Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
A case study of the Repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) under Peel and Wellington. They manipulated the issue dimensions, and got a measure passed in both houses that damaged the material interests of the ...
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A case study of the Repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) under Peel and Wellington. They manipulated the issue dimensions, and got a measure passed in both houses that damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer.Less
A case study of the Repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) under Peel and Wellington. They manipulated the issue dimensions, and got a measure passed in both houses that damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer.
Philip Schofield
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198208563
- eISBN:
- 9780191716928
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208563.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
In the late 1820s, Bentham returned to the question of law reform, and in particular the reform of the judicial establishment. Now equipped with his analysis of sinister interest, and fully committed ...
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In the late 1820s, Bentham returned to the question of law reform, and in particular the reform of the judicial establishment. Now equipped with his analysis of sinister interest, and fully committed to republicanism, he advocated the codification of English law. Encouraged to some extent by the reforms of Robert Peel, he pressed for much more wide-ranging measures which would have seen the establishment of a series of local courts competent to decide all disputes, subject to appeal, presided over by qualified judges, appointed by a justice minister. He received support in parliament from Daniel O’Connell, but his proposals, far too radical for the vast majority of lawyers, came to nothing.Less
In the late 1820s, Bentham returned to the question of law reform, and in particular the reform of the judicial establishment. Now equipped with his analysis of sinister interest, and fully committed to republicanism, he advocated the codification of English law. Encouraged to some extent by the reforms of Robert Peel, he pressed for much more wide-ranging measures which would have seen the establishment of a series of local courts competent to decide all disputes, subject to appeal, presided over by qualified judges, appointed by a justice minister. He received support in parliament from Daniel O’Connell, but his proposals, far too radical for the vast majority of lawyers, came to nothing.
J. M. Beattie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199695164
- eISBN:
- 9780191738746
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695164.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This is the first intensive study of the Bow Street runners, a group of men established by Henry Fielding, in the middle of the eighteenth century with the financial support of the government to ...
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This is the first intensive study of the Bow Street runners, a group of men established by Henry Fielding, in the middle of the eighteenth century with the financial support of the government to confront violent offenders on the streets and highways around London. They were developed over the following decades by his half‐brother, John Fielding, into what became a well-known and stable group of officers who acquired skill and expertise in investigating crime, tracking and arresting offenders, and in presenting evidence at the Old Bailey, the main criminal court in London. They were, I argue, detectives in all but name. At the same time, Fielding created a magistrates’ court that for the first time was open to the public at stated times every day. A second, intimately related theme in the book concerns attitudes and ideas about the policing of London more broadly, particularly from the 1780s, when the detective and prosecutorial work of the runners came to be increasingly opposed by arguments in favour of the prevention of crime by surveillance and other means. The last three chapters of the book continue to follow the runners’ work, but at the same time they are concerned with discussions of the larger structure of policing in London – in parliament, in the Home Office, and in the press. These discussions were to intensify after 1815, in the face of a sharp increase in criminal prosecutions. They led – in a far from straightforward way – to a fundamental reconstitution of the basis of policing in the capital by Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police act of 1829. The runners were not immediately affected by the creation of the New Police, but indirectly it led to their disbandment a decade later.Less
This is the first intensive study of the Bow Street runners, a group of men established by Henry Fielding, in the middle of the eighteenth century with the financial support of the government to confront violent offenders on the streets and highways around London. They were developed over the following decades by his half‐brother, John Fielding, into what became a well-known and stable group of officers who acquired skill and expertise in investigating crime, tracking and arresting offenders, and in presenting evidence at the Old Bailey, the main criminal court in London. They were, I argue, detectives in all but name. At the same time, Fielding created a magistrates’ court that for the first time was open to the public at stated times every day. A second, intimately related theme in the book concerns attitudes and ideas about the policing of London more broadly, particularly from the 1780s, when the detective and prosecutorial work of the runners came to be increasingly opposed by arguments in favour of the prevention of crime by surveillance and other means. The last three chapters of the book continue to follow the runners’ work, but at the same time they are concerned with discussions of the larger structure of policing in London – in parliament, in the Home Office, and in the press. These discussions were to intensify after 1815, in the face of a sharp increase in criminal prosecutions. They led – in a far from straightforward way – to a fundamental reconstitution of the basis of policing in the capital by Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police act of 1829. The runners were not immediately affected by the creation of the New Police, but indirectly it led to their disbandment a decade later.
J. M. Beattie
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199695164
- eISBN:
- 9780191738746
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695164.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter has two subjects. The first is the strong increase in criminal prosecutions after the conclusion of the war in 1815 and the extent to which the runners became involved in its ...
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This chapter has two subjects. The first is the strong increase in criminal prosecutions after the conclusion of the war in 1815 and the extent to which the runners became involved in its prosecution. Most of the chapter is concerned with the related matter of ideas and plans to reform the police as offences increased both in the metropolis itself and now in the rural parishes on its borders. The outcome was Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police act of 1829 which represented a fundamental reconstruction of the bases upon which policing had rested. The creation of the New Police had implications for the runners, but it was the removal of the administrative authority of the magistrates at Bow Street and the other Police Offices that brought their disbandment in 1839.Less
This chapter has two subjects. The first is the strong increase in criminal prosecutions after the conclusion of the war in 1815 and the extent to which the runners became involved in its prosecution. Most of the chapter is concerned with the related matter of ideas and plans to reform the police as offences increased both in the metropolis itself and now in the rural parishes on its borders. The outcome was Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police act of 1829 which represented a fundamental reconstruction of the bases upon which policing had rested. The creation of the New Police had implications for the runners, but it was the removal of the administrative authority of the magistrates at Bow Street and the other Police Offices that brought their disbandment in 1839.
Paul Bew
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199561261
- eISBN:
- 9780191701832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561261.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
On 9 September 1845, the Dublin Evening Post reported the arrival of the potato blight. On 10 November, Peel ordered the purchase in America of £100,000-worth of Indian corn for shipment to Ireland. ...
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On 9 September 1845, the Dublin Evening Post reported the arrival of the potato blight. On 10 November, Peel ordered the purchase in America of £100,000-worth of Indian corn for shipment to Ireland. The government, at least, was now taking some action to alleviate suffering. Politics, however, remained in command. For young Ireland, there was no question of subordinating everything to a massive humanitarian effort, because this involved becoming supplicants upon English generosity. The decisive message here is the rejection of any concept of dependence on Britain, even if British aid saved Irish lives. The Nation notes that appeals to British charity were to be rejected for an essentially political reason: they undermined the case for Irish self-government. Logically, therefore, on 21 October 1845, John Power and Cornelius MacLoghlin announced the simultaneous collection for the O'Connell Tribute of 1845.Less
On 9 September 1845, the Dublin Evening Post reported the arrival of the potato blight. On 10 November, Peel ordered the purchase in America of £100,000-worth of Indian corn for shipment to Ireland. The government, at least, was now taking some action to alleviate suffering. Politics, however, remained in command. For young Ireland, there was no question of subordinating everything to a massive humanitarian effort, because this involved becoming supplicants upon English generosity. The decisive message here is the rejection of any concept of dependence on Britain, even if British aid saved Irish lives. The Nation notes that appeals to British charity were to be rejected for an essentially political reason: they undermined the case for Irish self-government. Logically, therefore, on 21 October 1845, John Power and Cornelius MacLoghlin announced the simultaneous collection for the O'Connell Tribute of 1845.
Anthony Howe
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201465
- eISBN:
- 9780191674891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201465.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
This chapter focuses on Whig contribution to the establishment and dominance of free trade in Victorian Britain. The years 1846–1852 offered the Whigs their most hopeful opportunity to rival Peel’s ...
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This chapter focuses on Whig contribution to the establishment and dominance of free trade in Victorian Britain. The years 1846–1852 offered the Whigs their most hopeful opportunity to rival Peel’s executive command, while harnessing the support for the policy that had been stirred by the League’s popular politicians. Whig policies also provide a vital clue to the burgeoning historical debate concerning the relative power of land, industry, and the City of London within the 19th-century British State. Whig economic reforms were as crucial for the City and commerce as was the repeal of the Corn Laws for the landed interest. Whig support for free trade was important not only for closing off the possibility of protectionist revanche for the landed interest, but for dismantling a series of buttresses of the old colonial system in a way that encouraged a new relationship between the City, the State, and free trade after 1850.Less
This chapter focuses on Whig contribution to the establishment and dominance of free trade in Victorian Britain. The years 1846–1852 offered the Whigs their most hopeful opportunity to rival Peel’s executive command, while harnessing the support for the policy that had been stirred by the League’s popular politicians. Whig policies also provide a vital clue to the burgeoning historical debate concerning the relative power of land, industry, and the City of London within the 19th-century British State. Whig economic reforms were as crucial for the City and commerce as was the repeal of the Corn Laws for the landed interest. Whig support for free trade was important not only for closing off the possibility of protectionist revanche for the landed interest, but for dismantling a series of buttresses of the old colonial system in a way that encouraged a new relationship between the City, the State, and free trade after 1850.
Peter Mandler
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217817
- eISBN:
- 9780191678288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217817.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The decade of the 1840s, and in particular the years of Robert Peel's government between 1841 and 1846, have acquired a reputation as the high-water mark of social reform in England. This is the ...
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The decade of the 1840s, and in particular the years of Robert Peel's government between 1841 and 1846, have acquired a reputation as the high-water mark of social reform in England. This is the decade of ‘the Condition of England Question’, a central theme in high politics. However, this chapter argues that Peel's government read the 1841 General Election as a middle-class call for an end to the sequence of political and social reforms launched in 1832. A new middle-class preference for Peel's managerial liberalism over John Russell's rhetorically over-heated Whiggism had, it was thought, returned the nation to the status quo ante 1830, where party divisions were melting into a moderate liberal consensus, a ‘liberal conservatism’. Although the Peelite policy of economic reform and social and political stasis worked for a time, the Whigs were able to mount a surprisingly vigorous challenge in the latter years of the ministry. The social reforms of mid-decade were due more to a canny Whig opposition than to the ministry, and recognized as such by increasingly respectful outdoor movements.Less
The decade of the 1840s, and in particular the years of Robert Peel's government between 1841 and 1846, have acquired a reputation as the high-water mark of social reform in England. This is the decade of ‘the Condition of England Question’, a central theme in high politics. However, this chapter argues that Peel's government read the 1841 General Election as a middle-class call for an end to the sequence of political and social reforms launched in 1832. A new middle-class preference for Peel's managerial liberalism over John Russell's rhetorically over-heated Whiggism had, it was thought, returned the nation to the status quo ante 1830, where party divisions were melting into a moderate liberal consensus, a ‘liberal conservatism’. Although the Peelite policy of economic reform and social and political stasis worked for a time, the Whigs were able to mount a surprisingly vigorous challenge in the latter years of the ministry. The social reforms of mid-decade were due more to a canny Whig opposition than to the ministry, and recognized as such by increasingly respectful outdoor movements.
Peter Mandler
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217817
- eISBN:
- 9780191678288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217817.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown ...
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Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown very moderate and the old Whig families seemed to be withdrawing from active leadership altogether. The alternative to coalition with the Peelites, some kind of agreement with the Radicals as in 1835, was no longer feasible. If an aggravated reprise such as that of the late 1830s was to be avoided, a liberal–conservative coalition — certainly bringing together Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and possibly roping free-trade Radicals into the bargain — seemed inevitable. This chapter focuses on the last Whig government (lasting from 1846 to 1852), the Condition of England politics, the Condition of Britain politics, the rise and fall of the General Board of Health, and the passing of the Whigs.Less
Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown very moderate and the old Whig families seemed to be withdrawing from active leadership altogether. The alternative to coalition with the Peelites, some kind of agreement with the Radicals as in 1835, was no longer feasible. If an aggravated reprise such as that of the late 1830s was to be avoided, a liberal–conservative coalition — certainly bringing together Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and possibly roping free-trade Radicals into the bargain — seemed inevitable. This chapter focuses on the last Whig government (lasting from 1846 to 1852), the Condition of England politics, the Condition of Britain politics, the rise and fall of the General Board of Health, and the passing of the Whigs.
PHILIP HARLING
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205760
- eISBN:
- 9780191676772
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205760.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The ministry of British Prime Minister Robert Peel marked the acme of Pitt-style conservatism. Like its Tory predecessors, its chief concern was to defend executive authority against pressure from ...
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The ministry of British Prime Minister Robert Peel marked the acme of Pitt-style conservatism. Like its Tory predecessors, its chief concern was to defend executive authority against pressure from within Parliament and from public opinion without. Peel and his colleagues felt that Whig activism had encouraged dangerous popular expectations of government intervention, and they were loath to sanction positive interference to ameliorate social injustice. They were too authoritarian to encourage the belief that the central government should promote a broad notion of the rights of citizenship. Peel's remarkably punctilious notion of the proper uses of office indicated that ministers themselves had finally come to adhere to a rigorous ethic of public service in the spheres of financial and economic policy, Peel sought to live up to the same image of responsible management that characterized his attitude towards emoluments and patronage.Less
The ministry of British Prime Minister Robert Peel marked the acme of Pitt-style conservatism. Like its Tory predecessors, its chief concern was to defend executive authority against pressure from within Parliament and from public opinion without. Peel and his colleagues felt that Whig activism had encouraged dangerous popular expectations of government intervention, and they were loath to sanction positive interference to ameliorate social injustice. They were too authoritarian to encourage the belief that the central government should promote a broad notion of the rights of citizenship. Peel's remarkably punctilious notion of the proper uses of office indicated that ministers themselves had finally come to adhere to a rigorous ethic of public service in the spheres of financial and economic policy, Peel sought to live up to the same image of responsible management that characterized his attitude towards emoluments and patronage.
William Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208648
- eISBN:
- 9780191678103
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208648.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
There are two sides to Peel. There is the man who is credited with building up the Tory party until it took power in 1841, the first Prime Minister to be returned by a majority at a general election; ...
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There are two sides to Peel. There is the man who is credited with building up the Tory party until it took power in 1841, the first Prime Minister to be returned by a majority at a general election; and there is the man whose conversion to Corn Law repeal drove the same party onto the rocks in 1846. Croker broke with Peel over the Corn Laws in 1846, but the issues on which they agreed were far more numerous. Peel's first office, as Chief Secretary to Ireland, made him very dependent upon Croker's experience of Irish problems. Croker's 1832 deal with Murray had restored the traditional stance of defending conservative politics. But in 1846, for the first time in its history, it faced the prospect of becoming the organ of an opposition with little prospect of office. The purpose of Croker's role had been reduced if not destroyed.Less
There are two sides to Peel. There is the man who is credited with building up the Tory party until it took power in 1841, the first Prime Minister to be returned by a majority at a general election; and there is the man whose conversion to Corn Law repeal drove the same party onto the rocks in 1846. Croker broke with Peel over the Corn Laws in 1846, but the issues on which they agreed were far more numerous. Peel's first office, as Chief Secretary to Ireland, made him very dependent upon Croker's experience of Irish problems. Croker's 1832 deal with Murray had restored the traditional stance of defending conservative politics. But in 1846, for the first time in its history, it faced the prospect of becoming the organ of an opposition with little prospect of office. The purpose of Croker's role had been reduced if not destroyed.
Avi Shlaim
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198294597
- eISBN:
- 9780191685057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198294597.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role of King Abdullah of the Arab Revolt in Palestine in 1936. The Peel Commission recognized that the British Mandate for Palestine was unworkable because the aspirations ...
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This chapter examines the role of King Abdullah of the Arab Revolt in Palestine in 1936. The Peel Commission recognized that the British Mandate for Palestine was unworkable because the aspirations of the Jews and the Arabs were mutually contradictory. In March 1937, the commission started giving serious thought to the idea of partitioning Palestine between the Jews and the amir of Transjordan. This chapter suggests that the choice of Abdullah rather than a mufti to head the Arab state were all influenced by Zionist diplomacy.Less
This chapter examines the role of King Abdullah of the Arab Revolt in Palestine in 1936. The Peel Commission recognized that the British Mandate for Palestine was unworkable because the aspirations of the Jews and the Arabs were mutually contradictory. In March 1937, the commission started giving serious thought to the idea of partitioning Palestine between the Jews and the amir of Transjordan. This chapter suggests that the choice of Abdullah rather than a mufti to head the Arab state were all influenced by Zionist diplomacy.
Peter Ghosh
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199253456
- eISBN:
- 9780191698149
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199253456.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses Sir Robert Peel, the founder of modern Conservatism, and his role in nineteenth-century politics as the pioneer of ‘Gladstonian Liberalism’. One of the most fundamental ...
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This chapter discusses Sir Robert Peel, the founder of modern Conservatism, and his role in nineteenth-century politics as the pioneer of ‘Gladstonian Liberalism’. One of the most fundamental assumptions underlying our understanding of nineteenth-century politics, although it has never been explicitly worked out, is that Peel remained a central presence in later Victorian England; in particular, that he was a decisive influence on W. E. Gladstone and on the Liberal Party he led between 1867 and 1894. Instead of being represented as a bilateral constitutional and party contest, nineteenth-century politics is more conveniently construed along the single axis supplied by ‘Peel-Gladstone’. But if Peel had become an anomaly in his own day, it is unlikely that he should have had any more relevance to succeeding generations, since they, like their predecessors, also believed in a party system as the best means of organizing public opinion in the country and of representing it in Parliament.Less
This chapter discusses Sir Robert Peel, the founder of modern Conservatism, and his role in nineteenth-century politics as the pioneer of ‘Gladstonian Liberalism’. One of the most fundamental assumptions underlying our understanding of nineteenth-century politics, although it has never been explicitly worked out, is that Peel remained a central presence in later Victorian England; in particular, that he was a decisive influence on W. E. Gladstone and on the Liberal Party he led between 1867 and 1894. Instead of being represented as a bilateral constitutional and party contest, nineteenth-century politics is more conveniently construed along the single axis supplied by ‘Peel-Gladstone’. But if Peel had become an anomaly in his own day, it is unlikely that he should have had any more relevance to succeeding generations, since they, like their predecessors, also believed in a party system as the best means of organizing public opinion in the country and of representing it in Parliament.
John Prest
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201755
- eISBN:
- 9780191675003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201755.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter focuses on the Whigs' complete reorganisation of the relations between central and local government. The opportunity to do this arose when they reformed the Poor Law in 1834. In setting ...
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This chapter focuses on the Whigs' complete reorganisation of the relations between central and local government. The opportunity to do this arose when they reformed the Poor Law in 1834. In setting up the New Poor Law, the Whigs bowed to the Duke of Wellington's preference for weighted voting. Under the 1834 Act, both owners and ratepayers were eligible to vote at the elections of the Guardians. In 1844, when Peel and his ministers renewed the Poor Law, they assimilated the ratepayers to the owners and substituted a revised scale.Less
This chapter focuses on the Whigs' complete reorganisation of the relations between central and local government. The opportunity to do this arose when they reformed the Poor Law in 1834. In setting up the New Poor Law, the Whigs bowed to the Duke of Wellington's preference for weighted voting. Under the 1834 Act, both owners and ratepayers were eligible to vote at the elections of the Guardians. In 1844, when Peel and his ministers renewed the Poor Law, they assimilated the ratepayers to the owners and substituted a revised scale.
John Prest
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201755
- eISBN:
- 9780191675003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201755.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter focuses on how the Whig and Peelite governments addressed the problems of town improvement and public health between 1834 and 1846. Chadwick convinced the Select Committees that in the ...
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This chapter focuses on how the Whig and Peelite governments addressed the problems of town improvement and public health between 1834 and 1846. Chadwick convinced the Select Committees that in the case of town improvement and public health, the public interest lay in recognising that water and sewerage were natural monopolies. Competition within the field of service should cease and services should be placed in the hands of a single authority. In 1845, Lord Lincoln published a Public Health Bill, a consultative document which was to be followed by a revised Bill in 1846. The Health of Towns Act was the legislative hybrid fashioned by Lord Morpeth in 1847, and passed after he had become the Earl of Carlisle in 1848. The Act set up unitary authorities with responsibility for the construction and maintenance of sewers, for streets, and the provision of water.Less
This chapter focuses on how the Whig and Peelite governments addressed the problems of town improvement and public health between 1834 and 1846. Chadwick convinced the Select Committees that in the case of town improvement and public health, the public interest lay in recognising that water and sewerage were natural monopolies. Competition within the field of service should cease and services should be placed in the hands of a single authority. In 1845, Lord Lincoln published a Public Health Bill, a consultative document which was to be followed by a revised Bill in 1846. The Health of Towns Act was the legislative hybrid fashioned by Lord Morpeth in 1847, and passed after he had become the Earl of Carlisle in 1848. The Act set up unitary authorities with responsibility for the construction and maintenance of sewers, for streets, and the provision of water.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199570911
- eISBN:
- 9780191702068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199570911.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter details the life and career of Edward Geoffrey Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, from 1846–1848. An acidic sense of grievance was brought on by the souring relations between Peel's cabinet ...
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This chapter details the life and career of Edward Geoffrey Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, from 1846–1848. An acidic sense of grievance was brought on by the souring relations between Peel's cabinet and the Conservative back benches by 1845. In May 1844 Stanley warned of the dangers to the government of ignoring party feeling. The confidence of the Commons was crucial to the possession of power. Moreover, although he loyally supported the modification to import tariffs introduced after 1841, he retained a faith in the benefits of Protectionism. It was, he believed, crucial to Britain's colonial economy. Moreover, commitment to Protection had underpinned Conservative unity in 1841. Most Conservative MPs remained bound to the preservation of import tariffs and it was on this understanding that they had pledged their support for Peel's ministry. Stanley's conviction that backbench loyalty required ministerial regard for party opinion guided his response to the Conservative schism, triggered by a catastrophic famine in Ireland. The devastating events in Ireland precipitated by the outbreak of potato blight, during the autumn of 1845, led to Stanley's painful separation from Peel and his ministerial colleagues. It proved a watershed in British politics and determined the future course of Stanley's political career.Less
This chapter details the life and career of Edward Geoffrey Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby, from 1846–1848. An acidic sense of grievance was brought on by the souring relations between Peel's cabinet and the Conservative back benches by 1845. In May 1844 Stanley warned of the dangers to the government of ignoring party feeling. The confidence of the Commons was crucial to the possession of power. Moreover, although he loyally supported the modification to import tariffs introduced after 1841, he retained a faith in the benefits of Protectionism. It was, he believed, crucial to Britain's colonial economy. Moreover, commitment to Protection had underpinned Conservative unity in 1841. Most Conservative MPs remained bound to the preservation of import tariffs and it was on this understanding that they had pledged their support for Peel's ministry. Stanley's conviction that backbench loyalty required ministerial regard for party opinion guided his response to the Conservative schism, triggered by a catastrophic famine in Ireland. The devastating events in Ireland precipitated by the outbreak of potato blight, during the autumn of 1845, led to Stanley's painful separation from Peel and his ministerial colleagues. It proved a watershed in British politics and determined the future course of Stanley's political career.
Britta Sweers
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195174786
- eISBN:
- 9780199864348
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195174786.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, Popular
This sociocultural analysis depicts the electric folk scene as a coherent, yet heterogeneous entity, shaped by continuous line-up changes. As the musical hybridity is also reflected in the ...
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This sociocultural analysis depicts the electric folk scene as a coherent, yet heterogeneous entity, shaped by continuous line-up changes. As the musical hybridity is also reflected in the performance spaces, this chapter first analyses the folk club and the emerging progressive rock scenes in London of the 1960s. While having developed from the Second Folk Revival, electric folk was nevertheless facilitated by the venues of the progressive scene, including university auditories, festivals, radio DJs like John Peel, and independent record companies, although business always remained a difficult issue. The second part analyses internal characteristics such as the performer network, authority figures like Ewan MacColl and A. L. Lloyd, and the strikingly large number of female artists. The outlook into the 1990s reveals a consolidated scene characterized by distinct venues, festivals, key figures, and repertoires, whose continuous existence is also supported by independent low-key business and marketing strategies.Less
This sociocultural analysis depicts the electric folk scene as a coherent, yet heterogeneous entity, shaped by continuous line-up changes. As the musical hybridity is also reflected in the performance spaces, this chapter first analyses the folk club and the emerging progressive rock scenes in London of the 1960s. While having developed from the Second Folk Revival, electric folk was nevertheless facilitated by the venues of the progressive scene, including university auditories, festivals, radio DJs like John Peel, and independent record companies, although business always remained a difficult issue. The second part analyses internal characteristics such as the performer network, authority figures like Ewan MacColl and A. L. Lloyd, and the strikingly large number of female artists. The outlook into the 1990s reveals a consolidated scene characterized by distinct venues, festivals, key figures, and repertoires, whose continuous existence is also supported by independent low-key business and marketing strategies.
Ian Ker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199569106
- eISBN:
- 9780191702044
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199569106.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
On April 15, 1851, Archbishop Paul Cullen of Armagh wrote to Newman for his advice on the appointment of staff for the new Catholic University of Ireland, and also to ask if he “could spare time to ...
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On April 15, 1851, Archbishop Paul Cullen of Armagh wrote to Newman for his advice on the appointment of staff for the new Catholic University of Ireland, and also to ask if he “could spare time to give a few lectures on education”. Newman's initial response was non-committal. The origins of the new university started when Sir Robert Peel successfully moved his bill to establish a secular and non-denominational “Queen's University of Ireland”. This would provide an alternative to Anglican Trinity College in Dublin. Only a minority of the Irish bishops approved of the plan for such “mixed-education”. Rome forbade the Irish Church to pursue such a university and insisted on using Louvain in Belgium as the model for establishing a Catholic university. Newman, in turn, proposed that this would be the Catholic University of the English tongue.Less
On April 15, 1851, Archbishop Paul Cullen of Armagh wrote to Newman for his advice on the appointment of staff for the new Catholic University of Ireland, and also to ask if he “could spare time to give a few lectures on education”. Newman's initial response was non-committal. The origins of the new university started when Sir Robert Peel successfully moved his bill to establish a secular and non-denominational “Queen's University of Ireland”. This would provide an alternative to Anglican Trinity College in Dublin. Only a minority of the Irish bishops approved of the plan for such “mixed-education”. Rome forbade the Irish Church to pursue such a university and insisted on using Louvain in Belgium as the model for establishing a Catholic university. Newman, in turn, proposed that this would be the Catholic University of the English tongue.
Stewart J. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242351
- eISBN:
- 9780191697098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242351.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter discusses the struggles of the established churches outside Ireland. It explains that the recognition of the collapsed New Reformation in Ireland contributed to fundamental ...
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This chapter discusses the struggles of the established churches outside Ireland. It explains that the recognition of the collapsed New Reformation in Ireland contributed to fundamental constitutional changes in the United Kingdom, in which a more democratic political order was born, one in which the conformity to one of the established Churches was no longer a requirement. The chapter also shows that the strong union of the Church and State seemed to be breaking up. The established Churches could no longer count on support from the Parliament, and would now need to seek cultural support. It also discusses the efforts of Sir Robert Peel (leader of Melbourne Government) to establish a new commission for the English Church reform, made up exclusively of clergymen and lay members of the Church of England.Less
This chapter discusses the struggles of the established churches outside Ireland. It explains that the recognition of the collapsed New Reformation in Ireland contributed to fundamental constitutional changes in the United Kingdom, in which a more democratic political order was born, one in which the conformity to one of the established Churches was no longer a requirement. The chapter also shows that the strong union of the Church and State seemed to be breaking up. The established Churches could no longer count on support from the Parliament, and would now need to seek cultural support. It also discusses the efforts of Sir Robert Peel (leader of Melbourne Government) to establish a new commission for the English Church reform, made up exclusively of clergymen and lay members of the Church of England.
Stewart J. Brown
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242351
- eISBN:
- 9780191697098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242351.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
This chapter deals with the continuing hopes and frustrations that the established Churches of Britain faced from 1841 to 1846. Sir Robert Peel, who was appointed Prime Minister, believed that there ...
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This chapter deals with the continuing hopes and frustrations that the established Churches of Britain faced from 1841 to 1846. Sir Robert Peel, who was appointed Prime Minister, believed that there were real abuses that needed reform within the established Churches. His appointment offered hope to the established Churches that they would be able to gain support from Parliament. However, Peel's appointment was accompanied by other problems, including a severe downturn in the economy that resulted from poor harvests. Because of these, Peel was pressured (to increase church accommodation and Parliament support to the established Churches) by not only the church leaders, but also the parliament. Everything led to the resignation of Peel as Prime Minister, the conversion to free trade, and disruption of the established Church of Scotland.Less
This chapter deals with the continuing hopes and frustrations that the established Churches of Britain faced from 1841 to 1846. Sir Robert Peel, who was appointed Prime Minister, believed that there were real abuses that needed reform within the established Churches. His appointment offered hope to the established Churches that they would be able to gain support from Parliament. However, Peel's appointment was accompanied by other problems, including a severe downturn in the economy that resulted from poor harvests. Because of these, Peel was pressured (to increase church accommodation and Parliament support to the established Churches) by not only the church leaders, but also the parliament. Everything led to the resignation of Peel as Prime Minister, the conversion to free trade, and disruption of the established Church of Scotland.
Penny Sinanoglou
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226665788
- eISBN:
- 9780226665818
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226665818.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
The Peel Commission Report conceals within its confident espousal of partition a struggle over the definitions of Palestine, the Jewish National Home, Arab nationalism, and British obligations under ...
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The Peel Commission Report conceals within its confident espousal of partition a struggle over the definitions of Palestine, the Jewish National Home, Arab nationalism, and British obligations under the Palestine mandate and the mandates system more broadly. It simultaneously reflects and obscures the rifts within the Commission, and the input of British military and official, Jewish and Arab voices. The very form of the Report was determined to some degree by the compromise brokered by Rumbold between Hammond, who wanted the Report to focus almost exclusively on recommendations for dealing with Arab and Jewish grievances under the terms of the mandate, and Coupland, who felt that partition deserved to be placed front and center. As Rumbold suggested it should do, the Report avoided rendering its policy suggestions completely moot by recommending that they be implemented during the transition to partition. However, the disagreement between Coupland and the rest of the Commission over the underlying cause of unrest in Palestine is completely invisible in the Report. Despite holding the minority opinion that the mandate itself was the cause of the problems in Palestine, and that the only solution was to end the mandate and partition the country,Less
The Peel Commission Report conceals within its confident espousal of partition a struggle over the definitions of Palestine, the Jewish National Home, Arab nationalism, and British obligations under the Palestine mandate and the mandates system more broadly. It simultaneously reflects and obscures the rifts within the Commission, and the input of British military and official, Jewish and Arab voices. The very form of the Report was determined to some degree by the compromise brokered by Rumbold between Hammond, who wanted the Report to focus almost exclusively on recommendations for dealing with Arab and Jewish grievances under the terms of the mandate, and Coupland, who felt that partition deserved to be placed front and center. As Rumbold suggested it should do, the Report avoided rendering its policy suggestions completely moot by recommending that they be implemented during the transition to partition. However, the disagreement between Coupland and the rest of the Commission over the underlying cause of unrest in Palestine is completely invisible in the Report. Despite holding the minority opinion that the mandate itself was the cause of the problems in Palestine, and that the only solution was to end the mandate and partition the country,
