Andrew Sanders
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786940445
- eISBN:
- 9781789623826
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940445.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous ...
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Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous administration, and immediately set about exploring issues such as a visitor's visa for Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams and the creation of a Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, duly following through on both pledges despite resistance from Ulster unionists. This chapter utilizes a range of state and personal papers to examine the ways in which Clinton was engaged and advised by a small group of Irish-American supporters, led by a former college friend and former Congressman, Bruce Morrison. The chapter also examines the three visits that Clinton made to Northern Ireland, focusing on his historic 1995 visit. In particular, the chapter considers the role of the US government in the achievement of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and the associated paramilitary ceasefires that preceded it.Less
Clinton’s election in 1992 brought a Democrat back to the White House. Clinton had pledged to involve the United States in the Northern Ireland peace process more significantly than any previous administration, and immediately set about exploring issues such as a visitor's visa for Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams and the creation of a Special Envoy to Northern Ireland, duly following through on both pledges despite resistance from Ulster unionists. This chapter utilizes a range of state and personal papers to examine the ways in which Clinton was engaged and advised by a small group of Irish-American supporters, led by a former college friend and former Congressman, Bruce Morrison. The chapter also examines the three visits that Clinton made to Northern Ireland, focusing on his historic 1995 visit. In particular, the chapter considers the role of the US government in the achievement of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and the associated paramilitary ceasefires that preceded it.
David Malone
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294832
- eISBN:
- 9780191685071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294832.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the events surrounding Aristide's return to Haiti. It also describes the role of the UNSC and the United States in the authorization for the use of force to restore democratic ...
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This chapter discusses the events surrounding Aristide's return to Haiti. It also describes the role of the UNSC and the United States in the authorization for the use of force to restore democratic rule in Haiti. Aristide pressed hard for a complete trade embargo, including humanitarian aid as the sole means of forcing the military regime to back down. On 15 September, President Bill Clinton delivered a nationally televised speech indicating that military action was imminent. Under the threat of US-led intervention and the pressure from the UN Security Council Resolution 940, the military leaders relinquished power, and US troops were deployed by President Clinton to handle the transition. Aristide returned to Haiti on 15 October as president. The same day, the UNSC lifted all measures imposed against Haiti.Less
This chapter discusses the events surrounding Aristide's return to Haiti. It also describes the role of the UNSC and the United States in the authorization for the use of force to restore democratic rule in Haiti. Aristide pressed hard for a complete trade embargo, including humanitarian aid as the sole means of forcing the military regime to back down. On 15 September, President Bill Clinton delivered a nationally televised speech indicating that military action was imminent. Under the threat of US-led intervention and the pressure from the UN Security Council Resolution 940, the military leaders relinquished power, and US troops were deployed by President Clinton to handle the transition. Aristide returned to Haiti on 15 October as president. The same day, the UNSC lifted all measures imposed against Haiti.
D. Ray Heisey
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099128
- eISBN:
- 9789882206847
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099128.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of President Jiang of the People's Republic of China and President Clinton of the United States in their respective visits to the other's country and shows that ...
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This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of President Jiang of the People's Republic of China and President Clinton of the United States in their respective visits to the other's country and shows that while both speakers conform to their respective cultural characteristics on Confucianism versus Utilitarianism dimensions, they creatively adapt to the other's cultural values in terms of political communication as well. It first presents the discourse systems of Confucianism and Utilitarianism, then the context of the speeches, the method of analysis, the language and arguments used by Jiang in the Harvard address and the Beijing joint press conference, the language and arguments used by Clinton in the Peking University address and the same press conference, and finally, the discussion of the findings and the conclusion.Less
This chapter analyzes the rhetoric of President Jiang of the People's Republic of China and President Clinton of the United States in their respective visits to the other's country and shows that while both speakers conform to their respective cultural characteristics on Confucianism versus Utilitarianism dimensions, they creatively adapt to the other's cultural values in terms of political communication as well. It first presents the discourse systems of Confucianism and Utilitarianism, then the context of the speeches, the method of analysis, the language and arguments used by Jiang in the Harvard address and the Beijing joint press conference, the language and arguments used by Clinton in the Peking University address and the same press conference, and finally, the discussion of the findings and the conclusion.
Michael Nelson, Barbara A. Perry, and Russell L. Riley (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780801454066
- eISBN:
- 9781501706202
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454066.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book uses hundreds of hours of newly opened interviews and other sources to illuminate the life and times of Bill Clinton. Combining the authoritative perspective of these inside accounts with ...
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This book uses hundreds of hours of newly opened interviews and other sources to illuminate the life and times of Bill Clinton. Combining the authoritative perspective of these inside accounts with the analytic powers of some of America’s most distinguished presidential scholars, the chapters offer a major advance in our collective understanding of the Clinton White House. Included are chapters on the major domestic and foreign policy initiatives of the Clinton years, as well as objective discussions of political success and failure. This is the first book to make extensive use of previously closed interviews collected for the Clinton Presidential History Project, conducted by the Presidential Oral History Program of the University of Virginia’s Miller Center. These interviews explored officials’ memories of their service with President Clinton and their careers prior to joining the administration. Interviewees also offered political and leadership lessons they had gleaned as eyewitnesses to and shapers of history. Their spoken recollections provide invaluable detail about the inner history of the presidency in an age when personal diaries and discursive letters are seldom written. The authors had first access to more than fifty of these cleared interviews. The book provides a multidimensional portrait of Bill Clinton’s administration, drawing largely on the observations of those who knew it best.Less
This book uses hundreds of hours of newly opened interviews and other sources to illuminate the life and times of Bill Clinton. Combining the authoritative perspective of these inside accounts with the analytic powers of some of America’s most distinguished presidential scholars, the chapters offer a major advance in our collective understanding of the Clinton White House. Included are chapters on the major domestic and foreign policy initiatives of the Clinton years, as well as objective discussions of political success and failure. This is the first book to make extensive use of previously closed interviews collected for the Clinton Presidential History Project, conducted by the Presidential Oral History Program of the University of Virginia’s Miller Center. These interviews explored officials’ memories of their service with President Clinton and their careers prior to joining the administration. Interviewees also offered political and leadership lessons they had gleaned as eyewitnesses to and shapers of history. Their spoken recollections provide invaluable detail about the inner history of the presidency in an age when personal diaries and discursive letters are seldom written. The authors had first access to more than fifty of these cleared interviews. The book provides a multidimensional portrait of Bill Clinton’s administration, drawing largely on the observations of those who knew it best.
Ann Scales
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300098006
- eISBN:
- 9780300135305
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300098006.003.0020
- Subject:
- Law, Employment Law
This chapter discusses some of the most dramatic developments in the issue of sexual harassment leading up to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton. The cases of Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky ...
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This chapter discusses some of the most dramatic developments in the issue of sexual harassment leading up to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton. The cases of Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky are discussed, in particular, how they were studied in the 1998 conference at Yale Law School. After this conference, the sexual harassment situation became very, very serious. Before the conference, however, it was all treated as a big joke. Prior to the spring of 1998, the nation was given to perceive Jones as a trailer-park-pawn-of-the-right-wing and the Lewinsky incident as an overblown instance of poor personal judgment by a person who happened to be President. All this, the perception went, would have been small potatoes were it not for those few loonies who thought sexual harassment was something the government should waste time worrying about.Less
This chapter discusses some of the most dramatic developments in the issue of sexual harassment leading up to the impeachment of President Bill Clinton. The cases of Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky are discussed, in particular, how they were studied in the 1998 conference at Yale Law School. After this conference, the sexual harassment situation became very, very serious. Before the conference, however, it was all treated as a big joke. Prior to the spring of 1998, the nation was given to perceive Jones as a trailer-park-pawn-of-the-right-wing and the Lewinsky incident as an overblown instance of poor personal judgment by a person who happened to be President. All this, the perception went, would have been small potatoes were it not for those few loonies who thought sexual harassment was something the government should waste time worrying about.
Tinsley E. Yarbrough
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195141238
- eISBN:
- 9780199851577
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195141238.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
George Will, in his column “Justice Blackmun's Outburst” pointed out how Justice Blackmun was no longer able to separate his personal beliefs and emotions with constitutional reasoning as Blackmun ...
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George Will, in his column “Justice Blackmun's Outburst” pointed out how Justice Blackmun was no longer able to separate his personal beliefs and emotions with constitutional reasoning as Blackmun had declared that he would become personally distressed if he had to sentence someone to the death penalty again. However, Blackmun took into account how such behavior could not be tolerated within the Supreme Court, and he was aware that he would be nearing his retirement as Clinton denied President Bush a second term of office. Contrary to what others would commonly believe regarding it being unlikely that Blackmun would retire any time soon, he followed his own schedule, and along with his move to relinquish the death penalty, he also announced his retirement plans.Less
George Will, in his column “Justice Blackmun's Outburst” pointed out how Justice Blackmun was no longer able to separate his personal beliefs and emotions with constitutional reasoning as Blackmun had declared that he would become personally distressed if he had to sentence someone to the death penalty again. However, Blackmun took into account how such behavior could not be tolerated within the Supreme Court, and he was aware that he would be nearing his retirement as Clinton denied President Bush a second term of office. Contrary to what others would commonly believe regarding it being unlikely that Blackmun would retire any time soon, he followed his own schedule, and along with his move to relinquish the death penalty, he also announced his retirement plans.
David R. Roediger
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520233416
- eISBN:
- 9780520930803
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520233416.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is ...
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This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is indispensable to understanding the recent past. It also hopes to make a modest contribution to efforts to look at the neoliberal views of race and of white working class historically. Neoliberalism's appeals to the white working class under Clinton largely focused on issues that were ostensibly race-neutral but are in fact highly charged in racial terms. The three broad generalizations presented suggest that even in its Rustin-inspired, social democratic variant race-neutrality is itself a problematic strategy and also leads away from meaningful mobilizations against class inequality. To capitulate to race-neutrality, and thus to white supremacy, is to abandon white workers to their own worst impulses and to their society's. It is to close, rather than to open, space for class politics.Less
This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is indispensable to understanding the recent past. It also hopes to make a modest contribution to efforts to look at the neoliberal views of race and of white working class historically. Neoliberalism's appeals to the white working class under Clinton largely focused on issues that were ostensibly race-neutral but are in fact highly charged in racial terms. The three broad generalizations presented suggest that even in its Rustin-inspired, social democratic variant race-neutrality is itself a problematic strategy and also leads away from meaningful mobilizations against class inequality. To capitulate to race-neutrality, and thus to white supremacy, is to abandon white workers to their own worst impulses and to their society's. It is to close, rather than to open, space for class politics.
Ross M. English
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719063084
- eISBN:
- 9781781700228
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719063084.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter shows the responsibilities and goals of newly elected representatives and senators. It first describes the kinds of people who get elected into Congress, and then lists the different ...
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This chapter shows the responsibilities and goals of newly elected representatives and senators. It first describes the kinds of people who get elected into Congress, and then lists the different goals of the new members of Congress. This is followed by a list of the different ways a member of Congress can achieve his/her goals, including policy specialisation and pork barrel. The chapter also cites two examples – the impeachment of President Bill Clinton and term limits – that show the subtleties involved in Congressional decision making.Less
This chapter shows the responsibilities and goals of newly elected representatives and senators. It first describes the kinds of people who get elected into Congress, and then lists the different goals of the new members of Congress. This is followed by a list of the different ways a member of Congress can achieve his/her goals, including policy specialisation and pork barrel. The chapter also cites two examples – the impeachment of President Bill Clinton and term limits – that show the subtleties involved in Congressional decision making.
Benjamin Wittes
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300092523
- eISBN:
- 9780300127485
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300092523.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
How is Kenneth Starr's extraordinary term as independent counsel to be understood? Was he a partisan warrior out to get the Clintons, or a savior of the Republic? An unstoppable menace, an unethical ...
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How is Kenneth Starr's extraordinary term as independent counsel to be understood? Was he a partisan warrior out to get the Clintons, or a savior of the Republic? An unstoppable menace, an unethical lawyer, or a sex-obsessed Puritan striving to enforce a right-wing social morality? This book is a serious, impartial effort to evaluate and critique Starr's tenure as independent counsel. Relying on revealing interviews with Starr and many other players in Clinton-era Washington, the book arrives at a new understanding of Starr and the part he played in one of American history's most enthralling public sagas. It offers a deeply considered portrait of a decent man who fundamentally misconstrued his function under the independent counsel law. Starr took his task to be ferreting out and reporting the truth about official misconduct, a well-intentioned but nevertheless misguided distortion of the law, the book argues. At key moments throughout Starr's probe—from the decision to reinvestigate the death of Vincent Foster, Jr., to the repeated prosecutions of Susan McDougal and Webster Hubbell to the failure to secure Monica Lewinsky's testimony quickly—the prosecutor avoided the most sensible prosecutorial course, fearing that it would compromise the larger search for truth. This approach not only delayed investigations enormously, but it gave Starr the appearance of partisan zealotry and an almost maniacal determination to prosecute the president. The book provides in this account of Starr's term a reinterpretation of the man, his performance, and the events that surrounded the impeachment of President Clinton.Less
How is Kenneth Starr's extraordinary term as independent counsel to be understood? Was he a partisan warrior out to get the Clintons, or a savior of the Republic? An unstoppable menace, an unethical lawyer, or a sex-obsessed Puritan striving to enforce a right-wing social morality? This book is a serious, impartial effort to evaluate and critique Starr's tenure as independent counsel. Relying on revealing interviews with Starr and many other players in Clinton-era Washington, the book arrives at a new understanding of Starr and the part he played in one of American history's most enthralling public sagas. It offers a deeply considered portrait of a decent man who fundamentally misconstrued his function under the independent counsel law. Starr took his task to be ferreting out and reporting the truth about official misconduct, a well-intentioned but nevertheless misguided distortion of the law, the book argues. At key moments throughout Starr's probe—from the decision to reinvestigate the death of Vincent Foster, Jr., to the repeated prosecutions of Susan McDougal and Webster Hubbell to the failure to secure Monica Lewinsky's testimony quickly—the prosecutor avoided the most sensible prosecutorial course, fearing that it would compromise the larger search for truth. This approach not only delayed investigations enormously, but it gave Starr the appearance of partisan zealotry and an almost maniacal determination to prosecute the president. The book provides in this account of Starr's term a reinterpretation of the man, his performance, and the events that surrounded the impeachment of President Clinton.
William vanden Heuvel
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501738173
- eISBN:
- 9781501738180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501738173.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter begins by detailing Ambassador vanden Heuvel's role as co-chair of Jimmy Carter's New York state presidential campaign. An early supporter of Carter, vanden Heuvel helped in Carter's ...
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This chapter begins by detailing Ambassador vanden Heuvel's role as co-chair of Jimmy Carter's New York state presidential campaign. An early supporter of Carter, vanden Heuvel helped in Carter's transformation from a little-known Georgia governor to the Democratic nominee. After Carter's election, he was appointed Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva. He became Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN in New York in late 1979. His tenure in New York coincided with the Iranian hostage crisis, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and increasing tensions in the Middle East. He discusses the marginalisation of the UN in the approach to the 2003 Iraq War, as well as his work with Senator Ted Kennedy and President Bill Clinton on UN issues. The accompanying speech argues for the importance of the UN in the international order and America's responsibility to support it, despite hostility from Congress and neo-conservatives.Less
This chapter begins by detailing Ambassador vanden Heuvel's role as co-chair of Jimmy Carter's New York state presidential campaign. An early supporter of Carter, vanden Heuvel helped in Carter's transformation from a little-known Georgia governor to the Democratic nominee. After Carter's election, he was appointed Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva. He became Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN in New York in late 1979. His tenure in New York coincided with the Iranian hostage crisis, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and increasing tensions in the Middle East. He discusses the marginalisation of the UN in the approach to the 2003 Iraq War, as well as his work with Senator Ted Kennedy and President Bill Clinton on UN issues. The accompanying speech argues for the importance of the UN in the international order and America's responsibility to support it, despite hostility from Congress and neo-conservatives.
Roy L. Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239418
- eISBN:
- 9780520939738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239418.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
During his presidency, President Clinton refused to offer a formal apology for slavery. But that is exactly how some political leaders, as well as most white Americans, felt about the civil rights ...
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During his presidency, President Clinton refused to offer a formal apology for slavery. But that is exactly how some political leaders, as well as most white Americans, felt about the civil rights movement in its early stages. Few politicians sought shelter behind public opinion polls. Comparing the black redress movement to the early stage of the civil rights movement can prepare the American mind-set for atonement, as well as encourage proponents of reparations, in yet another way. The civil rights movement did not seem to have much chance of success during the 1950s, not unlike the black redress movement today. Even after the Supreme Court overturned racially segregated public schools in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education, the pace of public acceptance of the idea of equal rights was slow at best. However, the pace quickened dramatically, owing to five major events that took place in 1963.Less
During his presidency, President Clinton refused to offer a formal apology for slavery. But that is exactly how some political leaders, as well as most white Americans, felt about the civil rights movement in its early stages. Few politicians sought shelter behind public opinion polls. Comparing the black redress movement to the early stage of the civil rights movement can prepare the American mind-set for atonement, as well as encourage proponents of reparations, in yet another way. The civil rights movement did not seem to have much chance of success during the 1950s, not unlike the black redress movement today. Even after the Supreme Court overturned racially segregated public schools in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education, the pace of public acceptance of the idea of equal rights was slow at best. However, the pace quickened dramatically, owing to five major events that took place in 1963.
Benjamin Wittes
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300092523
- eISBN:
- 9780300127485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300092523.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter focuses on the events that led to the impeachment of President Clinton, which exist now in that peculiar zone between journalism and history. The facts have stabilized, and one need not ...
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This chapter focuses on the events that led to the impeachment of President Clinton, which exist now in that peculiar zone between journalism and history. The facts have stabilized, and one need not make each utterance today with the certainty that tomorrow's disclosures will moot it. At the same time, huge sets of data remain unexplored—most important, Starr's own paper trail, which under the law is to be transmitted to the National Archive now that the investigation is fully completed, and parts of which will become public. The hackneyed cliche that journalism is a first draft of history offers a good description of the transition stage in which we now find ourselves with respect to the Clinton-Starr wars.Less
This chapter focuses on the events that led to the impeachment of President Clinton, which exist now in that peculiar zone between journalism and history. The facts have stabilized, and one need not make each utterance today with the certainty that tomorrow's disclosures will moot it. At the same time, huge sets of data remain unexplored—most important, Starr's own paper trail, which under the law is to be transmitted to the National Archive now that the investigation is fully completed, and parts of which will become public. The hackneyed cliche that journalism is a first draft of history offers a good description of the transition stage in which we now find ourselves with respect to the Clinton-Starr wars.
Douglas Hartmann
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226374840
- eISBN:
- 9780226375038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226375038.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political ...
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Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political and cultural roots of this collapse as well as its broader political and public policy consequences. Essentially it portrays midnight basketball as getting caught up in the tensions between conservative and liberal approaches to crime and violence in the neoliberal era--represented mainly by the more punitive visions of Rush Limbaugh and Bob Dole, on the one hand, and Bill Clinton's more prevention-oriented approach on the other. The broader point is the debates over midnight basketball functioned as a racially-coded symbolic proxy for these larger policy divisions and, moreover, that conservatives successfully utilized the racial threat along with the ability to trivialize prevention through its association with sport and play to force changes in the criminal justice policy that eventually was ratified.Less
Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political and cultural roots of this collapse as well as its broader political and public policy consequences. Essentially it portrays midnight basketball as getting caught up in the tensions between conservative and liberal approaches to crime and violence in the neoliberal era--represented mainly by the more punitive visions of Rush Limbaugh and Bob Dole, on the one hand, and Bill Clinton's more prevention-oriented approach on the other. The broader point is the debates over midnight basketball functioned as a racially-coded symbolic proxy for these larger policy divisions and, moreover, that conservatives successfully utilized the racial threat along with the ability to trivialize prevention through its association with sport and play to force changes in the criminal justice policy that eventually was ratified.
James M. Denham
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813060491
- eISBN:
- 9780813050638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060491.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During Elizabeth Kovachevich’s tenure as chief judge in 1996 case-load overcrowding reached a crisis. The number and length of criminal prosecutions associated with illegal drugs overwhelmed the ...
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During Elizabeth Kovachevich’s tenure as chief judge in 1996 case-load overcrowding reached a crisis. The number and length of criminal prosecutions associated with illegal drugs overwhelmed the court to the degree that civil trials were increasing pushed back on the docket. Judge Kovachevich acted proactively and unconventionally to address the crisis. She called on bar associations in the district to act and even travelled personally to Washington to lobby lawmakers to act to pass legislation expanding the number of judges. She admonished lawmakers to act in bipartisan fashion to confirm judges. Judge Kovachevich initiated unprecedented and controversial measures to cope with the overcrowding. The shortage of judges and the increasing overcrowding was further exacerbated by partisan politics and the Senate confirmation process nearly broke down completely. The court made due with selecting more magistrates, and their backgrounds are included. Finally due to the cooperation of Senators Graham and Mack, the district was able to secure the confirmation of six more justices for a total of nine appointed during Clinton’s presidency. The backgrounds of these new appointees are covered extensively.Less
During Elizabeth Kovachevich’s tenure as chief judge in 1996 case-load overcrowding reached a crisis. The number and length of criminal prosecutions associated with illegal drugs overwhelmed the court to the degree that civil trials were increasing pushed back on the docket. Judge Kovachevich acted proactively and unconventionally to address the crisis. She called on bar associations in the district to act and even travelled personally to Washington to lobby lawmakers to act to pass legislation expanding the number of judges. She admonished lawmakers to act in bipartisan fashion to confirm judges. Judge Kovachevich initiated unprecedented and controversial measures to cope with the overcrowding. The shortage of judges and the increasing overcrowding was further exacerbated by partisan politics and the Senate confirmation process nearly broke down completely. The court made due with selecting more magistrates, and their backgrounds are included. Finally due to the cooperation of Senators Graham and Mack, the district was able to secure the confirmation of six more justices for a total of nine appointed during Clinton’s presidency. The backgrounds of these new appointees are covered extensively.
Akwugo Emejulu
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781447313175
- eISBN:
- 9781447313205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447313175.003.0006
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations
This chapter focuses on the micropolitics of community development from 1992 to 1997 in the United States. There are two discourses identified for analysis: The ‘Revitalisation discourse’ constituted ...
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This chapter focuses on the micropolitics of community development from 1992 to 1997 in the United States. There are two discourses identified for analysis: The ‘Revitalisation discourse’ constituted by the texts, language and practices of official state actors in President Bill Clinton’s Administration. In addition, community development is constructed as a tool to convey the principles of neoliberalism. In opposition to these practices, the ‘Coalition discourse’ is constituted by the texts, language and practices of feminist, anti-racist and Alinskyist practitioners. These discourses emerge in response to two important events: the hegemony of the New Right coalition and the divisiveness of so-called ‘identity politics’.Less
This chapter focuses on the micropolitics of community development from 1992 to 1997 in the United States. There are two discourses identified for analysis: The ‘Revitalisation discourse’ constituted by the texts, language and practices of official state actors in President Bill Clinton’s Administration. In addition, community development is constructed as a tool to convey the principles of neoliberalism. In opposition to these practices, the ‘Coalition discourse’ is constituted by the texts, language and practices of feminist, anti-racist and Alinskyist practitioners. These discourses emerge in response to two important events: the hegemony of the New Right coalition and the divisiveness of so-called ‘identity politics’.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226465319
- eISBN:
- 9780226465333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226465333.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
This chapter follows in detail Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments (ACHRE)'s deliberations in the Eugene Saenger case. President Bill Clinton created the ACHRE to assess the history of ...
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This chapter follows in detail Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments (ACHRE)'s deliberations in the Eugene Saenger case. President Bill Clinton created the ACHRE to assess the history of government-sponsored radiation experiments during the coldwar. The reasons that ACHRE could not reach a definitive judgment in the Saenger case arose in part from its reputed strengths and commanding position. ACHRE looked at how to fulfill its role as an arm of political authority and still maintain its support for the rights of individuals and the plurality of community positions. It produced an analysis of Saenger's research program. ACHRE's account of Saenger's research was anything but the last word on an affair that had already lasted more than three decades and drawn numerous individuals into its web. Saenger still faced a civil suit brought by family members of his patients and the judgment of some of his harshest critics.Less
This chapter follows in detail Advisory Committee on Human Radiation Experiments (ACHRE)'s deliberations in the Eugene Saenger case. President Bill Clinton created the ACHRE to assess the history of government-sponsored radiation experiments during the coldwar. The reasons that ACHRE could not reach a definitive judgment in the Saenger case arose in part from its reputed strengths and commanding position. ACHRE looked at how to fulfill its role as an arm of political authority and still maintain its support for the rights of individuals and the plurality of community positions. It produced an analysis of Saenger's research program. ACHRE's account of Saenger's research was anything but the last word on an affair that had already lasted more than three decades and drawn numerous individuals into its web. Saenger still faced a civil suit brought by family members of his patients and the judgment of some of his harshest critics.