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Examining the long-held assumption that the Neapolitan Republic of 1799 differed fundamentally from the other Italian Republics of 1796-9, this chapter starts by illustrating how the term ‘passive revolution’ has subsequently come to misrepresent the events of 1799 in the South. In their political programmes and their social and cultural backgrounds, the Neapolitan Jacobins differed little from their Italian counter-parts. As in the other Italian Republics, the Neapolitan Jacobins and patriots were sharply aware of the need communicate their ideas more widely with the masses (by means of Republican ritual, the press, theatre, and public assemblies); the need to cultivate support from the clergy; and avoid offending religious beliefs or the clergy (many of whom supported the Republic), although they were also faced by the specific problems posed by the abolition of feudalism in the South. In remarkably difficulty circumstances, they nonetheless looked to implement the reform projects formulated in the previous decades.

This chapter examines the formation and lifespan of the street-gang-turned-political-entity, the Young Lords. Founded as a turf gang in the Lincoln Park neighborhood of Chicago in 1959, the group shifted focus and purpose in 1968 under the leadership of José “Cha Cha” Jiménez. This brief history of the Young Lords Organization examines their emergence as a social movement organization, Jiménez’s influences for transforming the group, the group’s activism, and the group’s connections with the Young Patriots Organization and the Black Panther Party under the label of the Rainbow Coalition. The original Chicago chapter granted charters to form branches in New York, Milwaukee, and elsewhere; but the Young Lords Organization in Chicago was largely defunct by 1972.

During German and Russian occupation celebration of November 11th was forbidden and punishment for any attempt was severe indeed. In London, the Polish Government in Exile, led by Sikorski, a long-time opponent of Piłsudski, tried to de-emphasize November 11th and remove Piłsudskiite elements from its celebrations. Even songs traditionally sung on the occasion were either forbidden or actively discouraged. This attempt was widely resented in the army where there existed a cult of Piłsudski. November 11th regained some of its previous attention after Sikorski's death in July 1943 when Gen. Sosnkowski, a close comrade of Piłsudski's, came to head the Polish armed forces. This proved a brief episode because he was removed from office under British pressure in 1944. Piłsudskiites in exile were unable to contest the gradual diminution of November 11th because their regime bore the obloquy of a lost war and no leader emerged to replace Piłsudski. They were scattered and bereft. November 11th was in danger of being jettisoned as the national holiday. Its only power lay in inertia, and the sad fact that the Poles no longer had anything positive to celebrate. When the Russians moved into eastern Poland they initially treated the 11th with conspicuous respect, even trying to link it with the November 7th celebration of the Bolshevik Revolution as a kind of extended independence celebration. This toleration proved short-lived and by 1945 November 11th was effectively banned and July 22^nd, the date the Lublin Committee declared its existence was proffered as the new national holiday. It never gained much support.

This chapter focuses on anti-Catholicism in New York during the years leading up to the Revolutionary War. In rebelling against Britain, Patriots implicitly rejected all European authority, the alliance with France notwithstanding. Whether the new republican state of New York would allow Catholics, with their ecclesiastical connections to Rome, to be full citizens was yet to be determined. However, it must have occurred to Catholics in the state, as they began to work toward opening New York's first Catholic Church since the days of Dongan and Leisler, that they had indeed lived through a revolution.

This chapter discusses the six national organizational networks at the core of the Tea Party movement: FreedomWorks, 1776 Tea Party, Tea Party Nation, Tea Party Patriots, Patriot Action Network (formerly known as ResistNet), and Tea Party Express. It documents the corporate structures and leaderships, finances, and membership concentrations of each faction. An understanding of the movement's structure provides a view into the larger politics that motivate each faction and the Tea Party movement generally. Analysis of membership data shows that the core organizations are continuing to grow. The Tea Party movement is not going away, and members can be expected to have a continuing impact on public policy debate in the future. It should not be expected, however, for the Tea Party movement to have the same organizational configurations well into an indefinite future.

Like the Puritan Revolution of 1640 to 1660, the Glorious Revolution and the American Revolution took place in an Anglophone political culture profoundly shaped by Reformed Protestantism. The political sermons of revolutionary clergy bore the marks of Protestant Bible politics, and the language of slavery and deliverance was ubiquitous. In America, Patriots exploited the Exodus story and politicized the New Testament’s language of liberty and redemption. New Englanders saw the Revolution as the culmination of a noble tradition of Calvinist revolts. Washington, like Cromwell and William of Orange before him, was compared to Moses.

The Seven Years’ War and British conquest in Bengal furthered major constitutional questions about the similarities and differences of British rule in India and America, and reinvigorated plans for greater metropolitan control over imperial trade and administration. The Calico Acts and the ensuing regulation had long before created a system and precedent of colonial consumption to support the East India Company. The coincident timing of the news of a famine in Company-governed Bengal with the passage of the Tea Act granting the Company the ability to dump tea on American markets created deep concern in the colonies. Patriots saw the American Revolution as necessary to avoid a similar fate to Bengalis who suffered not just hypothetically, but physically under the monopolies and government of the Company and its servants.

This chapter examines the history of the second phase of national communism in the Soviet Union. It discusses Joseph Stalin's New Economic Policy and his program of nationalism aimed at saving Bolshevism from serious internal difficulties. It highlights the formal dissolution of the Comintern and of the Communist Youth International in May 1943 which made possible Soviet alliance with western democracies. This chapter also considers the situation in Poland, particularly the formation of the Union of Polish Patriots.

This chapter introduces the women who make up the leadership of national Tea Party groups as well as the role other conservative women are playing in the Tea Party. This chapter also provides a look at Tea Party women nationally through PRRI data, demonstrating how Tea Party women differ from Republican women who do not identify with the Tea Party and other American women. It also examines the roots of women’s support for the Tea Party compared with men.

Chapter 2 discusses the construction of Catholic French Canadian identity in the mid-nineteenth century and its narrative elaboration in the figure of St. John the Baptist. The chapter discusses the broad historical and political contexts in which the ethno-religious vision of French-Canadianness was discursively articulated and analyzes the narrative’s iconic embodiment in the Saint by looking at his representations in popular iconography and performances in nineteenth-century processions and twentieth-century parades. The author explains why and how that specific vision of national identity flourished, becoming the dominant version of national identity from the mid-nineteenth century until the Quiet Revolution.

Relying upon an extensive range of historical texts and archival material, chapter 2 elucidates two important conflicting paradigms of political thought elaborated in the disputes of the late Jacobean (1603-25) and early Caroline eras. The first paradigm is here identified as ‘patriotism’, the second one as ‘patriarchalism’. Based on very different notions of liberty and sovereignty, these paradigms - it is argued - entailed distinctly opposing models of political power and civic life in the body politic. This chapter shows that the treatise intended to provide an answer to the ‘image crisis’ affecting the Crown at the time of the Forced Loan (1626-7) and the Petition of Right (1628), and that it derived from Filmer's alarm at the popularity that quasi-republican and godly patriotic ideas obtained in the 1620s. These were set forth by the likes of his cousin, the interesting but little-studied figure of local MP and radical thinker Thomas Scott of Canterbury (1566-1635).

In chapter 9 a number of references to important post-Restoration propagandists are made, whilst a variety of sources – from treatises to pamphlets, petitions, sermons and periodical papers – are also examined. These have to do with the aftermath of the Popish Plot (1678) and, especially, of the Rye House Plot (1683) when the rhetoric of ‘patriots’ and ‘parricide’ was againamply deployed on the ideological battlefield of pre-Williamite England where rival interpretations of the nation's political ethos and religious texture strongly collided with one another. Such a picture of the 1680s serves to further confirm the relevance of Filmerian language in society at large and the appeal of his arguments in theoretical disputes at that time. It also depicts the intellectual scenario leading to the Glorious Revolution (1688-9) when concepts, meanings and implications carved out in Patriarcha became once more the object of bitter controversy and vehement polemics as much as of full endorsement and appreciation.