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Bill Clinton and the Path to Good Friday

Andrew Sanders

in The Long Peace Process: The United States of America and Northern Ireland, 1960-2008

Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous ... More

Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous administration, and immediately set about exploring issues such as a visitor's visa for Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams and the creation of a Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, duly following through on both pledges despite resistance from Ulster unionists. This chapter utilizes a range of state and personal papers to examine the ways in which Clinton was engaged and advised by a small group of Irish-American supporters, led by a former college friend and former Congressman, Bruce Morrison. The chapter also examines the three visits that Clinton made to Northern Ireland, focusing on his historic 1995 visit. In particular, the chapter considers the role of the US government in the achievement of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and the associated paramilitary ceasefires that preceded it.Less

Confucianism and Utilitarianism in Jiang-Clinton Rhetoric

D. Ray Heisey

in Discourses of Cultural China in the Globalizing Age

This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of President Jiang of the People's Republic of China and President Clinton of the United States in their respective visits to the other's country and shows that ... More

This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of President Jiang of the People's Republic of China and President Clinton of the United States in their respective visits to the other's country and shows that while both speakers conform to their respective cultural characteristics on Confucianism versus Utilitarianism dimensions, they creatively adapt to the other's cultural values in terms of political communication as well. It first presents the discourse systems of Confucianism and Utilitarianism, then the context of the speeches, the method of analysis, the language and arguments used by Jiang in the Harvard address and the Beijing joint press conference, the language and arguments used by Clinton in the Peking University address and the same press conference, and finally, the discussion of the findings and the conclusion.Less

Nooky Nation: On Tort Law and Other Arguments from Nature

Ann Scales

in Directions in Sexual Harassment Law

This chapter discusses some of the most dramatic developments in the issue of sexual harassment leading up to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton. The cases of Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky ... More

This chapter discusses some of the most dramatic developments in the issue of sexual harassment leading up to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton. The cases of Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky are discussed, in particular, how they were studied in the 1998 conference at Yale Law School. After this conference, the sexual harassment situation became very, very serious. Before the conference, however, it was all treated as a big joke. Prior to the spring of 1998, the nation was given to perceive Jones as a trailer-park-pawn-of-the-right-wing and the Lewinsky incident as an overblown instance of poor personal judgment by a person who happened to be President. All this, the perception went, would have been small potatoes were it not for those few loonies who thought sexual harassment was something the government should waste time worrying about.Less

White Workers, New Democrats, and Affirmative Action

David R. Roediger

in Colored White: Transcending the Racial Past

This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is ... More

This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is indispensable to understanding the recent past. It also hopes to make a modest contribution to efforts to look at the neoliberal views of race and of white working class historically. Neoliberalism's appeals to the white working class under Clinton largely focused on issues that were ostensibly race-neutral but are in fact highly charged in racial terms. The three broad generalizations presented suggest that even in its Rustin-inspired, social democratic variant race-neutrality is itself a problematic strategy and also leads away from meaningful mobilizations against class inequality. To capitulate to race-neutrality, and thus to white supremacy, is to abandon white workers to their own worst impulses and to their society's. It is to close, rather than to open, space for class politics.Less

Citizen Blackmun

Tinsley E. Yarbrough

in Harry A. Blackmun: The Outsider Justice

George Will, in his column “Justice Blackmun's Outburst” pointed out how Justice Blackmun was no longer able to separate his personal beliefs and emotions with constitutional reasoning as Blackmun ... More

George Will, in his column “Justice Blackmun's Outburst” pointed out how Justice Blackmun was no longer able to separate his personal beliefs and emotions with constitutional reasoning as Blackmun had declared that he would become personally distressed if he had to sentence someone to the death penalty again. However, Blackmun took into account how such behavior could not be tolerated within the Supreme Court, and he was aware that he would be nearing his retirement as Clinton denied President Bush a second term of office. Contrary to what others would commonly believe regarding it being unlikely that Blackmun would retire any time soon, he followed his own schedule, and along with his move to relinquish the death penalty, he also announced his retirement plans.Less

Epilogue

Roy L. Brooks

in Atonement and Forgiveness: A New Model for Black Reparations

During his presidency, President Clinton refused to offer a formal apology for slavery. But that is exactly how some political leaders, as well as most white Americans, felt about the civil rights ... More

During his presidency, President Clinton refused to offer a formal apology for slavery. But that is exactly how some political leaders, as well as most white Americans, felt about the civil rights movement in its early stages. Few politicians sought shelter behind public opinion polls. Comparing the black redress movement to the early stage of the civil rights movement can prepare the American mind-set for atonement, as well as encourage proponents of reparations, in yet another way. The civil rights movement did not seem to have much chance of success during the 1950s, not unlike the black redress movement today. Even after the Supreme Court overturned racially segregated public schools in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education, the pace of public acceptance of the idea of equal rights was slow at best. However, the pace quickened dramatically, owing to five major events that took place in 1963.Less

The Carter Presidency and the United Nations

William vanden Heuvel

in Hope and History: A Memoir of Tumultuous Times

This chapter begins by detailing Ambassador vanden Heuvel's role as co-chair of Jimmy Carter's New York state presidential campaign. An early supporter of Carter, vanden Heuvel helped in Carter's ... More

This chapter begins by detailing Ambassador vanden Heuvel's role as co-chair of Jimmy Carter's New York state presidential campaign. An early supporter of Carter, vanden Heuvel helped in Carter's transformation from a little-known Georgia governor to the Democratic nominee. After Carter's election, he was appointed Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva. He became Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN in New York in late 1979. His tenure in New York coincided with the Iranian hostage crisis, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and increasing tensions in the Middle East. He discusses the marginalisation of the UN in the approach to the 2003 Iraq War, as well as his work with Senator Ted Kennedy and President Bill Clinton on UN issues. The accompanying speech argues for the importance of the UN in the international order and America's responsibility to support it, despite hostility from Congress and neo-conservatives.Less

Separating Truth From Justice

Benjamin Wittes

in Starr: A Reassessment

This chapter focuses on the events that led to the impeachment of President Clinton, which exist now in that peculiar zone between journalism and history. The facts have stabilized, and one need not ... More

This chapter focuses on the events that led to the impeachment of President Clinton, which exist now in that peculiar zone between journalism and history. The facts have stabilized, and one need not make each utterance today with the certainty that tomorrow's disclosures will moot it. At the same time, huge sets of data remain unexplored—most important, Starr's own paper trail, which under the law is to be transmitted to the National Archive now that the investigation is fully completed, and parts of which will become public. The hackneyed cliche that journalism is a first draft of history offers a good description of the transition stage in which we now find ourselves with respect to the Clinton-Starr wars.Less

Breakdown and Fallout: The Symbolic Politics of the 1994 Crime Bill

Douglas Hartmann

in Midnight Basketball: Race, Sports, and Neoliberal Social Policy

Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political ... More

Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political and cultural roots of this collapse as well as its broader political and public policy consequences. Essentially it portrays midnight basketball as getting caught up in the tensions between conservative and liberal approaches to crime and violence in the neoliberal era--represented mainly by the more punitive visions of Rush Limbaugh and Bob Dole, on the one hand, and Bill Clinton's more prevention-oriented approach on the other. The broader point is the debates over midnight basketball functioned as a racially-coded symbolic proxy for these larger policy divisions and, moreover, that conservatives successfully utilized the racial threat along with the ability to trivialize prevention through its association with sport and play to force changes in the criminal justice policy that eventually was ratified.Less

Commodifying community: American community development and neoliberal hegemony

Akwugo Emejulu

in Community development as micropolitics: Comparing theories, policies and politics in America and Britain

This chapter focuses on the micropolitics of community development from 1992 to 1997 in the United States. There are two discourses identified for analysis: The ‘Revitalisation discourse’ constituted ... More

This chapter focuses on the micropolitics of community development from 1992 to 1997 in the United States. There are two discourses identified for analysis: The ‘Revitalisation discourse’ constituted by the texts, language and practices of official state actors in President Bill Clinton’s Administration. In addition, community development is constructed as a tool to convey the principles of neoliberalism. In opposition to these practices, the ‘Coalition discourse’ is constituted by the texts, language and practices of feminist, anti-racist and Alinskyist practitioners. These discourses emerge in response to two important events: the hegemony of the New Right coalition and the divisiveness of so-called ‘identity politics’.Less

“It’s a Tidal Wave … and I’m Not Kidding about It!”

James M. Denham

in Fifty Years of Justice: A History of the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Florida

During Elizabeth Kovachevich’s tenure as chief judge in 1996 case-load overcrowding reached a crisis. The number and length of criminal prosecutions associated with illegal drugs overwhelmed the ... More

During Elizabeth Kovachevich’s tenure as chief judge in 1996 case-load overcrowding reached a crisis. The number and length of criminal prosecutions associated with illegal drugs overwhelmed the court to the degree that civil trials were increasing pushed back on the docket. Judge Kovachevich acted proactively and unconventionally to address the crisis. She called on bar associations in the district to act and even travelled personally to Washington to lobby lawmakers to act to pass legislation expanding the number of judges. She admonished lawmakers to act in bipartisan fashion to confirm judges. Judge Kovachevich initiated unprecedented and controversial measures to cope with the overcrowding. The shortage of judges and the increasing overcrowding was further exacerbated by partisan politics and the Senate confirmation process nearly broke down completely. The court made due with selecting more magistrates, and their backgrounds are included. Finally due to the cooperation of Senators Graham and Mack, the district was able to secure the confirmation of six more justices for a total of nine appointed during Clinton’s presidency. The backgrounds of these new appointees are covered extensively.Less

Ethical Judgment

in Contested Medicine: Cancer Research and the Military

This chapter follows in detail Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments (ACHRE)'s deliberations in the Eugene Saenger case. President Bill Clinton created the ACHRE to assess the history of ... More

This chapter follows in detail Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments (ACHRE)'s deliberations in the Eugene Saenger case. President Bill Clinton created the ACHRE to assess the history of government-sponsored radiation experiments during the coldwar. The reasons that ACHRE could not reach a definitive judgment in the Saenger case arose in part from its reputed strengths and commanding position. ACHRE looked at how to fulfill its role as an arm of political authority and still maintain its support for the rights of individuals and the plurality of community positions. It produced an analysis of Saenger's research program. ACHRE's account of Saenger's research was anything but the last word on an affair that had already lasted more than three decades and drawn numerous individuals into its web. Saenger still faced a civil suit brought by family members of his patients and the judgment of some of his harshest critics.Less