William Nylen
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist ...
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In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist agenda. This study analyses the process of party building through three experiences with local governance by the PT in the north‐eastern state of Ceará. Strict adherence to the party line generated the spectacular failure of the first PT administration in the area and led to a more pragmatic vision within the party to winning and maintaining electoral power. The PT constructed new public support and made significant electoral gains, based on a platform calling for the provision of credible public services and a responsive and participatory governance process. The failure and success of PT governments in this region have contributed to an internal learning process and institutional debates at both the regional and national levels.Less
In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist agenda. This study analyses the process of party building through three experiences with local governance by the PT in the north‐eastern state of Ceará. Strict adherence to the party line generated the spectacular failure of the first PT administration in the area and led to a more pragmatic vision within the party to winning and maintaining electoral power. The PT constructed new public support and made significant electoral gains, based on a platform calling for the provision of credible public services and a responsive and participatory governance process. The failure and success of PT governments in this region have contributed to an internal learning process and institutional debates at both the regional and national levels.
Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to ...
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Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.Less
Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.
Muhamad Ali
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781474409209
- eISBN:
- 9781474418799
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474409209.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This book explores the ways in which Islam and European colonialism shaped modernity in the Indo-Malay world. Focusing on Indonesia and Malaysia, it looks at how European colonial and Islamic ...
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This book explores the ways in which Islam and European colonialism shaped modernity in the Indo-Malay world. Focusing on Indonesia and Malaysia, it looks at how European colonial and Islamic modernising powers operated in the common and parallel domains of organization, government and politics, law and education in the first half of the twentieth century. Through its critical approach to the interplay of Islamic religious rfrom and dynamics of both British and Dutch colonialisms, this work of comparative history illuminates perspective on the rather different shapes that Islam and Muslim societies have taken in the neighboring nation-states of modern Malaysia and Indonesia. It shows that colonialisation was able to co-exist with Islamisation, arguing that Islamic movements were not necessarily antithetical to modernisation, nor that Western modernity was always anathema to Islamic and local custom. Rather, in distinguishing religious from worldly affairs, they were able to adopt and adapt modern ideas and practices that were useful or relevant while maintaining the Islamic faith and ritual that they believed to be essential. Moving beyond binaries such as Orientalist versus Islamic and modernity versus Islam, it offers historical evidence and theoretical engagement with Islamic religious reform and European colonial modernisation in particular, and with religion, modernity, and tradition in general. In developing an understanding of the common ways in which Islam was defined and treated in Indonesia and Malaysia, we can gain a new insight to Muslim politics and culture in Southeast Asia.Less
This book explores the ways in which Islam and European colonialism shaped modernity in the Indo-Malay world. Focusing on Indonesia and Malaysia, it looks at how European colonial and Islamic modernising powers operated in the common and parallel domains of organization, government and politics, law and education in the first half of the twentieth century. Through its critical approach to the interplay of Islamic religious rfrom and dynamics of both British and Dutch colonialisms, this work of comparative history illuminates perspective on the rather different shapes that Islam and Muslim societies have taken in the neighboring nation-states of modern Malaysia and Indonesia. It shows that colonialisation was able to co-exist with Islamisation, arguing that Islamic movements were not necessarily antithetical to modernisation, nor that Western modernity was always anathema to Islamic and local custom. Rather, in distinguishing religious from worldly affairs, they were able to adopt and adapt modern ideas and practices that were useful or relevant while maintaining the Islamic faith and ritual that they believed to be essential. Moving beyond binaries such as Orientalist versus Islamic and modernity versus Islam, it offers historical evidence and theoretical engagement with Islamic religious reform and European colonial modernisation in particular, and with religion, modernity, and tradition in general. In developing an understanding of the common ways in which Islam was defined and treated in Indonesia and Malaysia, we can gain a new insight to Muslim politics and culture in Southeast Asia.
Jorgen S. Nielsen (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780748646944
- eISBN:
- 9780748684281
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748646944.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
After an introduction by the editor this book presents fifteen studies from across Europe, including the eastern part, many of them comparative across countries. The chapters are arranged in four ...
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After an introduction by the editor this book presents fifteen studies from across Europe, including the eastern part, many of them comparative across countries. The chapters are arranged in four parts. The first focuses particularly on local and national elections, and the second part on broader questions of political integration, especially among women and youth. Part three looks out how institutions, Muslim and local or national, can facilitate and contribute to directing the particular ways in which political integration can be channelled or hindered. Finally, the fourth part investigates two examples of political activism which challenge accumulated political practices.Less
After an introduction by the editor this book presents fifteen studies from across Europe, including the eastern part, many of them comparative across countries. The chapters are arranged in four parts. The first focuses particularly on local and national elections, and the second part on broader questions of political integration, especially among women and youth. Part three looks out how institutions, Muslim and local or national, can facilitate and contribute to directing the particular ways in which political integration can be channelled or hindered. Finally, the fourth part investigates two examples of political activism which challenge accumulated political practices.
Derrick E. White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037356
- eISBN:
- 9780813041605
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037356.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue ...
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This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.Less
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.
Janet Carsten and Simon Frith (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780197265864
- eISBN:
- 9780191772016
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265864.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The content derives from the British Academy’s public lecture programme which presents specialist research in an accessible manner. The papers range in subject matter over music, psychology, history, ...
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The content derives from the British Academy’s public lecture programme which presents specialist research in an accessible manner. The papers range in subject matter over music, psychology, history, economics and linguistics, demonstrating the depth and breadth of scholarship in the humanities and social sciences that the British Academy champions.Less
The content derives from the British Academy’s public lecture programme which presents specialist research in an accessible manner. The papers range in subject matter over music, psychology, history, economics and linguistics, demonstrating the depth and breadth of scholarship in the humanities and social sciences that the British Academy champions.
Phillip Cole
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748622009
- eISBN:
- 9780748671908
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748622009.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book explores a contradiction at the heart of modern thought about what it is to be human: the belief that human beings cannot commit a radically evil act purely for its own sake, and the ...
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This book explores a contradiction at the heart of modern thought about what it is to be human: the belief that human beings cannot commit a radically evil act purely for its own sake, and the evidence that radically evil acts are committed, not by ‘monsters’, but by ordinary human beings. This contradiction can be seen most clearly when we consider the most extreme forms of evil – war crimes, serial killers, sex offenders, children who kill. This book shows that the traditional position – that evil is an active force creating monsters in human shape – is still at work, both in the popular imagination, cultivated in fiction and film, and in real form in politics and the media, most recently in relation to migrants and ‘terrorists’. Drawing on philosophical ideas as well as on theological perspectives, psychological theories and fictional representations, this book asks us to reconsider our understanding of human nature. It reaches the radical conclusion that the discourse of evil is mythological, such that describing any agent as evil is to make them a mythical figure, lying beyond the human realm. The only protection against such figures is their complete destruction. This mythic discourse of evil has played its role in some of the most terrible events in human history, encouraging people to the most extremely vindictive and violence acts against those who have been identified as the ‘evil enemy.’Less
This book explores a contradiction at the heart of modern thought about what it is to be human: the belief that human beings cannot commit a radically evil act purely for its own sake, and the evidence that radically evil acts are committed, not by ‘monsters’, but by ordinary human beings. This contradiction can be seen most clearly when we consider the most extreme forms of evil – war crimes, serial killers, sex offenders, children who kill. This book shows that the traditional position – that evil is an active force creating monsters in human shape – is still at work, both in the popular imagination, cultivated in fiction and film, and in real form in politics and the media, most recently in relation to migrants and ‘terrorists’. Drawing on philosophical ideas as well as on theological perspectives, psychological theories and fictional representations, this book asks us to reconsider our understanding of human nature. It reaches the radical conclusion that the discourse of evil is mythological, such that describing any agent as evil is to make them a mythical figure, lying beyond the human realm. The only protection against such figures is their complete destruction. This mythic discourse of evil has played its role in some of the most terrible events in human history, encouraging people to the most extremely vindictive and violence acts against those who have been identified as the ‘evil enemy.’
Akeel Bilgrami (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231170802
- eISBN:
- 9780231541015
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231170802.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
What is the character of secularism in countries that were not pervaded by Christianity, such as China, India, and the nations of the Middle East? To what extent is the secular an imposition of ...
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What is the character of secularism in countries that were not pervaded by Christianity, such as China, India, and the nations of the Middle East? To what extent is the secular an imposition of colonial rule? How does secularism comport with local religious cultures in Africa, and how does it work with local forms of power and governance in Latin America? Has modern secularism evolved organically, or is it even necessary, and has it always meant progress? A vital extension of Charles Taylor’s A Secular Age, in which he exhaustively chronicled the emergence of secularism in Latin Christendom, this anthology applies Taylor’s findings to secularism’s global migration. Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Rajeev Bhargava, Akeel Bilgrami, Souleymane Bachir Diagne, Sudipta Kaviraj, Claudio Lomnitz, Alfred Stepan, Charles Taylor, and Peter van der Veer each explore the transformation of Western secularism beyond Europe, and the collection closes with Taylor’s response to each essay. What began as a modern reaction to—as well as a stubborn extension of—Latin Christendom has become a complex export shaped by the world’s religious and political systems. Brilliantly alternating between intellectual and methodological approaches, this volume fosters a greater engagement with the phenomenon across disciplines.Less
What is the character of secularism in countries that were not pervaded by Christianity, such as China, India, and the nations of the Middle East? To what extent is the secular an imposition of colonial rule? How does secularism comport with local religious cultures in Africa, and how does it work with local forms of power and governance in Latin America? Has modern secularism evolved organically, or is it even necessary, and has it always meant progress? A vital extension of Charles Taylor’s A Secular Age, in which he exhaustively chronicled the emergence of secularism in Latin Christendom, this anthology applies Taylor’s findings to secularism’s global migration. Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Rajeev Bhargava, Akeel Bilgrami, Souleymane Bachir Diagne, Sudipta Kaviraj, Claudio Lomnitz, Alfred Stepan, Charles Taylor, and Peter van der Veer each explore the transformation of Western secularism beyond Europe, and the collection closes with Taylor’s response to each essay. What began as a modern reaction to—as well as a stubborn extension of—Latin Christendom has become a complex export shaped by the world’s religious and political systems. Brilliantly alternating between intellectual and methodological approaches, this volume fosters a greater engagement with the phenomenon across disciplines.
Jack Hayward and Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197262788
- eISBN:
- 9780191754210
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262788.003.0022
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
Vincent Wright, a towering figure in political science, was elected Fellow of the British Academy in 1995. He had specialised in the history of French public administration and, on moving to Oxford ...
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Vincent Wright, a towering figure in political science, was elected Fellow of the British Academy in 1995. He had specialised in the history of French public administration and, on moving to Oxford to an Official Fellowship at Nuffield College, turned more to comparative politics. Wright was co-founder of the journal West European Politics. Obituary by Jack Hayward FBA and Sudhir Hazareesingh.Less
Vincent Wright, a towering figure in political science, was elected Fellow of the British Academy in 1995. He had specialised in the history of French public administration and, on moving to Oxford to an Official Fellowship at Nuffield College, turned more to comparative politics. Wright was co-founder of the journal West European Politics. Obituary by Jack Hayward FBA and Sudhir Hazareesingh.
Gerald Moore
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748642021
- eISBN:
- 9780748671861
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748642021.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Politics of the Gift stages a series of dialogues between major 20th-century figures to show how the concept of the gift serves as a driving thematic and problematic of recent French thought. Through ...
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Politics of the Gift stages a series of dialogues between major 20th-century figures to show how the concept of the gift serves as a driving thematic and problematic of recent French thought. Through readings of work by Marcel Mauss, Martin Heidegger, Jacques Lacan, Gilles Deleuze, Jacques Derrida and Jean-Luc Nancy, amongst others, it also and moreover shows the concept of the gift to be a nexus through which rival discourses of phenomenology, anthropology, politics and psychoanalysis coalesce into the broadly consensual paradigm of what has become poststructuralism. Moore traces the ‘inheritance’ or the ‘becoming’ of the gift as a concept, from its heterogeneous origins in philosophy and the nascent social sciences right up to the role it plays in deconstruction. The book locates the origins of French poststructuralism in a ‘crisis in philosophy’, an increasingly ‘antiphilosophical’ mood that results from the perceived failure of philosophers via-à-vis the politics of liberal modernity. Disillusioned with the Marxian critique of political economy, but no less enamoured with the humanism of ‘Anthropology’, and facing constant accusations – exemplified by the so-called ‘Heidegger Affair’ – of dangerous indifference toward the institutions of democracy, we see how two generations of thinkers were forced to renegotiate the traditionally hierarchical relationship between philosophy and politics, so as to stave off the threat of being eclipsed by changes in the intellectual landscape. French poststructuralism emerges from this as the sustained attempt to think politics beyond the horizons of both political economy and phenomenology, in terms of an impossible exchange.Less
Politics of the Gift stages a series of dialogues between major 20th-century figures to show how the concept of the gift serves as a driving thematic and problematic of recent French thought. Through readings of work by Marcel Mauss, Martin Heidegger, Jacques Lacan, Gilles Deleuze, Jacques Derrida and Jean-Luc Nancy, amongst others, it also and moreover shows the concept of the gift to be a nexus through which rival discourses of phenomenology, anthropology, politics and psychoanalysis coalesce into the broadly consensual paradigm of what has become poststructuralism. Moore traces the ‘inheritance’ or the ‘becoming’ of the gift as a concept, from its heterogeneous origins in philosophy and the nascent social sciences right up to the role it plays in deconstruction. The book locates the origins of French poststructuralism in a ‘crisis in philosophy’, an increasingly ‘antiphilosophical’ mood that results from the perceived failure of philosophers via-à-vis the politics of liberal modernity. Disillusioned with the Marxian critique of political economy, but no less enamoured with the humanism of ‘Anthropology’, and facing constant accusations – exemplified by the so-called ‘Heidegger Affair’ – of dangerous indifference toward the institutions of democracy, we see how two generations of thinkers were forced to renegotiate the traditionally hierarchical relationship between philosophy and politics, so as to stave off the threat of being eclipsed by changes in the intellectual landscape. French poststructuralism emerges from this as the sustained attempt to think politics beyond the horizons of both political economy and phenomenology, in terms of an impossible exchange.
Benjamin Noys
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638635
- eISBN:
- 9780748671915
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638635.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book aims to rehabilitate a thinking of negativity within and against the usual forms of contemporary Continental Theory. It identifies and presents an analysis of the dominant tone of ...
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This book aims to rehabilitate a thinking of negativity within and against the usual forms of contemporary Continental Theory. It identifies and presents an analysis of the dominant tone of ‘affirmationism’ in contemporary theory: the insistence on starting from the affirmation of metaphysical ontologies, the inventive potential of the subject, the necessity for the production of novelty, and a concomitant suspicion of the negative and negativity. Despite all the conflicts and ‘wars’ of contemporary theory, this tone remains an unstated point of unification. Although it was often developed to resist the corrosive effects of contemporary capitalism, this work argues that affirmationism remains bound to its ideological coordinates in its emphasis on production, creativity, and invention. Critically reconstructing this ‘affirmationism’ through the work of Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze, Bruno Latour, Antonio Negri, and Alain Badiou, the book also recovers from their work a disavowed thinking of negativity. Dependent on negativity, despite their claims to affirmation, this dependence allows a critique of the reliance on affirmation. Also, this negativity is turned against this affirmative tone to develop a more sharply-focused political analysis of theory, and to suggest the possible politics emerging from a relational thinking of negativity.Less
This book aims to rehabilitate a thinking of negativity within and against the usual forms of contemporary Continental Theory. It identifies and presents an analysis of the dominant tone of ‘affirmationism’ in contemporary theory: the insistence on starting from the affirmation of metaphysical ontologies, the inventive potential of the subject, the necessity for the production of novelty, and a concomitant suspicion of the negative and negativity. Despite all the conflicts and ‘wars’ of contemporary theory, this tone remains an unstated point of unification. Although it was often developed to resist the corrosive effects of contemporary capitalism, this work argues that affirmationism remains bound to its ideological coordinates in its emphasis on production, creativity, and invention. Critically reconstructing this ‘affirmationism’ through the work of Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze, Bruno Latour, Antonio Negri, and Alain Badiou, the book also recovers from their work a disavowed thinking of negativity. Dependent on negativity, despite their claims to affirmation, this dependence allows a critique of the reliance on affirmation. Also, this negativity is turned against this affirmative tone to develop a more sharply-focused political analysis of theory, and to suggest the possible politics emerging from a relational thinking of negativity.
DE STE CROIX
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199255177
- eISBN:
- 9780191719844
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199255177.003.0008
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, European History: BCE to 500CE
This essay examines Aristotle's attitude towards the Athenaion Politeia. Topics discussed include Athenaion Politeia and the Politics; the sources of Aristotle's account of Athenian constitutional ...
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This essay examines Aristotle's attitude towards the Athenaion Politeia. Topics discussed include Athenaion Politeia and the Politics; the sources of Aristotle's account of Athenian constitutional history, in the Politics and more particularly the Ath. Pol.; an examination of explicit evidence for supposing that Aristotle relied heavily upon Androtion (the representative early Atthidographer) as an authority for his historical material in the Ath. Pol., and Aristotle and the documentary sources.Less
This essay examines Aristotle's attitude towards the Athenaion Politeia. Topics discussed include Athenaion Politeia and the Politics; the sources of Aristotle's account of Athenian constitutional history, in the Politics and more particularly the Ath. Pol.; an examination of explicit evidence for supposing that Aristotle relied heavily upon Androtion (the representative early Atthidographer) as an authority for his historical material in the Ath. Pol., and Aristotle and the documentary sources.
Benjamin T. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638089
- eISBN:
- 9781469638140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638089.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Mexico today is one of the most dangerous places in the world to report the news, and Mexicans have taken to the street to defend freedom of expression. As Benjamin T. Smith demonstrates in this ...
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Mexico today is one of the most dangerous places in the world to report the news, and Mexicans have taken to the street to defend freedom of expression. As Benjamin T. Smith demonstrates in this history of the press and civil society, the cycle of violent repression and protest over journalism is nothing new. He traces it back to the growth in newspaper production and reading publics between 1940 and 1976, when a national thirst for tabloids, crime sheets, and magazines reached far beyond the middle class.
As Mexicans began to view local and national events through the prism of journalism, everyday politics changed radically. Even while lauding the liberty of the press, the state developed an arsenal of methods to control what was printed, including sophisticated spin and misdirection techniques, covert financial payments, and campaigns of threats, imprisonment, beatings, and even murder. The press was also pressured by media monopolists tacking between government demands and public expectations to maximize profits, and by coalitions of ordinary citizens demanding that local newspapers publicize stories of corruption, incompetence, and state violence. Since the Cold War, both in Mexico City and in the provinces, a robust radical journalism has posed challenges to government forces.Less
Mexico today is one of the most dangerous places in the world to report the news, and Mexicans have taken to the street to defend freedom of expression. As Benjamin T. Smith demonstrates in this history of the press and civil society, the cycle of violent repression and protest over journalism is nothing new. He traces it back to the growth in newspaper production and reading publics between 1940 and 1976, when a national thirst for tabloids, crime sheets, and magazines reached far beyond the middle class.
As Mexicans began to view local and national events through the prism of journalism, everyday politics changed radically. Even while lauding the liberty of the press, the state developed an arsenal of methods to control what was printed, including sophisticated spin and misdirection techniques, covert financial payments, and campaigns of threats, imprisonment, beatings, and even murder. The press was also pressured by media monopolists tacking between government demands and public expectations to maximize profits, and by coalitions of ordinary citizens demanding that local newspapers publicize stories of corruption, incompetence, and state violence. Since the Cold War, both in Mexico City and in the provinces, a robust radical journalism has posed challenges to government forces.
Joseph Mai
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096471
- eISBN:
- 9781526124104
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096471.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This book provides a comprehensive account of Robert Guédiguian’s numerous films since 1980, combining stylistic analyses with historical, political, and generic context. More importantly, it makes ...
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This book provides a comprehensive account of Robert Guédiguian’s numerous films since 1980, combining stylistic analyses with historical, political, and generic context. More importantly, it makes the case that Guédiguian’s work represents one of the most discretely original but radical projects of contemporary French cinema: to make politically committed films with friends, predominately in a local space, over a long period of time. The book starts with a consideration of the philosophy of friendship and its relation to politics, relation, difference, time, and space. It concentrates on Guédiguian’s early life in the Estaque neighbourhood of Marseilles, where he became politically active and developed the friendships that would continue in his filmmaking, as well as Guédiguian’s disillusionment with the Communist Party. It then examines the political pessimism of the 1980s through Guédiguian’s four early films. The book examines the turn toward local activism and utopianism in the 1990s, and follows Guédiguian’s work as it spreads into diverse experimentation with genres and registers in more recent work. It emphasises Guédiguian’s political assessments and his frequent meditations on history, violence, and utopia. But it returns consistently to the underlying themes of friendship, and thus intervenes at the crossroads of affect, politics, philosophy, and art.Less
This book provides a comprehensive account of Robert Guédiguian’s numerous films since 1980, combining stylistic analyses with historical, political, and generic context. More importantly, it makes the case that Guédiguian’s work represents one of the most discretely original but radical projects of contemporary French cinema: to make politically committed films with friends, predominately in a local space, over a long period of time. The book starts with a consideration of the philosophy of friendship and its relation to politics, relation, difference, time, and space. It concentrates on Guédiguian’s early life in the Estaque neighbourhood of Marseilles, where he became politically active and developed the friendships that would continue in his filmmaking, as well as Guédiguian’s disillusionment with the Communist Party. It then examines the political pessimism of the 1980s through Guédiguian’s four early films. The book examines the turn toward local activism and utopianism in the 1990s, and follows Guédiguian’s work as it spreads into diverse experimentation with genres and registers in more recent work. It emphasises Guédiguian’s political assessments and his frequent meditations on history, violence, and utopia. But it returns consistently to the underlying themes of friendship, and thus intervenes at the crossroads of affect, politics, philosophy, and art.
Gregory F. Viggiano
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691143019
- eISBN:
- 9781400846306
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691143019.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Ancient History / Archaeology
This chapter contests the idea that any argument put forth in recent years is reason to push down the traditional date for the origin of the polis or to reject the hoplite orthodoxy. It states the ...
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This chapter contests the idea that any argument put forth in recent years is reason to push down the traditional date for the origin of the polis or to reject the hoplite orthodoxy. It states the basic elements of the theory that have their beginnings in Aristotle's Politics, and then tests their merit against revisionist claims. The chapter also contests the recent claims that the evidence of survey archaeology has disproved the existence of a substantial class of middling farmers in the late eighth and seventh centuries. It argues that, despite gaps in the evidence, a clear picture of how the polis emerged can be made without omitting or contradicting any of the evidence from the literary sources, archaeology, and inscriptions.Less
This chapter contests the idea that any argument put forth in recent years is reason to push down the traditional date for the origin of the polis or to reject the hoplite orthodoxy. It states the basic elements of the theory that have their beginnings in Aristotle's Politics, and then tests their merit against revisionist claims. The chapter also contests the recent claims that the evidence of survey archaeology has disproved the existence of a substantial class of middling farmers in the late eighth and seventh centuries. It argues that, despite gaps in the evidence, a clear picture of how the polis emerged can be made without omitting or contradicting any of the evidence from the literary sources, archaeology, and inscriptions.
Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628460391
- eISBN:
- 9781626740846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460391.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter surveys the history of African presence in the United States from slavery to the 20th century, detailing the evolution of legal, economic, cultural and political status for black ...
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This chapter surveys the history of African presence in the United States from slavery to the 20th century, detailing the evolution of legal, economic, cultural and political status for black Americans in the country. The chapter discusses African American art, politics and the importance of music in African American culture.Less
This chapter surveys the history of African presence in the United States from slavery to the 20th century, detailing the evolution of legal, economic, cultural and political status for black Americans in the country. The chapter discusses African American art, politics and the importance of music in African American culture.
Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628460391
- eISBN:
- 9781626740846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628460391.003.0010
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This final chapter is also the conclusion of the book. The authors reiterate their central argument, i.e. that ultimately what makes the originality of free jazz is its intrinsically political ...
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This final chapter is also the conclusion of the book. The authors reiterate their central argument, i.e. that ultimately what makes the originality of free jazz is its intrinsically political approach to music. As such, it is a challenge to Western bourgeois values not just in music, but also in the appreciation of music. Free jazz demands that we reconsider the way we evaluate music.Less
This final chapter is also the conclusion of the book. The authors reiterate their central argument, i.e. that ultimately what makes the originality of free jazz is its intrinsically political approach to music. As such, it is a challenge to Western bourgeois values not just in music, but also in the appreciation of music. Free jazz demands that we reconsider the way we evaluate music.
Ian Scott and Henry Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099168
- eISBN:
- 9781526115010
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099168.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This book charts and analyses the work of Oliver Stone – arguably one of the foremost political filmmakers in Hollywood during the last thirty years.
Drawing on previously unseen production files ...
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This book charts and analyses the work of Oliver Stone – arguably one of the foremost political filmmakers in Hollywood during the last thirty years.
Drawing on previously unseen production files from Oliver Stone’s personal archives and hours of interviews both with Stone and a range of present and former associates within the industry, the book employs a thematic structure to explore Stone’s life and work in terms of war, politics, money, love and corporations. This allows the authors both to provide a synthesis of earlier and later film work as well as locate that work within Stone’s developing critique of government.
The book explores the development of aesthetic changes in Stone’s filmmaking and locates those changes within ongoing academic debates about the relationship between film and history as well as wider debates about Hollywood and the film industry. All of this is explored with detailed reference to the films themselves and related to a set of wider concerns that Stone has sought to grapple with -the American Century, exceptionalism and the American Dream, global empire, government surveillance and corporate accountability.
The book concludes with a perspective on Stone’s ‘brand’ as not just an auteur and commercially viable independent filmmaker but as an activist arguing for a very distinct kind of American exceptionalism that seeks a positive role for the US globally whilst eschewing military adventurism.Less
This book charts and analyses the work of Oliver Stone – arguably one of the foremost political filmmakers in Hollywood during the last thirty years.
Drawing on previously unseen production files from Oliver Stone’s personal archives and hours of interviews both with Stone and a range of present and former associates within the industry, the book employs a thematic structure to explore Stone’s life and work in terms of war, politics, money, love and corporations. This allows the authors both to provide a synthesis of earlier and later film work as well as locate that work within Stone’s developing critique of government.
The book explores the development of aesthetic changes in Stone’s filmmaking and locates those changes within ongoing academic debates about the relationship between film and history as well as wider debates about Hollywood and the film industry. All of this is explored with detailed reference to the films themselves and related to a set of wider concerns that Stone has sought to grapple with -the American Century, exceptionalism and the American Dream, global empire, government surveillance and corporate accountability.
The book concludes with a perspective on Stone’s ‘brand’ as not just an auteur and commercially viable independent filmmaker but as an activist arguing for a very distinct kind of American exceptionalism that seeks a positive role for the US globally whilst eschewing military adventurism.
Laurent Dubreuil
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474416740
- eISBN:
- 9781474426992
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474416740.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Laurent Dubreuil provocatively proposes an extremist rethinking of the limits of politics – toward a break from politics, the political and policies. Rather than yet another re-articulation, he calls ...
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Laurent Dubreuil provocatively proposes an extremist rethinking of the limits of politics – toward a break from politics, the political and policies. Rather than yet another re-articulation, he calls for a refusal of politics, suggesting a form of apolitics that would make our lives more liveable. The first chapter situates the refusal of politics in relation to different contemporary theoretical attempts to renew politics, and makes the case for a greater rupture. The second moment takes up what is liveable in life by way of apolitical experience, in contrast to appropriations of the collective, including a discussion of the arts. Finally, Dubreuil draws up an incomplete inventory of means: forms of existence – often frail and fleeting – that make an exit toward atopia.Less
Laurent Dubreuil provocatively proposes an extremist rethinking of the limits of politics – toward a break from politics, the political and policies. Rather than yet another re-articulation, he calls for a refusal of politics, suggesting a form of apolitics that would make our lives more liveable. The first chapter situates the refusal of politics in relation to different contemporary theoretical attempts to renew politics, and makes the case for a greater rupture. The second moment takes up what is liveable in life by way of apolitical experience, in contrast to appropriations of the collective, including a discussion of the arts. Finally, Dubreuil draws up an incomplete inventory of means: forms of existence – often frail and fleeting – that make an exit toward atopia.
Yue Chim Richard Wong
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9789888208654
- eISBN:
- 9789888313044
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888208654.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Hong Kong is one of the world’s most densely populated cities. Land supply, property values, and housing provision are inextricably linked with the city’s economic growth and questions of economic ...
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Hong Kong is one of the world’s most densely populated cities. Land supply, property values, and housing provision are inextricably linked with the city’s economic growth and questions of economic equality. In Hong Kong Land for Hong Kong People, Yue Chim Richard Wong traces the history of Hong Kong’s postwar housing policy. He then discusses current housing problems and their solutions, drawing on examples from around the world. Wong argues that housing policy in Hong Kong, with its multiple, often incompatible objectives, and its focus on supply over demand, can no longer satisfy the needs of a diverse and dynamic population. He recommends three simple low-cost policies to promote homeownership and social mobility: sell public rental housing units to the sitting tenants; make subsidized homes more affordable; and reform the public housing program along lines adopted in Singapore, where government-built housing may be resold or leased in a free market. This is the second of Richard Wong’s collections of articles on society and economy in Hong Kong. The first, Diversity and Occasional Anarchy, published by Hong Kong University Press in 2013, examines the growing contradictions in Hong Kong’s economy predicament in historical context.Less
Hong Kong is one of the world’s most densely populated cities. Land supply, property values, and housing provision are inextricably linked with the city’s economic growth and questions of economic equality. In Hong Kong Land for Hong Kong People, Yue Chim Richard Wong traces the history of Hong Kong’s postwar housing policy. He then discusses current housing problems and their solutions, drawing on examples from around the world. Wong argues that housing policy in Hong Kong, with its multiple, often incompatible objectives, and its focus on supply over demand, can no longer satisfy the needs of a diverse and dynamic population. He recommends three simple low-cost policies to promote homeownership and social mobility: sell public rental housing units to the sitting tenants; make subsidized homes more affordable; and reform the public housing program along lines adopted in Singapore, where government-built housing may be resold or leased in a free market. This is the second of Richard Wong’s collections of articles on society and economy in Hong Kong. The first, Diversity and Occasional Anarchy, published by Hong Kong University Press in 2013, examines the growing contradictions in Hong Kong’s economy predicament in historical context.
