John A. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198207559
- eISBN:
- 9780191716720
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207559.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Examining the long-held assumption that the Neapolitan Republic of 1799 differed fundamentally from the other Italian Republics of 1796-9, this chapter starts by illustrating how the term ‘passive ...
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Examining the long-held assumption that the Neapolitan Republic of 1799 differed fundamentally from the other Italian Republics of 1796-9, this chapter starts by illustrating how the term ‘passive revolution’ has subsequently come to misrepresent the events of 1799 in the South. In their political programmes and their social and cultural backgrounds, the Neapolitan Jacobins differed little from their Italian counter-parts. As in the other Italian Republics, the Neapolitan Jacobins and patriots were sharply aware of the need communicate their ideas more widely with the masses (by means of Republican ritual, the press, theatre, and public assemblies); the need to cultivate support from the clergy; and avoid offending religious beliefs or the clergy (many of whom supported the Republic), although they were also faced by the specific problems posed by the abolition of feudalism in the South. In remarkably difficulty circumstances, they nonetheless looked to implement the reform projects formulated in the previous decades.Less
Examining the long-held assumption that the Neapolitan Republic of 1799 differed fundamentally from the other Italian Republics of 1796-9, this chapter starts by illustrating how the term ‘passive revolution’ has subsequently come to misrepresent the events of 1799 in the South. In their political programmes and their social and cultural backgrounds, the Neapolitan Jacobins differed little from their Italian counter-parts. As in the other Italian Republics, the Neapolitan Jacobins and patriots were sharply aware of the need communicate their ideas more widely with the masses (by means of Republican ritual, the press, theatre, and public assemblies); the need to cultivate support from the clergy; and avoid offending religious beliefs or the clergy (many of whom supported the Republic), although they were also faced by the specific problems posed by the abolition of feudalism in the South. In remarkably difficulty circumstances, they nonetheless looked to implement the reform projects formulated in the previous decades.
Michael Dobson
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183235
- eISBN:
- 9780191673979
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183235.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Shakespeare Studies, Poetry
This chapter examines a series of conflicting attempts to embody Shakespeare's authorial persona between the 1730s and the 1760s, looking first at the different interests which converge on the ...
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This chapter examines a series of conflicting attempts to embody Shakespeare's authorial persona between the 1730s and the 1760s, looking first at the different interests which converge on the project to erect a statue of Shakespeare in Westminster Abbey in the late 1730s — a political opposition group (the Patriots), a female pressure group (the Shakespeare Ladies' Club), and stage adaptors George Lillo and James Miller — and then at David Garrick's shrewd manipulation of the iconography it establishes in making his own highly successful claim to represent in himself the 18th century's definitive embodiment of Shakespeare, posing as the true son of Shakespeare's royal ghost. This revered authorial spirit is henceforth an acknowledged national forefather, and his texts are treated accordingly.Less
This chapter examines a series of conflicting attempts to embody Shakespeare's authorial persona between the 1730s and the 1760s, looking first at the different interests which converge on the project to erect a statue of Shakespeare in Westminster Abbey in the late 1730s — a political opposition group (the Patriots), a female pressure group (the Shakespeare Ladies' Club), and stage adaptors George Lillo and James Miller — and then at David Garrick's shrewd manipulation of the iconography it establishes in making his own highly successful claim to represent in himself the 18th century's definitive embodiment of Shakespeare, posing as the true son of Shakespeare's royal ghost. This revered authorial spirit is henceforth an acknowledged national forefather, and his texts are treated accordingly.
Jacqueline Hill
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206354
- eISBN:
- 9780191677083
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206354.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This is the first full-length study of the Protestant middle-class Patriots of Dublin, who, in the eighteenth century, made up the largest concentration of Protestants in Ireland (c.70,000). Freemen ...
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This is the first full-length study of the Protestant middle-class Patriots of Dublin, who, in the eighteenth century, made up the largest concentration of Protestants in Ireland (c.70,000). Freemen of the guilds alone — who were entitled to a parliamentary vote — were almost as numerous as the entire landed class. The slow and difficult progress of these merchants, master craftsmen, and shopkeepers, from Patriotism in the eighteenth century to a Unionist position in the nineteenth, throws light on all subsequent Irish history, and fills an important gap in the historiography of Unionism.Less
This is the first full-length study of the Protestant middle-class Patriots of Dublin, who, in the eighteenth century, made up the largest concentration of Protestants in Ireland (c.70,000). Freemen of the guilds alone — who were entitled to a parliamentary vote — were almost as numerous as the entire landed class. The slow and difficult progress of these merchants, master craftsmen, and shopkeepers, from Patriotism in the eighteenth century to a Unionist position in the nineteenth, throws light on all subsequent Irish history, and fills an important gap in the historiography of Unionism.
Darrel Wanzer-Serrano
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041211
- eISBN:
- 9780252099809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041211.003.0015
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter examines the formation and lifespan of the street-gang-turned-political-entity, the Young Lords. Founded as a turf gang in the Lincoln Park neighborhood of Chicago in 1959, the group ...
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This chapter examines the formation and lifespan of the street-gang-turned-political-entity, the Young Lords. Founded as a turf gang in the Lincoln Park neighborhood of Chicago in 1959, the group shifted focus and purpose in 1968 under the leadership of José “Cha Cha” Jiménez. This brief history of the Young Lords Organization examines their emergence as a social movement organization, Jiménez’s influences for transforming the group, the group’s activism, and the group’s connections with the Young Patriots Organization and the Black Panther Party under the label of the Rainbow Coalition. The original Chicago chapter granted charters to form branches in New York, Milwaukee, and elsewhere; but the Young Lords Organization in Chicago was largely defunct by 1972.Less
This chapter examines the formation and lifespan of the street-gang-turned-political-entity, the Young Lords. Founded as a turf gang in the Lincoln Park neighborhood of Chicago in 1959, the group shifted focus and purpose in 1968 under the leadership of José “Cha Cha” Jiménez. This brief history of the Young Lords Organization examines their emergence as a social movement organization, Jiménez’s influences for transforming the group, the group’s activism, and the group’s connections with the Young Patriots Organization and the Black Panther Party under the label of the Rainbow Coalition. The original Chicago chapter granted charters to form branches in New York, Milwaukee, and elsewhere; but the Young Lords Organization in Chicago was largely defunct by 1972.
Jacqueline Hill
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206354
- eISBN:
- 9780191677083
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206354.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Like many towns all over Europe, Dublin's origins as a corporate entity go back to medieval times. From the citizens' point of view, incorporation was desirable because it guaranteed a degree of ...
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Like many towns all over Europe, Dublin's origins as a corporate entity go back to medieval times. From the citizens' point of view, incorporation was desirable because it guaranteed a degree of self-government. For the monarchy, corporations were a means of urban control, and served to channel taxes towards the royal exchequer. For the Dublin civic Patriots of the mid-eighteenth century, the restoration period held special significance. In 1672, the Irish privy council formally obtained certain rights concerning the affairs of urban corporations. Both the Protestant and English gentry expressed concern about urban corporations. This chapter discusses the origins of Dublin corporation, the restoration and Jacobite eras, the significance of the Williamite revolution to corporation, and vindication of corporate rights in 1690–1714.Less
Like many towns all over Europe, Dublin's origins as a corporate entity go back to medieval times. From the citizens' point of view, incorporation was desirable because it guaranteed a degree of self-government. For the monarchy, corporations were a means of urban control, and served to channel taxes towards the royal exchequer. For the Dublin civic Patriots of the mid-eighteenth century, the restoration period held special significance. In 1672, the Irish privy council formally obtained certain rights concerning the affairs of urban corporations. Both the Protestant and English gentry expressed concern about urban corporations. This chapter discusses the origins of Dublin corporation, the restoration and Jacobite eras, the significance of the Williamite revolution to corporation, and vindication of corporate rights in 1690–1714.
Jacqueline Hill
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206354
- eISBN:
- 9780191677083
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206354.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
During the American revolutionary era (1774–1782), the focus of Irish Patriot politics shifted away from the country reforms that had been achieved in the 1760s towards free trade, and then ...
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During the American revolutionary era (1774–1782), the focus of Irish Patriot politics shifted away from the country reforms that had been achieved in the 1760s towards free trade, and then legislative independence. The context for these developments was Britain's most serious imperial crisis of the century, the loss of the American colonies. Since the l760s, a new British imperial policy had been evolving, and the new approach undoubtedly preserved some of the newer acquisitions for the empire. Gradually government was beginning to break free of the limitations imposed by the Protestant, decentralized empire that had emerged from the revolution of 1688–1689. Since the implications of this shift were to be so far-reaching, and since at the outset of this period there was still a conviction that the Patriots of Britain, Ireland, and America were engaged in a common cause, this chapter examines the evolution of British imperial policy in North America in the aftermath of the seven years war (1756–1763). Dublin's parliamentary elections of 1761–1782 are also discussed.Less
During the American revolutionary era (1774–1782), the focus of Irish Patriot politics shifted away from the country reforms that had been achieved in the 1760s towards free trade, and then legislative independence. The context for these developments was Britain's most serious imperial crisis of the century, the loss of the American colonies. Since the l760s, a new British imperial policy had been evolving, and the new approach undoubtedly preserved some of the newer acquisitions for the empire. Gradually government was beginning to break free of the limitations imposed by the Protestant, decentralized empire that had emerged from the revolution of 1688–1689. Since the implications of this shift were to be so far-reaching, and since at the outset of this period there was still a conviction that the Patriots of Britain, Ireland, and America were engaged in a common cause, this chapter examines the evolution of British imperial policy in North America in the aftermath of the seven years war (1756–1763). Dublin's parliamentary elections of 1761–1782 are also discussed.
Jacqueline Hill
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206354
- eISBN:
- 9780191677083
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206354.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The excitement generated by the French revolution sparked off a wide-ranging debate about all aspects of the ancien régime: the institutions of hereditary monarchy and aristocracy; religious ...
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The excitement generated by the French revolution sparked off a wide-ranging debate about all aspects of the ancien régime: the institutions of hereditary monarchy and aristocracy; religious establishments; corporate and prescriptive rights. Champions of ‘the rights of man’ had only limited success in winning over members of the privileged orders in Britain and Ireland to their views, but they did force their opponents to formulate defences for the existing system. It has already been noted that ‘the growth of toleration’ can be a misleading way to describe the effects on Protestants in Britain and Ireland of the Enlightenment. What had begun to change in the British ruling elite was the perception of Catholics as a serious danger to church and state. This chapter examines the controversies surrounding Protestant confessionalism, Protestant ascendancy, and Patriot politics. The impact of the fragmentation of the Patriots in Dublin on the corporation, the guilds, Dublin Volunteers, and political societies such as the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley is also discussed.Less
The excitement generated by the French revolution sparked off a wide-ranging debate about all aspects of the ancien régime: the institutions of hereditary monarchy and aristocracy; religious establishments; corporate and prescriptive rights. Champions of ‘the rights of man’ had only limited success in winning over members of the privileged orders in Britain and Ireland to their views, but they did force their opponents to formulate defences for the existing system. It has already been noted that ‘the growth of toleration’ can be a misleading way to describe the effects on Protestants in Britain and Ireland of the Enlightenment. What had begun to change in the British ruling elite was the perception of Catholics as a serious danger to church and state. This chapter examines the controversies surrounding Protestant confessionalism, Protestant ascendancy, and Patriot politics. The impact of the fragmentation of the Patriots in Dublin on the corporation, the guilds, Dublin Volunteers, and political societies such as the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley is also discussed.
Jacqueline Hill
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206354
- eISBN:
- 9780191677083
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206354.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
During the 1820s and 1830s, it became increasingly apparent that changes in the wider political world were rendering Dublin corporation's role as a representative body and guardian of Patriot values ...
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During the 1820s and 1830s, it became increasingly apparent that changes in the wider political world were rendering Dublin corporation's role as a representative body and guardian of Patriot values redundant. The corporation's unyielding commitment to Protestant ascendancy had attracted censure in parliament during the 1820s and had been officially discountenanced by the granting of Catholic emancipation in 1829. The fact that the Irish urban corporations still remained, for the most part, bastions of Protestant privilege rendered them highly objectionable to Daniel O'Connell and his supporters, and it was one of their principal aims, once emancipation had been gained, to secure municipal reform. The issue of repeal of the union raised mixed feelings among O'Connell's Protestant critics during the 1830s, and it featured as only one element in their condemnation of him. This chapter discusses taxation and representation in Dublin in 1815–1829, the campaign for municipal reform and the Catholic challenge, and Patriots and Unionists.Less
During the 1820s and 1830s, it became increasingly apparent that changes in the wider political world were rendering Dublin corporation's role as a representative body and guardian of Patriot values redundant. The corporation's unyielding commitment to Protestant ascendancy had attracted censure in parliament during the 1820s and had been officially discountenanced by the granting of Catholic emancipation in 1829. The fact that the Irish urban corporations still remained, for the most part, bastions of Protestant privilege rendered them highly objectionable to Daniel O'Connell and his supporters, and it was one of their principal aims, once emancipation had been gained, to secure municipal reform. The issue of repeal of the union raised mixed feelings among O'Connell's Protestant critics during the 1830s, and it featured as only one element in their condemnation of him. This chapter discusses taxation and representation in Dublin in 1815–1829, the campaign for municipal reform and the Catholic challenge, and Patriots and Unionists.
Jacqueline Hill
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206354
- eISBN:
- 9780191677083
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206354.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
During the eighteenth century, Dublin Protestants from the mercantile, manufacturing, and artisan classes took their place among those who considered themselves to be Patriots. Since their numbers — ...
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During the eighteenth century, Dublin Protestants from the mercantile, manufacturing, and artisan classes took their place among those who considered themselves to be Patriots. Since their numbers — to speak only of the freemen, who enjoyed the formal political qualification of a parliamentary vote — fell not far short of the entire landowning body, it is clear that no rounded picture of Protestant Patriotism can be obtained without taking account of their contribution. The Dublin freemen set a precedent for challenging oligarchy. Once it had become apparent during the 1750s and 1760s that several of the guilds were consistently behind opposition causes, government began to take Patriot MPs more seriously. Had Ireland enjoyed regular general elections as England had done since 1694, there can't be little doubt that the freemen's impact on Irish politics would have been manifested even earlier. In the 1790s, the prospect of Catholics exercising political rights posed major problems. The freemen had come to Unionism reluctantly and late, and their support was never to be unconditional.Less
During the eighteenth century, Dublin Protestants from the mercantile, manufacturing, and artisan classes took their place among those who considered themselves to be Patriots. Since their numbers — to speak only of the freemen, who enjoyed the formal political qualification of a parliamentary vote — fell not far short of the entire landowning body, it is clear that no rounded picture of Protestant Patriotism can be obtained without taking account of their contribution. The Dublin freemen set a precedent for challenging oligarchy. Once it had become apparent during the 1750s and 1760s that several of the guilds were consistently behind opposition causes, government began to take Patriot MPs more seriously. Had Ireland enjoyed regular general elections as England had done since 1694, there can't be little doubt that the freemen's impact on Irish politics would have been manifested even earlier. In the 1790s, the prospect of Catholics exercising political rights posed major problems. The freemen had come to Unionism reluctantly and late, and their support was never to be unconditional.
M. B. B. Biskupski
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199658817
- eISBN:
- 9780191744235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199658817.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
During German and Russian occupation celebration of November 11th was forbidden and punishment for any attempt was severe indeed. In London, the Polish Government in Exile, led by Sikorski, a ...
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During German and Russian occupation celebration of November 11th was forbidden and punishment for any attempt was severe indeed. In London, the Polish Government in Exile, led by Sikorski, a long-time opponent of Piłsudski, tried to de-emphasize November 11th and remove Piłsudskiite elements from its celebrations. Even songs traditionally sung on the occasion were either forbidden or actively discouraged. This attempt was widely resented in the army where there existed a cult of Piłsudski. November 11th regained some of its previous attention after Sikorski's death in July 1943 when Gen. Sosnkowski, a close comrade of Piłsudski's, came to head the Polish armed forces. This proved a brief episode because he was removed from office under British pressure in 1944. Piłsudskiites in exile were unable to contest the gradual diminution of November 11th because their regime bore the obloquy of a lost war and no leader emerged to replace Piłsudski. They were scattered and bereft. November 11th was in danger of being jettisoned as the national holiday. Its only power lay in inertia, and the sad fact that the Poles no longer had anything positive to celebrate. When the Russians moved into eastern Poland they initially treated the 11th with conspicuous respect, even trying to link it with the November 7th celebration of the Bolshevik Revolution as a kind of extended independence celebration. This toleration proved short-lived and by 1945 November 11th was effectively banned and July 22nd, the date the Lublin Committee declared its existence was proffered as the new national holiday. It never gained much support.Less
During German and Russian occupation celebration of November 11th was forbidden and punishment for any attempt was severe indeed. In London, the Polish Government in Exile, led by Sikorski, a long-time opponent of Piłsudski, tried to de-emphasize November 11th and remove Piłsudskiite elements from its celebrations. Even songs traditionally sung on the occasion were either forbidden or actively discouraged. This attempt was widely resented in the army where there existed a cult of Piłsudski. November 11th regained some of its previous attention after Sikorski's death in July 1943 when Gen. Sosnkowski, a close comrade of Piłsudski's, came to head the Polish armed forces. This proved a brief episode because he was removed from office under British pressure in 1944. Piłsudskiites in exile were unable to contest the gradual diminution of November 11th because their regime bore the obloquy of a lost war and no leader emerged to replace Piłsudski. They were scattered and bereft. November 11th was in danger of being jettisoned as the national holiday. Its only power lay in inertia, and the sad fact that the Poles no longer had anything positive to celebrate. When the Russians moved into eastern Poland they initially treated the 11th with conspicuous respect, even trying to link it with the November 7th celebration of the Bolshevik Revolution as a kind of extended independence celebration. This toleration proved short-lived and by 1945 November 11th was effectively banned and July 22nd, the date the Lublin Committee declared its existence was proffered as the new national holiday. It never gained much support.
Jason K. Duncan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823225125
- eISBN:
- 9780823236930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823225125.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on anti-Catholicism in New York during the years leading up to the Revolutionary War. In rebelling against Britain, Patriots implicitly rejected all ...
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This chapter focuses on anti-Catholicism in New York during the years leading up to the Revolutionary War. In rebelling against Britain, Patriots implicitly rejected all European authority, the alliance with France notwithstanding. Whether the new republican state of New York would allow Catholics, with their ecclesiastical connections to Rome, to be full citizens was yet to be determined. However, it must have occurred to Catholics in the state, as they began to work toward opening New York's first Catholic Church since the days of Dongan and Leisler, that they had indeed lived through a revolution.Less
This chapter focuses on anti-Catholicism in New York during the years leading up to the Revolutionary War. In rebelling against Britain, Patriots implicitly rejected all European authority, the alliance with France notwithstanding. Whether the new republican state of New York would allow Catholics, with their ecclesiastical connections to Rome, to be full citizens was yet to be determined. However, it must have occurred to Catholics in the state, as they began to work toward opening New York's first Catholic Church since the days of Dongan and Leisler, that they had indeed lived through a revolution.
Devin Burghart
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780520274228
- eISBN:
- 9780520954106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274228.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the six national organizational networks at the core of the Tea Party movement: FreedomWorks, 1776 Tea Party, Tea Party Nation, Tea Party Patriots, Patriot Action Network ...
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This chapter discusses the six national organizational networks at the core of the Tea Party movement: FreedomWorks, 1776 Tea Party, Tea Party Nation, Tea Party Patriots, Patriot Action Network (formerly known as ResistNet), and Tea Party Express. It documents the corporate structures and leaderships, finances, and membership concentrations of each faction. An understanding of the movement's structure provides a view into the larger politics that motivate each faction and the Tea Party movement generally. Analysis of membership data shows that the core organizations are continuing to grow. The Tea Party movement is not going away, and members can be expected to have a continuing impact on public policy debate in the future. It should not be expected, however, for the Tea Party movement to have the same organizational configurations well into an indefinite future.Less
This chapter discusses the six national organizational networks at the core of the Tea Party movement: FreedomWorks, 1776 Tea Party, Tea Party Nation, Tea Party Patriots, Patriot Action Network (formerly known as ResistNet), and Tea Party Express. It documents the corporate structures and leaderships, finances, and membership concentrations of each faction. An understanding of the movement's structure provides a view into the larger politics that motivate each faction and the Tea Party movement generally. Analysis of membership data shows that the core organizations are continuing to grow. The Tea Party movement is not going away, and members can be expected to have a continuing impact on public policy debate in the future. It should not be expected, however, for the Tea Party movement to have the same organizational configurations well into an indefinite future.
John Coffey
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199334223
- eISBN:
- 9780199369393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199334223.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion, Political History
Like the Puritan Revolution of 1640 to 1660, the Glorious Revolution and the American Revolution took place in an Anglophone political culture profoundly shaped by Reformed Protestantism. The ...
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Like the Puritan Revolution of 1640 to 1660, the Glorious Revolution and the American Revolution took place in an Anglophone political culture profoundly shaped by Reformed Protestantism. The political sermons of revolutionary clergy bore the marks of Protestant Bible politics, and the language of slavery and deliverance was ubiquitous. In America, Patriots exploited the Exodus story and politicized the New Testament’s language of liberty and redemption. New Englanders saw the Revolution as the culmination of a noble tradition of Calvinist revolts. Washington, like Cromwell and William of Orange before him, was compared to Moses.Less
Like the Puritan Revolution of 1640 to 1660, the Glorious Revolution and the American Revolution took place in an Anglophone political culture profoundly shaped by Reformed Protestantism. The political sermons of revolutionary clergy bore the marks of Protestant Bible politics, and the language of slavery and deliverance was ubiquitous. In America, Patriots exploited the Exodus story and politicized the New Testament’s language of liberty and redemption. New Englanders saw the Revolution as the culmination of a noble tradition of Calvinist revolts. Washington, like Cromwell and William of Orange before him, was compared to Moses.
Jarlath Killeen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748690800
- eISBN:
- 9780748697120
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748690800.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
Ireland is a strange, but also a frightening, place – or so you are led to believe by popular culture which trades in a now traditional view of Ireland as a site of queer goings on. Recent horror ...
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Ireland is a strange, but also a frightening, place – or so you are led to believe by popular culture which trades in a now traditional view of Ireland as a site of queer goings on. Recent horror films like Hellboy II merely recycle a very recognisable trope in cinematic tradition which associates Ireland with either quaint Celtic charm or grand Gothic guignol. While the cinematic incarnation of these Gothic Irish associations is relatively recent, it draws on a long history of such representations in literary terms, a tradition that goes back to the beginnings of the genre in the mid-eighteenth century. This version of Ireland as a Gothic madhouse had to be confronted by Irish writers, but rather than reject it a great many of them, on first glance, appear to have embraced it enthusiastically, allowing the tropes and themes of the Gothic to infect practically everything they wrote. This book provides a robustly theorised and thoroughly historicised account of the ‘beginnings’ of Irish Gothic fiction, maps the theoretical terrain covered by other critics, and puts forward a new history of the emergence of the genre in Ireland.Less
Ireland is a strange, but also a frightening, place – or so you are led to believe by popular culture which trades in a now traditional view of Ireland as a site of queer goings on. Recent horror films like Hellboy II merely recycle a very recognisable trope in cinematic tradition which associates Ireland with either quaint Celtic charm or grand Gothic guignol. While the cinematic incarnation of these Gothic Irish associations is relatively recent, it draws on a long history of such representations in literary terms, a tradition that goes back to the beginnings of the genre in the mid-eighteenth century. This version of Ireland as a Gothic madhouse had to be confronted by Irish writers, but rather than reject it a great many of them, on first glance, appear to have embraced it enthusiastically, allowing the tropes and themes of the Gothic to infect practically everything they wrote. This book provides a robustly theorised and thoroughly historicised account of the ‘beginnings’ of Irish Gothic fiction, maps the theoretical terrain covered by other critics, and puts forward a new history of the emergence of the genre in Ireland.
Jonathan Eacott
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622309
- eISBN:
- 9781469623153
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622309.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The Seven Years’ War and British conquest in Bengal furthered major constitutional questions about the similarities and differences of British rule in India and America, and reinvigorated plans for ...
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The Seven Years’ War and British conquest in Bengal furthered major constitutional questions about the similarities and differences of British rule in India and America, and reinvigorated plans for greater metropolitan control over imperial trade and administration. The Calico Acts and the ensuing regulation had long before created a system and precedent of colonial consumption to support the East India Company. The coincident timing of the news of a famine in Company-governed Bengal with the passage of the Tea Act granting the Company the ability to dump tea on American markets created deep concern in the colonies. Patriots saw the American Revolution as necessary to avoid a similar fate to Bengalis who suffered not just hypothetically, but physically under the monopolies and government of the Company and its servants.Less
The Seven Years’ War and British conquest in Bengal furthered major constitutional questions about the similarities and differences of British rule in India and America, and reinvigorated plans for greater metropolitan control over imperial trade and administration. The Calico Acts and the ensuing regulation had long before created a system and precedent of colonial consumption to support the East India Company. The coincident timing of the news of a famine in Company-governed Bengal with the passage of the Tea Act granting the Company the ability to dump tea on American markets created deep concern in the colonies. Patriots saw the American Revolution as necessary to avoid a similar fate to Bengalis who suffered not just hypothetically, but physically under the monopolies and government of the Company and its servants.
Józef Mackiewicz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300145694
- eISBN:
- 9780300145700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300145694.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the history of the second phase of national communism in the Soviet Union. It discusses Joseph Stalin's New Economic Policy and his program of nationalism aimed at saving ...
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This chapter examines the history of the second phase of national communism in the Soviet Union. It discusses Joseph Stalin's New Economic Policy and his program of nationalism aimed at saving Bolshevism from serious internal difficulties. It highlights the formal dissolution of the Comintern and of the Communist Youth International in May 1943 which made possible Soviet alliance with western democracies. This chapter also considers the situation in Poland, particularly the formation of the Union of Polish Patriots.Less
This chapter examines the history of the second phase of national communism in the Soviet Union. It discusses Joseph Stalin's New Economic Policy and his program of nationalism aimed at saving Bolshevism from serious internal difficulties. It highlights the formal dissolution of the Comintern and of the Communist Youth International in May 1943 which made possible Soviet alliance with western democracies. This chapter also considers the situation in Poland, particularly the formation of the Union of Polish Patriots.
Melissa Deckman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479837137
- eISBN:
- 9781479833870
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479837137.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look ...
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This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look at Tea Party women nationally through PRRI data, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from Republican women who do not identify with the Tea Party and other American women. It also examines the roots of women’s support for the Tea Party compared with men.Less
This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look at Tea Party women nationally through PRRI data, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from Republican women who do not identify with the Tea Party and other American women. It also examines the roots of women’s support for the Tea Party compared with men.
Clifton Hood
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780231172165
- eISBN:
- 9780231542951
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172165.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the 1780s and 1790s, the old configuration of rank and hierarchy slowly gave way to demands for greater pluralism and equality, patriarchal leaders had to share the political sphere with ...
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In the 1780s and 1790s, the old configuration of rank and hierarchy slowly gave way to demands for greater pluralism and equality, patriarchal leaders had to share the political sphere with representatives from other social groups, and an invigorated market economy created new fears and uncertainties. Even as they unflinchingly asserted their right to governance, upper-class New Yorkers were being forced to acknowledge in new ways the presence of the less privileged. That was a legacy of the Revolution and its immediate aftermath. For elites, the challenge of organizing new relationships with commoners was the main development of this time period. The loss of the national capital (to Philadelphia, in 1790) ensured that New York would continue to evolve as a business-oriented city and that business would be the main source of wealth and prestige for urban elites but upper-class New Yorkers remained fearful and apprehensive about materialism and did not yet embrace it fully.Less
In the 1780s and 1790s, the old configuration of rank and hierarchy slowly gave way to demands for greater pluralism and equality, patriarchal leaders had to share the political sphere with representatives from other social groups, and an invigorated market economy created new fears and uncertainties. Even as they unflinchingly asserted their right to governance, upper-class New Yorkers were being forced to acknowledge in new ways the presence of the less privileged. That was a legacy of the Revolution and its immediate aftermath. For elites, the challenge of organizing new relationships with commoners was the main development of this time period. The loss of the national capital (to Philadelphia, in 1790) ensured that New York would continue to evolve as a business-oriented city and that business would be the main source of wealth and prestige for urban elites but upper-class New Yorkers remained fearful and apprehensive about materialism and did not yet embrace it fully.
Geneviève Zubrzycki
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226391540
- eISBN:
- 9780226391717
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226391717.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Chapter 2 discusses the construction of Catholic French Canadian identity in the mid-nineteenth century and its narrative elaboration in the figure of St. John the Baptist. The chapter discusses the ...
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Chapter 2 discusses the construction of Catholic French Canadian identity in the mid-nineteenth century and its narrative elaboration in the figure of St. John the Baptist. The chapter discusses the broad historical and political contexts in which the ethno-religious vision of French-Canadianness was discursively articulated and analyzes the narrative’s iconic embodiment in the Saint by looking at his representations in popular iconography and performances in nineteenth-century processions and twentieth-century parades. The author explains why and how that specific vision of national identity flourished, becoming the dominant version of national identity from the mid-nineteenth century until the Quiet Revolution.Less
Chapter 2 discusses the construction of Catholic French Canadian identity in the mid-nineteenth century and its narrative elaboration in the figure of St. John the Baptist. The chapter discusses the broad historical and political contexts in which the ethno-religious vision of French-Canadianness was discursively articulated and analyzes the narrative’s iconic embodiment in the Saint by looking at his representations in popular iconography and performances in nineteenth-century processions and twentieth-century parades. The author explains why and how that specific vision of national identity flourished, becoming the dominant version of national identity from the mid-nineteenth century until the Quiet Revolution.
Cesare Cuttica
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719083747
- eISBN:
- 9781781704745
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719083747.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
Relying upon an extensive range of historical texts and archival material, chapter 2 elucidates two important conflicting paradigms of political thought elaborated in the disputes of the late ...
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Relying upon an extensive range of historical texts and archival material, chapter 2 elucidates two important conflicting paradigms of political thought elaborated in the disputes of the late Jacobean (1603-25) and early Caroline eras. The first paradigm is here identified as ‘patriotism’, the second one as ‘patriarchalism’. Based on very different notions of liberty and sovereignty, these paradigms - it is argued - entailed distinctly opposing models of political power and civic life in the body politic. This chapter shows that the treatise intended to provide an answer to the ‘image crisis’ affecting the Crown at the time of the Forced Loan (1626-7) and the Petition of Right (1628), and that it derived from Filmer's alarm at the popularity that quasi-republican and godly patriotic ideas obtained in the 1620s. These were set forth by the likes of his cousin, the interesting but little-studied figure of local MP and radical thinker Thomas Scott of Canterbury (1566-1635).Less
Relying upon an extensive range of historical texts and archival material, chapter 2 elucidates two important conflicting paradigms of political thought elaborated in the disputes of the late Jacobean (1603-25) and early Caroline eras. The first paradigm is here identified as ‘patriotism’, the second one as ‘patriarchalism’. Based on very different notions of liberty and sovereignty, these paradigms - it is argued - entailed distinctly opposing models of political power and civic life in the body politic. This chapter shows that the treatise intended to provide an answer to the ‘image crisis’ affecting the Crown at the time of the Forced Loan (1626-7) and the Petition of Right (1628), and that it derived from Filmer's alarm at the popularity that quasi-republican and godly patriotic ideas obtained in the 1620s. These were set forth by the likes of his cousin, the interesting but little-studied figure of local MP and radical thinker Thomas Scott of Canterbury (1566-1635).