960s. It considers the impact of Vatican II, of ecumenism, of the civil rights ...
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This chapter examines the various events that undermined the public support for church–state separation in the 1960s. It considers the impact of Vatican II, of ecumenism, of the civil rights movement, and of federal social welfare and education legislation on Protestant attitudes. All of these events encouraged Protestants and Catholics to find common ground in working for the greater societal good. These events also suggested a model of church-state cooperation rather than one of separation. The chapter then segues to consider the various church–state cases before the Supreme Court between 1968 and 1975 in which the justices began to step back from applying a strict separationist approach to church–state controversies.Less
This chapter examines the various events that undermined the public support for church–state separation in the 1960s. It considers the impact of Vatican II, of ecumenism, of the civil rights movement, and of federal social welfare and education legislation on Protestant attitudes. All of these events encouraged Protestants and Catholics to find common ground in working for the greater societal good. These events also suggested a model of church-state cooperation rather than one of separation. The chapter then segues to consider the various church–state cases before the Supreme Court between 1968 and 1975 in which the justices began to step back from applying a strict separationist approach to church–state controversies.
Caroline E. Janney
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807831762
- eISBN:
- 9781469602226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807882702_janney.7
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter discusses the series of Reconstruction Acts passed by Congress in March of 1867, prompted by former Confederate soldiers parading through the streets, the southern press's tirade against ...
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This chapter discusses the series of Reconstruction Acts passed by Congress in March of 1867, prompted by former Confederate soldiers parading through the streets, the southern press's tirade against Reconstruction policies, southern whites' treatment of freedmen, and President Andrew Johnson's moderate policies toward the South. The first of the acts stipulated the terms by which the southern states might reenter the Union. Each of the eleven Confederate states, excluding Tennessee, would be required to write a new constitution that provided for manhood suffrage, to approve the new constitution by a majority of voters, and to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. Equally important, the act divided the region into five military districts, whose commanders could use the army to protect life and property.Less
This chapter discusses the series of Reconstruction Acts passed by Congress in March of 1867, prompted by former Confederate soldiers parading through the streets, the southern press's tirade against Reconstruction policies, southern whites' treatment of freedmen, and President Andrew Johnson's moderate policies toward the South. The first of the acts stipulated the terms by which the southern states might reenter the Union. Each of the eleven Confederate states, excluding Tennessee, would be required to write a new constitution that provided for manhood suffrage, to approve the new constitution by a majority of voters, and to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. Equally important, the act divided the region into five military districts, whose commanders could use the army to protect life and property.
Gordon K. Mantler
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807838518
- eISBN:
- 9781469608075
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9780807838518.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter focuses on Michael Harrington, a one-time member of the Catholic Worker movement in New York City before converting to socialism in the 1950s. He became “the man who discovered poverty” ...
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This chapter focuses on Michael Harrington, a one-time member of the Catholic Worker movement in New York City before converting to socialism in the 1950s. He became “the man who discovered poverty” in what is one of the most enduring creation myths in modern American history. A poignant piece of social criticism that became a bestseller and political and cultural touchstone, The Other America was read by some of the most powerful people in the nation, even President John F. Kennedy, the story goes. Believing that poverty indeed could be eliminated, federal officials and liberal economists then set forth with what would become the War on Poverty, conceived under Kennedy's administration in 1963 and pursued, although never fully, by President Lyndon Johnson.Less
This chapter focuses on Michael Harrington, a one-time member of the Catholic Worker movement in New York City before converting to socialism in the 1950s. He became “the man who discovered poverty” in what is one of the most enduring creation myths in modern American history. A poignant piece of social criticism that became a bestseller and political and cultural touchstone, The Other America was read by some of the most powerful people in the nation, even President John F. Kennedy, the story goes. Believing that poverty indeed could be eliminated, federal officials and liberal economists then set forth with what would become the War on Poverty, conceived under Kennedy's administration in 1963 and pursued, although never fully, by President Lyndon Johnson.
