Jan‐Erik Lane, David McKay, and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198280538
- eISBN:
- 9780191601934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828053X.003.0024
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Portugal. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, ...
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This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Portugal. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.Less
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Portugal. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.
Marina Costa Lobo
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Analyses the extent to which Portuguese democracy has become presidentialized both politically and electorally. Several indicators are used to measure the growth of leadership autonomy within the ...
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Analyses the extent to which Portuguese democracy has become presidentialized both politically and electorally. Several indicators are used to measure the growth of leadership autonomy within the party, namely, the election modes of leadership bodies; the control over candidate selection for the national parliament; the degree of autonomy to draw up the electoral programme; and the ability to decide on coalitions. Concerning the strengthening of leadership within government, the chapter explores data concerning the increase in Prime Minister’s resources. In this section, the enduring importance of senior party members within government is shown, which counters the presidentialization trend. Looking to the electoral face of presidentialization, evidence that points to the importance of leaders in the vote choice of the Portuguese electorate is presented.Certain indicators point to greater autonomy and strength of the party leader/Prime Minister. The 1982 revision of the Constitution that circumscribed Presidential powers in ‘normal circumstances’ and the concentration of the vote in the two major parties, which has occurred since 1987, are important factors that explain the emergence of a stronger premier, and more candidate-centered electoral processes. Yet, the enduring semi-presidential nature of the regime, as well as the evidence of the importance of the party members within government, cautions against characterizing the Portuguese political system as having become fully presidentialized.Less
Analyses the extent to which Portuguese democracy has become presidentialized both politically and electorally. Several indicators are used to measure the growth of leadership autonomy within the party, namely, the election modes of leadership bodies; the control over candidate selection for the national parliament; the degree of autonomy to draw up the electoral programme; and the ability to decide on coalitions. Concerning the strengthening of leadership within government, the chapter explores data concerning the increase in Prime Minister’s resources. In this section, the enduring importance of senior party members within government is shown, which counters the presidentialization trend. Looking to the electoral face of presidentialization, evidence that points to the importance of leaders in the vote choice of the Portuguese electorate is presented.
Certain indicators point to greater autonomy and strength of the party leader/Prime Minister. The 1982 revision of the Constitution that circumscribed Presidential powers in ‘normal circumstances’ and the concentration of the vote in the two major parties, which has occurred since 1987, are important factors that explain the emergence of a stronger premier, and more candidate-centered electoral processes. Yet, the enduring semi-presidential nature of the regime, as well as the evidence of the importance of the party members within government, cautions against characterizing the Portuguese political system as having become fully presidentialized.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280828
- eISBN:
- 9780191599965
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280823.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
What are the key factors to describe and explain the consolidation of a democracy or its possible internal crisis? After providing a few conceptual guidelines and the empirical indicators of ...
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What are the key factors to describe and explain the consolidation of a democracy or its possible internal crisis? After providing a few conceptual guidelines and the empirical indicators of consolidation and crisis, a systematic comparative analysis of the following aspects in the four Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece) is unfolded: consensus and legitimation, party systems and party organizations, and relationships of organized and non‐organized interests with parties and state institutions. The consequent models of consolidation, and the related explanations, are given. What happens later in those countries is analysed with special reference to dissatisfaction, discontent, and perceived inefficacy. The concluding remarks pay attention to the ‘quality’ of democracy.Less
What are the key factors to describe and explain the consolidation of a democracy or its possible internal crisis? After providing a few conceptual guidelines and the empirical indicators of consolidation and crisis, a systematic comparative analysis of the following aspects in the four Southern European countries (Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece) is unfolded: consensus and legitimation, party systems and party organizations, and relationships of organized and non‐organized interests with parties and state institutions. The consequent models of consolidation, and the related explanations, are given. What happens later in those countries is analysed with special reference to dissatisfaction, discontent, and perceived inefficacy. The concluding remarks pay attention to the ‘quality’ of democracy.
Hussein Kassim, Guy Peters, and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ...
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This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ‘Europeanization’ problematic within which the issue is usually addressed, it adopts a broader, more inclusive approach, examining domestic processes and investigating co-ordination in ten member states ––Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom –– looking at co-ordinating ambitions, the actors involved in EU policy-making, and the structures and processes by which policy is made. These particular countries were selected to cover the most important dimensions of variation among member states. From a comparative perspective, the book identifies and assesses the impact of the influences that have shaped systems of national co-ordination – the demands exerted by Union membership, the institutional structure of the national polity, the pre-existing balance between domestic institutions, administrative norms and values, and attitudes, both popular and elite, to European integration. It assesses the extent to which there has been a convergent response to the administrative challenges posed by membership on the part of the member states or whether a pattern of divergence emerges. The effectiveness of member states in influencing policy outcomes at the European level is also addressed. All the chapters except for that on Portugal and the Conclusion are substantially revised versions of papers presented at a workshop on co-ordinating EU policy held at Oxford in June 1998. The companion volume answers similar questions about national administrations in Brussels and looks at twelve member states; it is the first systematic examination of the role played by Permanent Representations in national EU policy-making.Less
This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ‘Europeanization’ problematic within which the issue is usually addressed, it adopts a broader, more inclusive approach, examining domestic processes and investigating co-ordination in ten member states ––Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom –– looking at co-ordinating ambitions, the actors involved in EU policy-making, and the structures and processes by which policy is made. These particular countries were selected to cover the most important dimensions of variation among member states. From a comparative perspective, the book identifies and assesses the impact of the influences that have shaped systems of national co-ordination – the demands exerted by Union membership, the institutional structure of the national polity, the pre-existing balance between domestic institutions, administrative norms and values, and attitudes, both popular and elite, to European integration. It assesses the extent to which there has been a convergent response to the administrative challenges posed by membership on the part of the member states or whether a pattern of divergence emerges. The effectiveness of member states in influencing policy outcomes at the European level is also addressed. All the chapters except for that on Portugal and the Conclusion are substantially revised versions of papers presented at a workshop on co-ordinating EU policy held at Oxford in June 1998. The companion volume answers similar questions about national administrations in Brussels and looks at twelve member states; it is the first systematic examination of the role played by Permanent Representations in national EU policy-making.
Vincent Wright
Hussein Kassim, Anand Menon, and B. Guy Peters (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, ...
More
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, institutions and processes put in place by national governments in Brussels. The companion volume, published in 2000, examines the national co-ordination of EU policy at the domestic level. This second book offers a comprehensive, comparative analysis of national co-ordination at the European level. It investigates the way in which eleven member states—Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom—co-ordinate their European policy in Brussels. It examines their co-ordination ambitions, the value attached to co-ordination and their conception of it, and the strategies adopted by the member states for defining and defending a national position in EU policy-making. It looks in detail at the organization and operation of the permanent representations—the principal institution charged by governments with safeguarding the ‘national interest’ in Brussels—and at how, to what extent (indeed, whether) they succeed in reconciling their responsibilities as both agencies of the national government and part of the EU decision-making system. The book assesses the effectiveness of the various national arrangements in achieving their intended goals, and identifies the factors that influence or determine performance at the European level. The institutions, structures, and processes utilized by the member states in Brussels are compared with a view to discovering whether there is evidence of convergence around a common model or whether national differences persist. All of the chapters except for the Conclusion are extensively revised versions of papers presented at a workshop, held at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 13–14 May 1999.Less
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, institutions and processes put in place by national governments in Brussels. The companion volume, published in 2000, examines the national co-ordination of EU policy at the domestic level. This second book offers a comprehensive, comparative analysis of national co-ordination at the European level. It investigates the way in which eleven member states—Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom—co-ordinate their European policy in Brussels. It examines their co-ordination ambitions, the value attached to co-ordination and their conception of it, and the strategies adopted by the member states for defining and defending a national position in EU policy-making. It looks in detail at the organization and operation of the permanent representations—the principal institution charged by governments with safeguarding the ‘national interest’ in Brussels—and at how, to what extent (indeed, whether) they succeed in reconciling their responsibilities as both agencies of the national government and part of the EU decision-making system. The book assesses the effectiveness of the various national arrangements in achieving their intended goals, and identifies the factors that influence or determine performance at the European level. The institutions, structures, and processes utilized by the member states in Brussels are compared with a view to discovering whether there is evidence of convergence around a common model or whether national differences persist. All of the chapters except for the Conclusion are extensively revised versions of papers presented at a workshop, held at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 13–14 May 1999.
António Costa Pinto
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The military coup of 25 April 1974 in Portugal initiated the ‘third wave’ of democratic transitions in southern Europe. The transition and subsequent process of democratic consolidation evolved in ...
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The military coup of 25 April 1974 in Portugal initiated the ‘third wave’ of democratic transitions in southern Europe. The transition and subsequent process of democratic consolidation evolved in various stages, each with a corresponding phase of ‘transitional truth and justice’ initiatives and counter-initiatives: the first stage, from 1974 to 1976, was the ‘revolutionary’ period, comprising the downfall of the regime and the crisis of state that followed; the second stage, between 1976 and 1982, was a period of ‘normalization’, constitutionalization and incipient democratic consolidation; during the third stage, from 1982 onwards, the process of democratic consolidation has proceeded apace. This chapter examines these stages in different sections: Introduction; A Portuguese Settling of Accounts; The Purge Process; The Dual Legacy Discourse and the Consolidation of Democracy; and Conclusion.Less
The military coup of 25 April 1974 in Portugal initiated the ‘third wave’ of democratic transitions in southern Europe. The transition and subsequent process of democratic consolidation evolved in various stages, each with a corresponding phase of ‘transitional truth and justice’ initiatives and counter-initiatives: the first stage, from 1974 to 1976, was the ‘revolutionary’ period, comprising the downfall of the regime and the crisis of state that followed; the second stage, between 1976 and 1982, was a period of ‘normalization’, constitutionalization and incipient democratic consolidation; during the third stage, from 1982 onwards, the process of democratic consolidation has proceeded apace. This chapter examines these stages in different sections: Introduction; A Portuguese Settling of Accounts; The Purge Process; The Dual Legacy Discourse and the Consolidation of Democracy; and Conclusion.
Laurence Whitehead
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243754
- eISBN:
- 9780191600333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243751.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The modern political histories of Greece, Portugal, and Spain display a common theme of escape from an authoritarian rule. This lends support to an application of the ‘contagion’ theory of ...
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The modern political histories of Greece, Portugal, and Spain display a common theme of escape from an authoritarian rule. This lends support to an application of the ‘contagion’ theory of democratization outlined in the first chapter, by which the European Union is seen as having played a major role in promoting and generalizing a liberal–democratic pattern of values, fomenting desires in these three countries to emulate the Western European achievement, and encouraging convergence through integration.Less
The modern political histories of Greece, Portugal, and Spain display a common theme of escape from an authoritarian rule. This lends support to an application of the ‘contagion’ theory of democratization outlined in the first chapter, by which the European Union is seen as having played a major role in promoting and generalizing a liberal–democratic pattern of values, fomenting desires in these three countries to emulate the Western European achievement, and encouraging convergence through integration.
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280828
- eISBN:
- 9780191599965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280823.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter is entirely devoted to the empirical analysis of the main features of party and party systems in Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. Closer attention is especially devoted to party ...
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This chapter is entirely devoted to the empirical analysis of the main features of party and party systems in Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. Closer attention is especially devoted to party membership and rate of membership, party identification and organization, and stabilization and institutionalization. A thorough analysis of party organizational models established in the four countries is also presented.Less
This chapter is entirely devoted to the empirical analysis of the main features of party and party systems in Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Greece. Closer attention is especially devoted to party membership and rate of membership, party identification and organization, and stabilization and institutionalization. A thorough analysis of party organizational models established in the four countries is also presented.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in ...
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This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.Less
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.
Piero Ignazi
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293255
- eISBN:
- 9780191601903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293259.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The extreme right never took hold in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Their relatively new democratic regimes as well as socio-economic change eliminated the foundations of right-extremist values, and ...
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The extreme right never took hold in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Their relatively new democratic regimes as well as socio-economic change eliminated the foundations of right-extremist values, and distanced the public from its traditional authoritarianism and neo-fascist heritage. Moreover, the extreme right did not provide sufficient organisational and political articulation for the populist anti-system protest during the mid-1980s, thus failing to attract a sizeable audience.Less
The extreme right never took hold in Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Their relatively new democratic regimes as well as socio-economic change eliminated the foundations of right-extremist values, and distanced the public from its traditional authoritarianism and neo-fascist heritage. Moreover, the extreme right did not provide sufficient organisational and political articulation for the populist anti-system protest during the mid-1980s, thus failing to attract a sizeable audience.
Armando Pereira
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279990
- eISBN:
- 9780191599552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019827999X.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Regionalism has made little progress in Portugal, except for the Islands. In the mainland, European regional pressures are dealt with by administrative regionalism.
Regionalism has made little progress in Portugal, except for the Islands. In the mainland, European regional pressures are dealt with by administrative regionalism.
José M. Borchert
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
After thirty years of Portuguese democracy, a democratic political class is still emerging but has already become quite stable and cohesive over time. The chapter brings to the fore the difficulties ...
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After thirty years of Portuguese democracy, a democratic political class is still emerging but has already become quite stable and cohesive over time. The chapter brings to the fore the difficulties that the Portuguese political class had and has to overcome, above all the patrimonial heritage of the authoritarian regime. It includes original data on the size of the political class and what difficulties it is encountering to achieve a higher level of professionalization. The relationship between the political class and the public is also given special prominence.Less
After thirty years of Portuguese democracy, a democratic political class is still emerging but has already become quite stable and cohesive over time. The chapter brings to the fore the difficulties that the Portuguese political class had and has to overcome, above all the patrimonial heritage of the authoritarian regime. It includes original data on the size of the political class and what difficulties it is encountering to achieve a higher level of professionalization. The relationship between the political class and the public is also given special prominence.
Mariano Torcal, Richard Gunther, and José Ramón Montero
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Political scientists who have written about party decline (the ‘crisis of parties’) fall into two broad categories: one group includes those who focus their analysis on the organizational structures, ...
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Political scientists who have written about party decline (the ‘crisis of parties’) fall into two broad categories: one group includes those who focus their analysis on the organizational structures, functions and membership of parties, and their performance in government and in representative institutions; a second group has been more concerned with citizens’ attitudes towards political parties, although their empirical studies have rarely focused on the question of the decline in public support for parties, and have instead been primarily concerned with themes such as the evolution of party identification, electoral participation, and the traditional social ties linking parties to citizens. Despite widespread interest in this theme, there have been surprisingly few empirical studies of the extent and possible origins of anti‐party attitudes. Aims to fill this gap in the literature by systematically exploring the hypothesis of the ‘decline of parties’ from the standpoint of citizen support for these key institutions in four Southern European democracies, although the existing literature on the topic has produced contradictory findings. Has four complementary objectives: (1) to develop and discuss attitudinal indicators that can serve as adequate measures of anti‐party sentiments; (2) to observe the evolution of these indicators over time in a variety of contexts; (3) to discuss their relationship with other aspects of political behaviour; and (4) to speculate about the origins of anti‐party sentiments. While most of the analysis focuses on Spain, similar attitudes are also explored in Portugal, Italy, and Greece, in an effort to determine the extent to which an increase in anti‐party sentiments represents a general feature of contemporary West European democracies, and to what extent it maybe linked to a broader concept of political disaffection; also examined are some of the consequences of this phenomenon with regard to electoral behaviour, to psychological identification of citizens with parties, and to the overall level of involvement of citizens in public life.Less
Political scientists who have written about party decline (the ‘crisis of parties’) fall into two broad categories: one group includes those who focus their analysis on the organizational structures, functions and membership of parties, and their performance in government and in representative institutions; a second group has been more concerned with citizens’ attitudes towards political parties, although their empirical studies have rarely focused on the question of the decline in public support for parties, and have instead been primarily concerned with themes such as the evolution of party identification, electoral participation, and the traditional social ties linking parties to citizens. Despite widespread interest in this theme, there have been surprisingly few empirical studies of the extent and possible origins of anti‐party attitudes. Aims to fill this gap in the literature by systematically exploring the hypothesis of the ‘decline of parties’ from the standpoint of citizen support for these key institutions in four Southern European democracies, although the existing literature on the topic has produced contradictory findings. Has four complementary objectives: (1) to develop and discuss attitudinal indicators that can serve as adequate measures of anti‐party sentiments; (2) to observe the evolution of these indicators over time in a variety of contexts; (3) to discuss their relationship with other aspects of political behaviour; and (4) to speculate about the origins of anti‐party sentiments. While most of the analysis focuses on Spain, similar attitudes are also explored in Portugal, Italy, and Greece, in an effort to determine the extent to which an increase in anti‐party sentiments represents a general feature of contemporary West European democracies, and to what extent it maybe linked to a broader concept of political disaffection; also examined are some of the consequences of this phenomenon with regard to electoral behaviour, to psychological identification of citizens with parties, and to the overall level of involvement of citizens in public life.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the late 1960s, the wider framework for and the basic structure of the North Atlantic alliance was being challenged on virtually all fronts at the same time, causing the need for a reappraisal of ...
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In the late 1960s, the wider framework for and the basic structure of the North Atlantic alliance was being challenged on virtually all fronts at the same time, causing the need for a reappraisal of relationships. These challenges included: the continuing Cold War with the Soviet Union and its allies, where the confrontation continued, but was now being combined with détente (i.e. cooperation on important military, political, and economic issues); the change in the American–European relationship resulting from Europe striking out more on its own; the perceived decline of the US by the Nixon administration and its resulting need to cooperate with the other economic centres of the world; outside Europe, the combination of the rise of OPEC and the volatility of the Middle East, which highlighted a growing energy problem that was to prove quite troublesome in Atlantic relations; and the effect of the rise of Japan and the Pacific rim in redefining the role and importance of Western Europe in the world. All these redefinitions imposed a strain on American–European relations in the period 1969–1977, but even though the resulting conflicts were now more structural than they had been earlier, they were still contained within the alliance framework, for both the US and Western Europe still needed a certain degree of cooperation and mutual dependence. The four main sections following the explanatory preamble to this chapter discuss various aspects of this conflict and cooperation between the US and Western Europe. They are: The US, Western Europe, and Détente; Nixon–Kissinger's Reappraisal of European Integration, 1969–1976; The Southern Flank [of Europe], Communism, and the US—a discussion of the political situations in Portugal, Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Italy (and Iceland); and Conflict, but Still Primarily Cooperation.Less
In the late 1960s, the wider framework for and the basic structure of the North Atlantic alliance was being challenged on virtually all fronts at the same time, causing the need for a reappraisal of relationships. These challenges included: the continuing Cold War with the Soviet Union and its allies, where the confrontation continued, but was now being combined with détente (i.e. cooperation on important military, political, and economic issues); the change in the American–European relationship resulting from Europe striking out more on its own; the perceived decline of the US by the Nixon administration and its resulting need to cooperate with the other economic centres of the world; outside Europe, the combination of the rise of OPEC and the volatility of the Middle East, which highlighted a growing energy problem that was to prove quite troublesome in Atlantic relations; and the effect of the rise of Japan and the Pacific rim in redefining the role and importance of Western Europe in the world. All these redefinitions imposed a strain on American–European relations in the period 1969–1977, but even though the resulting conflicts were now more structural than they had been earlier, they were still contained within the alliance framework, for both the US and Western Europe still needed a certain degree of cooperation and mutual dependence. The four main sections following the explanatory preamble to this chapter discuss various aspects of this conflict and cooperation between the US and Western Europe. They are: The US, Western Europe, and Détente; Nixon–Kissinger's Reappraisal of European Integration, 1969–1976; The Southern Flank [of Europe], Communism, and the US—a discussion of the political situations in Portugal, Spain, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Italy (and Iceland); and Conflict, but Still Primarily Cooperation.
José M. Magone
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Portugal is divided into three main sections. The first deals with the development of the country’s EU policy co-ordination ...
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This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Portugal is divided into three main sections. The first deals with the development of the country’s EU policy co-ordination machinery. In the second, the structure and culture of the present EU policy co-ordination machinery is thoroughly examined. The last section focuses on the interaction of the EU policy co-ordination machinery and the political and administrative opportunity structures.Less
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Portugal is divided into three main sections. The first deals with the development of the country’s EU policy co-ordination machinery. In the second, the structure and culture of the present EU policy co-ordination machinery is thoroughly examined. The last section focuses on the interaction of the EU policy co-ordination machinery and the political and administrative opportunity structures.
José M. Magone
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The Portuguese permanent representation is regarded as an important part of the national system for EU policy co-ordination, and the Portuguese administration tends to send its best officials to the ...
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The Portuguese permanent representation is regarded as an important part of the national system for EU policy co-ordination, and the Portuguese administration tends to send its best officials to the mission in Brussels. The permanent representation was created after Portugal became a member of the European Union in 1986, and from the very beginning it was influenced by the missions of other member states, the main models being the permanent representations of France and the UK. The special relationship of Portugal to these countries shaped the organization and operation of the Portuguese permanent representation. The lessons learnt were not so much related to the structure of the permanent representation, which is similar to those of other member states, but more to the skills and the way the members of permanent representation do their jobs, which is related to the experience of those civil servants in the French and British administrations before they were sent to the permanent representation. The different sections of the chapter discuss: the organization of the Portuguese permanent representation, its personnel, its internal functioning and working methods, its role, its capacity to implement ambitions, its success, and the simplicity and efficiency of national EU policy co-ordination structures in Portugal.Less
The Portuguese permanent representation is regarded as an important part of the national system for EU policy co-ordination, and the Portuguese administration tends to send its best officials to the mission in Brussels. The permanent representation was created after Portugal became a member of the European Union in 1986, and from the very beginning it was influenced by the missions of other member states, the main models being the permanent representations of France and the UK. The special relationship of Portugal to these countries shaped the organization and operation of the Portuguese permanent representation. The lessons learnt were not so much related to the structure of the permanent representation, which is similar to those of other member states, but more to the skills and the way the members of permanent representation do their jobs, which is related to the experience of those civil servants in the French and British administrations before they were sent to the permanent representation. The different sections of the chapter discuss: the organization of the Portuguese permanent representation, its personnel, its internal functioning and working methods, its role, its capacity to implement ambitions, its success, and the simplicity and efficiency of national EU policy co-ordination structures in Portugal.
Giancarlo Casale
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195377828
- eISBN:
- 9780199775699
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377828.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter explores the ways in which the opening of a direct Ottoman sea route to the Indies during Selim's reign closely corresponded, in its general contours, with a similar process that had ...
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This chapter explores the ways in which the opening of a direct Ottoman sea route to the Indies during Selim's reign closely corresponded, in its general contours, with a similar process that had already taken place in Portugal during the 15th century. For the Ottomans, as for the Portuguese before them, this was a process that included three principal components: first, a growing awareness of the cultural and physical geography of an area of the world that was previously almost totally unknown to them; second, a rising interest in the economic potential of trade with the East, most noticeable with reference to the spice trade; and third, the articulation of an entirely new set of political ambitions and imperial claims to universal sovereignty, which would shape the course of future expansion. In order to fully appreciate this parallel development, however, it is necessary to consider the ways in which both the Ottomans and the Portuguese, in the decades before their history of contact with the Indian Ocean had even begun, shared a similar intellectual preparation for the dawning Age of Exploration.Less
This chapter explores the ways in which the opening of a direct Ottoman sea route to the Indies during Selim's reign closely corresponded, in its general contours, with a similar process that had already taken place in Portugal during the 15th century. For the Ottomans, as for the Portuguese before them, this was a process that included three principal components: first, a growing awareness of the cultural and physical geography of an area of the world that was previously almost totally unknown to them; second, a rising interest in the economic potential of trade with the East, most noticeable with reference to the spice trade; and third, the articulation of an entirely new set of political ambitions and imperial claims to universal sovereignty, which would shape the course of future expansion. In order to fully appreciate this parallel development, however, it is necessary to consider the ways in which both the Ottomans and the Portuguese, in the decades before their history of contact with the Indian Ocean had even begun, shared a similar intellectual preparation for the dawning Age of Exploration.
John Ure
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622099029
- eISBN:
- 9789882207486
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622099029.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter examines telecommunications development in Macau. The telecommunications infrastructure was built under the monopoly of CTM (Companhia de Telecomunicações de Macau) — a joint venture ...
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This chapter examines telecommunications development in Macau. The telecommunications infrastructure was built under the monopoly of CTM (Companhia de Telecomunicações de Macau) — a joint venture between Cable and Wireless, Portugal Telecom International, CITIC Pacific, and the Macau SAR government. The monopoly was partially ended in 1999 when the twenty-year build-operate-transfer franchise, granted in 1981, was extended to 2011, but only for fixed line and international gateway services. Competition with CTM's GSM 900/1800 MHz mobile services was introduced in 2001 when Hutchison and SmarTone from Hong Kong were licensed to operate GSM.Less
This chapter examines telecommunications development in Macau. The telecommunications infrastructure was built under the monopoly of CTM (Companhia de Telecomunicações de Macau) — a joint venture between Cable and Wireless, Portugal Telecom International, CITIC Pacific, and the Macau SAR government. The monopoly was partially ended in 1999 when the twenty-year build-operate-transfer franchise, granted in 1981, was extended to 2011, but only for fixed line and international gateway services. Competition with CTM's GSM 900/1800 MHz mobile services was introduced in 2001 when Hutchison and SmarTone from Hong Kong were licensed to operate GSM.
Fernando Martins
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195309287
- eISBN:
- 9780199783939
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309287.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Econometrics
In this chapter, price stickiness in Portugal is analyzed on the basis of qualitative data coming from a survey conducted by the Banco de Portugal. The main conclusions are the following. First, ...
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In this chapter, price stickiness in Portugal is analyzed on the basis of qualitative data coming from a survey conducted by the Banco de Portugal. The main conclusions are the following. First, there is a considerable degree of price stickiness: most firms do not review or change their prices more than once a year, while time lags in price adjustments after shocks were found to be significant. Second, prices seem to go down more frequently than what is normally assumed: slightly more than 30 percent of total price changes are price decreases. Finally, customers' preference for stable prices, which take the form of implicit contracts, is apparently the main reason for the stickiness observed in pricesLess
In this chapter, price stickiness in Portugal is analyzed on the basis of qualitative data coming from a survey conducted by the Banco de Portugal. The main conclusions are the following. First, there is a considerable degree of price stickiness: most firms do not review or change their prices more than once a year, while time lags in price adjustments after shocks were found to be significant. Second, prices seem to go down more frequently than what is normally assumed: slightly more than 30 percent of total price changes are price decreases. Finally, customers' preference for stable prices, which take the form of implicit contracts, is apparently the main reason for the stickiness observed in prices
Carmen Amado Mendes
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789888139002
- eISBN:
- 9789888180127
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139002.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
On 20 December 1999 the city of Macau became a Special Administrative Region of China after nearly 450 years of Portuguese administration. Drawing extensively on Portuguese and other sources, and on ...
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On 20 December 1999 the city of Macau became a Special Administrative Region of China after nearly 450 years of Portuguese administration. Drawing extensively on Portuguese and other sources, and on interviews with key participants, this book examines the strategies and policies adopted by the Portuguese government during the negotiations. The study sets these events in the larger context of Portugal's retreat from empire, the British experience with Hong Kong, and changing social and political conditions within Macau. A weak player on the international stage, Portugal was still able to obtain concessions during the negotiations, notably in the timing of the retrocession and continuing Portuguese nationality arrangements for some Macau citizens. Yet the tendency of Portuguese leaders to use the Macau question as a tool in their domestic political agendas hampered their ability to develop an effective strategy and left China with the freedom to control the process of negotiation.Less
On 20 December 1999 the city of Macau became a Special Administrative Region of China after nearly 450 years of Portuguese administration. Drawing extensively on Portuguese and other sources, and on interviews with key participants, this book examines the strategies and policies adopted by the Portuguese government during the negotiations. The study sets these events in the larger context of Portugal's retreat from empire, the British experience with Hong Kong, and changing social and political conditions within Macau. A weak player on the international stage, Portugal was still able to obtain concessions during the negotiations, notably in the timing of the retrocession and continuing Portuguese nationality arrangements for some Macau citizens. Yet the tendency of Portuguese leaders to use the Macau question as a tool in their domestic political agendas hampered their ability to develop an effective strategy and left China with the freedom to control the process of negotiation.
