Mugambi Jouet
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520293298
- eISBN:
- 9780520966468
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520293298.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Americans are far more divided than other Westerners over basic issues, including wealth inequality, health care, climate change, evolution, the literal truth of the Bible, apocalyptical prophecies, ...
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Americans are far more divided than other Westerners over basic issues, including wealth inequality, health care, climate change, evolution, the literal truth of the Bible, apocalyptical prophecies, gender roles, abortion, gay rights, sexual education, gun control, mass incarceration, the death penalty, torture, human rights, and war. The intense polarization of U.S. conservatives and liberals has become a key dimension of American exceptionalism—an idea widely misunderstood as American superiority. It is rather what makes America an exception, for better or worse. While exceptionalism once was largely a source of strength, it may now spell decline, as unique features of U.S. history, politics, law, culture, religion, and race relations foster grave conflicts and injustices. They also shed light on the peculiar ideological evolution of American conservatism, which long predated Trumpism. Anti-intellectualism, conspiracy-mongering, radical anti-governmentalism, and Christian fundamentalism are far more common in America than Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Drawing inspiration from Alexis de Tocqueville, Mugambi Jouet explores American exceptionalism’s intriguing roots as a multicultural outsider-insider. Raised in Paris by a French mother and Kenyan father, he then lived throughout America, from the Bible Belt to New York, California, and beyond. His articles have notably been featured in The New Republic, Slate, The San Francisco Chronicle, The Huffington Post, and Le Monde. He teaches at Stanford Law School.Less
Americans are far more divided than other Westerners over basic issues, including wealth inequality, health care, climate change, evolution, the literal truth of the Bible, apocalyptical prophecies, gender roles, abortion, gay rights, sexual education, gun control, mass incarceration, the death penalty, torture, human rights, and war. The intense polarization of U.S. conservatives and liberals has become a key dimension of American exceptionalism—an idea widely misunderstood as American superiority. It is rather what makes America an exception, for better or worse. While exceptionalism once was largely a source of strength, it may now spell decline, as unique features of U.S. history, politics, law, culture, religion, and race relations foster grave conflicts and injustices. They also shed light on the peculiar ideological evolution of American conservatism, which long predated Trumpism. Anti-intellectualism, conspiracy-mongering, radical anti-governmentalism, and Christian fundamentalism are far more common in America than Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Drawing inspiration from Alexis de Tocqueville, Mugambi Jouet explores American exceptionalism’s intriguing roots as a multicultural outsider-insider. Raised in Paris by a French mother and Kenyan father, he then lived throughout America, from the Bible Belt to New York, California, and beyond. His articles have notably been featured in The New Republic, Slate, The San Francisco Chronicle, The Huffington Post, and Le Monde. He teaches at Stanford Law School.
Adrienne LeBas
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199546862
- eISBN:
- 9780191728594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546862.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter provides an account of opposition party formation and development in Zimbabwe from 1999 to 2008. It argues that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was able to maintain a strong and ...
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This chapter provides an account of opposition party formation and development in Zimbabwe from 1999 to 2008. It argues that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was able to maintain a strong and cohesive party organization, despite significant state-sponsored violence and repression, for two reasons. First of all, the party benefited from the strong organizational structures and collective identity that organized labor and other civil society actors built prior to the launch of the opposition parties. Activists and grassroots constituencies had a track record of successful protest, and there were established procedures for decision-making and conflict resolution. Secondly, political polarization in Zimbabwe strengthened the opposition’s cohesion and the commitment of its activists. By increasing the salience of partisan identity, conflict and violence made defection difficult. The chapter suggests that conflict and polarization can have important party-building consequences, for both opposition and ruling parties alike.Less
This chapter provides an account of opposition party formation and development in Zimbabwe from 1999 to 2008. It argues that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was able to maintain a strong and cohesive party organization, despite significant state-sponsored violence and repression, for two reasons. First of all, the party benefited from the strong organizational structures and collective identity that organized labor and other civil society actors built prior to the launch of the opposition parties. Activists and grassroots constituencies had a track record of successful protest, and there were established procedures for decision-making and conflict resolution. Secondly, political polarization in Zimbabwe strengthened the opposition’s cohesion and the commitment of its activists. By increasing the salience of partisan identity, conflict and violence made defection difficult. The chapter suggests that conflict and polarization can have important party-building consequences, for both opposition and ruling parties alike.
Mary Ellen Konieczny
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199965779
- eISBN:
- 9780199346059
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199965779.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Cultural conflicts about the family, such as so-called ‘culture wars’ debates concerning abortion and same-sex marriage, have intensified over the last few decades among US Catholics, and among ...
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Cultural conflicts about the family, such as so-called ‘culture wars’ debates concerning abortion and same-sex marriage, have intensified over the last few decades among US Catholics, and among American citizens generally. These conflicts comprise much of the substance of the moral polarization that currently characterizes our public politics. Scholars have demonstrated the importance of the media in their endurance, along with the important role played by religious elites. But less is known about how individuals in local religious experience and participate in them. Why are these conflicts so resonant among ordinary Americans, and Catholics in particular? By exploring how religion and family life are intertwined in local parish settings, this book strives to understand how and why Catholics are divided around these conflicts. It presents a close and detailed ethnographic analysis of the families and local religious cultures in two Catholic parishes: religiously conservative Our Lady of the Assumption Church and theologically progressive St. Brigitta Church. Through an examination of parish life together with the faith stories of parishioners, it reveals how two congregational social processes—the practice of central ecclesial metaphors, and the construction of Catholic identities—matter for the ways in which parishioners work out the routines of marriage, childrearing and work-family balance, as well as to the ways they connect these challenges to the public politics of the family. The analysis further demonstrates that these institutional processes promote polarization among Catholics through practices that unintentionally fragment the Catholic tradition in local settings.Less
Cultural conflicts about the family, such as so-called ‘culture wars’ debates concerning abortion and same-sex marriage, have intensified over the last few decades among US Catholics, and among American citizens generally. These conflicts comprise much of the substance of the moral polarization that currently characterizes our public politics. Scholars have demonstrated the importance of the media in their endurance, along with the important role played by religious elites. But less is known about how individuals in local religious experience and participate in them. Why are these conflicts so resonant among ordinary Americans, and Catholics in particular? By exploring how religion and family life are intertwined in local parish settings, this book strives to understand how and why Catholics are divided around these conflicts. It presents a close and detailed ethnographic analysis of the families and local religious cultures in two Catholic parishes: religiously conservative Our Lady of the Assumption Church and theologically progressive St. Brigitta Church. Through an examination of parish life together with the faith stories of parishioners, it reveals how two congregational social processes—the practice of central ecclesial metaphors, and the construction of Catholic identities—matter for the ways in which parishioners work out the routines of marriage, childrearing and work-family balance, as well as to the ways they connect these challenges to the public politics of the family. The analysis further demonstrates that these institutional processes promote polarization among Catholics through practices that unintentionally fragment the Catholic tradition in local settings.
Anne Daguerre
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447338338
- eISBN:
- 9781447338376
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447338338.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
How will the social policies of Barack Obama go down in the history books?
Obama's record stands out principally because of the strong political and philosophical commitment to affordable health ...
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How will the social policies of Barack Obama go down in the history books?
Obama's record stands out principally because of the strong political and philosophical commitment to affordable health care. However, the U.S. still performs badly in terms of antipoverty policies compared to other rich nations.
Using new research, Anne Daguerre examines Obama’s legacy on welfare and antipoverty policies, focusing on Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, (SNAP), and Medicaid. The book provides an up-to-date account of the contemporary politics of poverty and public entitlements in the U.S., comparing this with the Western European experience to assess what lessons can be learnt.
Anne Daguerre explains how the Obama administration's attempts to expand the frontiers of the American welfare state have been confronted by institutional, ideological and constitutional constraints. The presidential capacity to shape legislative outcomes has been severely limited in an era of divided government and hyper-partisan politics.
Barack Obama was faced by a right wing backlash of colossal proportions in the form of the Tea Party movement. Donald Trump represents the continuation of this revolt. However, Trump’s cabinet of insurgents has been unable to run complex government programs. The divided Republican-dominated Congress has failed to offer credible alternatives to Obama’s social policies. The ideological and partisan nature of the anti-Obama backlash could paradoxically help Obama’s signature achievement, the Affordable Care Act, survive the Trump presidency.Less
How will the social policies of Barack Obama go down in the history books?
Obama's record stands out principally because of the strong political and philosophical commitment to affordable health care. However, the U.S. still performs badly in terms of antipoverty policies compared to other rich nations.
Using new research, Anne Daguerre examines Obama’s legacy on welfare and antipoverty policies, focusing on Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, (SNAP), and Medicaid. The book provides an up-to-date account of the contemporary politics of poverty and public entitlements in the U.S., comparing this with the Western European experience to assess what lessons can be learnt.
Anne Daguerre explains how the Obama administration's attempts to expand the frontiers of the American welfare state have been confronted by institutional, ideological and constitutional constraints. The presidential capacity to shape legislative outcomes has been severely limited in an era of divided government and hyper-partisan politics.
Barack Obama was faced by a right wing backlash of colossal proportions in the form of the Tea Party movement. Donald Trump represents the continuation of this revolt. However, Trump’s cabinet of insurgents has been unable to run complex government programs. The divided Republican-dominated Congress has failed to offer credible alternatives to Obama’s social policies. The ideological and partisan nature of the anti-Obama backlash could paradoxically help Obama’s signature achievement, the Affordable Care Act, survive the Trump presidency.
Charles S. Adams and Ifan G. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198786788
- eISBN:
- 9780191828980
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198786788.001.0001
- Subject:
- Physics, Atomic, Laser, and Optical Physics
This book is primarily intended to be used in optics teaching from undergraduate to graduate level. It is assumed that an elementary course on optics has previously been studied, but all the key ...
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This book is primarily intended to be used in optics teaching from undergraduate to graduate level. It is assumed that an elementary course on optics has previously been studied, but all the key concepts of wave optics and light propagation are introduced where needed, and illustrated graphically. A recurring theme is that simple building blocks such as plane and spherical waves can be summed to construct useful solutions. Fourier methods and the angular-spectrum approach are used extensively, especially to provide a unified approach to Fraunhofer and Fresnel diffraction. Particular attention is paid to analysing topics in contemporary optics—propagation, dispersion, laser beams and waveguides, apodization, tightly focused vector fields, unconventional polarization states, and light–matter interactions. Throughout the text the principles are applied through worked examples and the book is copiously illustrated with more than 240 figures. The 200 end-of-chapter exercises offer further opportunities for testing the reader’s understanding.Less
This book is primarily intended to be used in optics teaching from undergraduate to graduate level. It is assumed that an elementary course on optics has previously been studied, but all the key concepts of wave optics and light propagation are introduced where needed, and illustrated graphically. A recurring theme is that simple building blocks such as plane and spherical waves can be summed to construct useful solutions. Fourier methods and the angular-spectrum approach are used extensively, especially to provide a unified approach to Fraunhofer and Fresnel diffraction. Particular attention is paid to analysing topics in contemporary optics—propagation, dispersion, laser beams and waveguides, apodization, tightly focused vector fields, unconventional polarization states, and light–matter interactions. Throughout the text the principles are applied through worked examples and the book is copiously illustrated with more than 240 figures. The 200 end-of-chapter exercises offer further opportunities for testing the reader’s understanding.
Mugambi Jouet
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520293298
- eISBN:
- 9780520966468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520293298.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Jouet begins his book by describing his work as a human rights lawyer representing poor prisoners in New York at the time of mass incarceration on a scale unprecedented in global history. He goes on ...
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Jouet begins his book by describing his work as a human rights lawyer representing poor prisoners in New York at the time of mass incarceration on a scale unprecedented in global history. He goes on to describe how the degeneration of American justice embodies troubling dimensions of American exceptionalism, including acute wealth inequality, systemic racism, anti-intellectualism, Christian fundamentalism, and chronic human rights abuses.
While the word “exceptional” can imply greatness or superiority, American exceptionalism historically referred to how America is “exceptional” in the sense of “unique,” “different,” “unusual,” “extraordinary” or “peculiar.” Ironically, scores of Americans equate “exceptionalism” with their nation’s superiority when it might be its Achilles Heel—a self-destructive vicious circle threatening admirable dimensions of American society.Less
Jouet begins his book by describing his work as a human rights lawyer representing poor prisoners in New York at the time of mass incarceration on a scale unprecedented in global history. He goes on to describe how the degeneration of American justice embodies troubling dimensions of American exceptionalism, including acute wealth inequality, systemic racism, anti-intellectualism, Christian fundamentalism, and chronic human rights abuses.
While the word “exceptional” can imply greatness or superiority, American exceptionalism historically referred to how America is “exceptional” in the sense of “unique,” “different,” “unusual,” “extraordinary” or “peculiar.” Ironically, scores of Americans equate “exceptionalism” with their nation’s superiority when it might be its Achilles Heel—a self-destructive vicious circle threatening admirable dimensions of American society.
Mugambi Jouet
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520293298
- eISBN:
- 9780520966468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520293298.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The misconception that “exceptionalism” means American superiority stems from how Republicans turned this longstanding concept into a rhetorical weapon against Obama by accusing him of ...
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The misconception that “exceptionalism” means American superiority stems from how Republicans turned this longstanding concept into a rhetorical weapon against Obama by accusing him of unpatriotically lacking faith in “American exceptionalism” given his “socialist” and “un-American” agenda. These accusations paralleled conspiracy theories claiming that Obama is not really American due to his fake U.S. birth certificate and Islamism.
Meanwhile, intense polarization became a major dimension of American exceptionalism’s true meaning. The huge rift between conservatives and liberals under George W. Bush worsened under Obama. It may grow worse following the Clinton-Trump presidential election.
Intriguingly, America and other Western nations are moving apart and closer at the same time. While liberal America is mainly evolving in the same direction as the rest of the West, conservative America is an outlier in light of its peculiar ideology, including profound anti-intellectualism, anti-governmentalism, and Christian fundamentalism. Liberal America’s worldview is not simply different from the worldview in conservative America, but also closer to the dominant worldview elsewhere in the West: Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Tellingly, universal health care is broadly supported by both liberals and conservatives in all Western nations except America, where Republicans relentlessly denounce the evils of “socialized medicine.”Less
The misconception that “exceptionalism” means American superiority stems from how Republicans turned this longstanding concept into a rhetorical weapon against Obama by accusing him of unpatriotically lacking faith in “American exceptionalism” given his “socialist” and “un-American” agenda. These accusations paralleled conspiracy theories claiming that Obama is not really American due to his fake U.S. birth certificate and Islamism.
Meanwhile, intense polarization became a major dimension of American exceptionalism’s true meaning. The huge rift between conservatives and liberals under George W. Bush worsened under Obama. It may grow worse following the Clinton-Trump presidential election.
Intriguingly, America and other Western nations are moving apart and closer at the same time. While liberal America is mainly evolving in the same direction as the rest of the West, conservative America is an outlier in light of its peculiar ideology, including profound anti-intellectualism, anti-governmentalism, and Christian fundamentalism. Liberal America’s worldview is not simply different from the worldview in conservative America, but also closer to the dominant worldview elsewhere in the West: Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Tellingly, universal health care is broadly supported by both liberals and conservatives in all Western nations except America, where Republicans relentlessly denounce the evils of “socialized medicine.”
Anders Esmark
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529200874
- eISBN:
- 9781529200898
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529200874.003.0010
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
Taking up the case of climate change, the conclusion considers the argument for moretechnocracy in the face of ‘the end world as we know it’. Climate change is probably the strongest case for a ...
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Taking up the case of climate change, the conclusion considers the argument for moretechnocracy in the face of ‘the end world as we know it’. Climate change is probably the strongest case for a technocratic model of political decision-making. At the very least, insufficient political adherence to the scientific evidence on climate change is an almost commonsensical part of the problem of in the current state of affairs. While fully acknowledging this problem, the chapter argues that attention to the destructive and mutually reinforcing interplay of technocracy and populism is necessary also in to the all-important challenge of climate change.Less
Taking up the case of climate change, the conclusion considers the argument for moretechnocracy in the face of ‘the end world as we know it’. Climate change is probably the strongest case for a technocratic model of political decision-making. At the very least, insufficient political adherence to the scientific evidence on climate change is an almost commonsensical part of the problem of in the current state of affairs. While fully acknowledging this problem, the chapter argues that attention to the destructive and mutually reinforcing interplay of technocracy and populism is necessary also in to the all-important challenge of climate change.
Kathleen Sprows Cummings
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469649474
- eISBN:
- 9781469649498
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649474.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter examines American sanctity during the papacy of John Paul II (1978-2005). John Paul II canonized more saints then all of his predecessors combined. He canonized Neumann and Duchesne, ...
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This chapter examines American sanctity during the papacy of John Paul II (1978-2005). John Paul II canonized more saints then all of his predecessors combined. He canonized Neumann and Duchesne, beatified six other U.S. candidates, and introduced dozens of others. Beyond the numbers, this chapter traces a fundamental shift in U.S. saint-seeking throughout this era. As polarization within the church supplanted marginalization in America as the keynote of U.S. Catholicism, U.S. Catholics became less likely to project their American stories onto candidates for canonization. Instead, prospective saints became signifiers of where Catholic individuals and groups position themselves within the church, often on issues related to gender, sexuality, and social and racial justice.Less
This chapter examines American sanctity during the papacy of John Paul II (1978-2005). John Paul II canonized more saints then all of his predecessors combined. He canonized Neumann and Duchesne, beatified six other U.S. candidates, and introduced dozens of others. Beyond the numbers, this chapter traces a fundamental shift in U.S. saint-seeking throughout this era. As polarization within the church supplanted marginalization in America as the keynote of U.S. Catholicism, U.S. Catholics became less likely to project their American stories onto candidates for canonization. Instead, prospective saints became signifiers of where Catholic individuals and groups position themselves within the church, often on issues related to gender, sexuality, and social and racial justice.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The Senate of the mid-twentieth century, which was venerated by journalists, historians, and senators alike, is today a distant memory. Electioneering on the Senate floor, playing games with the ...
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The Senate of the mid-twentieth century, which was venerated by journalists, historians, and senators alike, is today a distant memory. Electioneering on the Senate floor, playing games with the legislative process, and questioning your fellow senators’ motives have become commonplace. In this book, I document the Senate’s demise over the last 30 years by showing how one group of senators has been at the forefront of this transformation. I call this group the “Gingrich Senators” and define them as Republican senators who previously served in the House and began that service after 1978, the year of Newt Gingrich’s first election to the House. I show how the Gingrich Senators are more conservative, more likely to engage in tactics that obstruct the legislative process, and more likely to oppose Democratic presidents than even their fellow Republicans. Phil Gramm, Rick Santorum, Jim DeMint, and Tom Coburn are just four examples of this group of 40 senators, of whom 22 continue to serve. I conduct this analysis in three steps. First, I document the ideological distinctiveness of the Gingrich Senators and examine possible explanations for it. Second, I show how the Gingrich Senators behave as partisan warriors, which has radically transformed the way the Senate operates as an institution, and describe their use of cutthroat tactics, obstructionism, and legislative games. Third, I conclude the book by examining the fate of the Gingrich Senators and the future of the U.S. Senate.Less
The Senate of the mid-twentieth century, which was venerated by journalists, historians, and senators alike, is today a distant memory. Electioneering on the Senate floor, playing games with the legislative process, and questioning your fellow senators’ motives have become commonplace. In this book, I document the Senate’s demise over the last 30 years by showing how one group of senators has been at the forefront of this transformation. I call this group the “Gingrich Senators” and define them as Republican senators who previously served in the House and began that service after 1978, the year of Newt Gingrich’s first election to the House. I show how the Gingrich Senators are more conservative, more likely to engage in tactics that obstruct the legislative process, and more likely to oppose Democratic presidents than even their fellow Republicans. Phil Gramm, Rick Santorum, Jim DeMint, and Tom Coburn are just four examples of this group of 40 senators, of whom 22 continue to serve. I conduct this analysis in three steps. First, I document the ideological distinctiveness of the Gingrich Senators and examine possible explanations for it. Second, I show how the Gingrich Senators behave as partisan warriors, which has radically transformed the way the Senate operates as an institution, and describe their use of cutthroat tactics, obstructionism, and legislative games. Third, I conclude the book by examining the fate of the Gingrich Senators and the future of the U.S. Senate.
Sjoerd Beugelsdijk and Mariko J. Klasing
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262035651
- eISBN:
- 9780262337915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262035651.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
Diversity research has shown that ethno-linguistic, religious, and genetic diversity are related to a variety of socio-economic outcomes. We complement this literature by focusing on a dimension of ...
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Diversity research has shown that ethno-linguistic, religious, and genetic diversity are related to a variety of socio-economic outcomes. We complement this literature by focusing on a dimension of diversity so far ignored in diversity research for lack of data: Diversity in key human values. Using data from all available waves of the World Values Survey and the European Values Study we develop a multi-item indicator of value diversity. This measure reflects the extent to which key human values are shared among the inhabitants of a country. Our newly developed measure is available for up to 111 countries and three decades (1981-2014). We conclude by comparing our newly developed measure of value diversity with existing measures of social diversity and relating it to various indicator of socio-economic performance.Less
Diversity research has shown that ethno-linguistic, religious, and genetic diversity are related to a variety of socio-economic outcomes. We complement this literature by focusing on a dimension of diversity so far ignored in diversity research for lack of data: Diversity in key human values. Using data from all available waves of the World Values Survey and the European Values Study we develop a multi-item indicator of value diversity. This measure reflects the extent to which key human values are shared among the inhabitants of a country. Our newly developed measure is available for up to 111 countries and three decades (1981-2014). We conclude by comparing our newly developed measure of value diversity with existing measures of social diversity and relating it to various indicator of socio-economic performance.
Jack M. Balkin
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197530993
- eISBN:
- 9780197531020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197530993.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
American politics features very long cycles of polarization and depolarization between the political parties. Politics polarized around the Civil War and remained polarized until the end of the ...
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American politics features very long cycles of polarization and depolarization between the political parties. Politics polarized around the Civil War and remained polarized until the end of the Gilded Age. Then began a long period of depolarization. Polarization started increasing once again in the middle of the twentieth century, and we are now at the peak of the current cycle. Polarization is a characteristic feature of the Reagan regime. Although Republican politicians used strategies of polarization to gain power, polarization made it increasingly difficult for them to govern, and will eventually lead to the regime’s undoing.Less
American politics features very long cycles of polarization and depolarization between the political parties. Politics polarized around the Civil War and remained polarized until the end of the Gilded Age. Then began a long period of depolarization. Polarization started increasing once again in the middle of the twentieth century, and we are now at the peak of the current cycle. Polarization is a characteristic feature of the Reagan regime. Although Republican politicians used strategies of polarization to gain power, polarization made it increasingly difficult for them to govern, and will eventually lead to the regime’s undoing.
Mary Ellen Konieczny
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199965779
- eISBN:
- 9780199346059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199965779.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Cultural conflicts about the family, such as those concerning abortion and same-sex marriage, have intensified over the last few decades among American Catholics. These conflicts comprise much of the ...
More
Cultural conflicts about the family, such as those concerning abortion and same-sex marriage, have intensified over the last few decades among American Catholics. These conflicts comprise much of the moral polarization that characterizes our public politics, as can be seen in the recent controversy over Notre Dame's invitation to President Obama to give the commencement address. Why are these conflicts resonant among Catholics?This book answers this question by presenting a detailed ethnographic analysis of the local religious cultures in two Catholic parishes: religiously conservative Our Lady of the Assumption Church and theologically progressive St. Brigitta Church. It reveals how two congregational social processes—the practice of central ecclesial metaphors, and the construction of Catholic identities—matter for the ways in which parishioners work out the routines of marriage, childrearing and work-family balance, as well as to the ways they connect these challenges to the public politics of the family.Less
Cultural conflicts about the family, such as those concerning abortion and same-sex marriage, have intensified over the last few decades among American Catholics. These conflicts comprise much of the moral polarization that characterizes our public politics, as can be seen in the recent controversy over Notre Dame's invitation to President Obama to give the commencement address. Why are these conflicts resonant among Catholics?This book answers this question by presenting a detailed ethnographic analysis of the local religious cultures in two Catholic parishes: religiously conservative Our Lady of the Assumption Church and theologically progressive St. Brigitta Church. It reveals how two congregational social processes—the practice of central ecclesial metaphors, and the construction of Catholic identities—matter for the ways in which parishioners work out the routines of marriage, childrearing and work-family balance, as well as to the ways they connect these challenges to the public politics of the family.
Robert Samet
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226633565
- eISBN:
- 9780226633879
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226633879.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
The other opposition that structures crime reporting in Venezuela is the polarized political distinction between the opposition and supporters of President Hugo Chz (chavistas). Chapter five uses ...
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The other opposition that structures crime reporting in Venezuela is the polarized political distinction between the opposition and supporters of President Hugo Chz (chavistas). Chapter five uses the death of the crime photographer Jorge Tortoza–murdered while covering the failed 2012 coup d'賡t against President Chz–to illustrate this polarized dynamic and the precarious position occupied by ordinary beat journalists.Less
The other opposition that structures crime reporting in Venezuela is the polarized political distinction between the opposition and supporters of President Hugo Chz (chavistas). Chapter five uses the death of the crime photographer Jorge Tortoza–murdered while covering the failed 2012 coup d'賡t against President Chz–to illustrate this polarized dynamic and the precarious position occupied by ordinary beat journalists.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
One Gingrich Senator in particular, Jim DeMint, was instrumental in recruiting, funding, and mentoring the Tea Party Senators. In turn, the Tea Party Senators have behaved much as the Gingrich ...
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One Gingrich Senator in particular, Jim DeMint, was instrumental in recruiting, funding, and mentoring the Tea Party Senators. In turn, the Tea Party Senators have behaved much as the Gingrich Senators even when they have not previously served in the House. Many of the strategies of the Tea Party Senators had been legitimized by the Gingrich Senators over the last decade.Less
One Gingrich Senator in particular, Jim DeMint, was instrumental in recruiting, funding, and mentoring the Tea Party Senators. In turn, the Tea Party Senators have behaved much as the Gingrich Senators even when they have not previously served in the House. Many of the strategies of the Tea Party Senators had been legitimized by the Gingrich Senators over the last decade.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Nothing in the Senate’s current development suggests that the party polarization or the partisan warfare will subside. Rather, all trends point to a more dysfunctional Senate than the one that ...
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Nothing in the Senate’s current development suggests that the party polarization or the partisan warfare will subside. Rather, all trends point to a more dysfunctional Senate than the one that currently exists.Less
Nothing in the Senate’s current development suggests that the party polarization or the partisan warfare will subside. Rather, all trends point to a more dysfunctional Senate than the one that currently exists.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
I show how the Senate has entered a new period following the Textbook Senate from the mid-twentieth century and the individualized era from the 1960s and 1970s. In the Partisan Senate, the senators ...
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I show how the Senate has entered a new period following the Textbook Senate from the mid-twentieth century and the individualized era from the 1960s and 1970s. In the Partisan Senate, the senators are no longer individuals, but members of a team that strive for majority party status—sometimes at all costs. I explicate the differences between ideologically based party polarization and competition-based partisan warfare. I show how the Senate is better able to absorb those senators with extreme ideological positions. Members with extreme partisan warfare tendencies make legislating in the Senate much more difficult.Less
I show how the Senate has entered a new period following the Textbook Senate from the mid-twentieth century and the individualized era from the 1960s and 1970s. In the Partisan Senate, the senators are no longer individuals, but members of a team that strive for majority party status—sometimes at all costs. I explicate the differences between ideologically based party polarization and competition-based partisan warfare. I show how the Senate is better able to absorb those senators with extreme ideological positions. Members with extreme partisan warfare tendencies make legislating in the Senate much more difficult.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The Gingrich Senators are at the root of party polarization in the Senate. In fact, almost all of the increase in polarization over the last 30 years is a direct consequence of the increasing numbers ...
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The Gingrich Senators are at the root of party polarization in the Senate. In fact, almost all of the increase in polarization over the last 30 years is a direct consequence of the increasing numbers and increasing conservative voting patterns of the Gingrich Senators. The other Republican senators and the Democratic senators contribute about as much to party polarization as they have since the early 1970s.Less
The Gingrich Senators are at the root of party polarization in the Senate. In fact, almost all of the increase in polarization over the last 30 years is a direct consequence of the increasing numbers and increasing conservative voting patterns of the Gingrich Senators. The other Republican senators and the Democratic senators contribute about as much to party polarization as they have since the early 1970s.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Only part of the Gingrich Senators’ more conservative voting patterns is explained by their more conservative constituencies. Even those Gingrich Senators from swing states vote much more ...
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Only part of the Gingrich Senators’ more conservative voting patterns is explained by their more conservative constituencies. Even those Gingrich Senators from swing states vote much more conservatively than their colleagues.Less
Only part of the Gingrich Senators’ more conservative voting patterns is explained by their more conservative constituencies. Even those Gingrich Senators from swing states vote much more conservatively than their colleagues.
Sean M. Theriault
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199307456
- eISBN:
- 9780199344901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199307456.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Personal characteristics cannot explain the distinctiveness of the Gingrich Senators. Neither can their distinctiveness be explained by close proximity to Gingrich when they served in the House. ...
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Personal characteristics cannot explain the distinctiveness of the Gingrich Senators. Neither can their distinctiveness be explained by close proximity to Gingrich when they served in the House. Rather, the key factor in understanding their Senate behaviour is knowing that their politics were forged in a highly combative House.Less
Personal characteristics cannot explain the distinctiveness of the Gingrich Senators. Neither can their distinctiveness be explained by close proximity to Gingrich when they served in the House. Rather, the key factor in understanding their Senate behaviour is knowing that their politics were forged in a highly combative House.
