Volker Prott
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198777847
- eISBN:
- 9780191823312
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198777847.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
Focusing on the international level, this chapter addresses the territorial work of the experts, diplomats, and politicians at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. The in-depth analysis of the ...
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Focusing on the international level, this chapter addresses the territorial work of the experts, diplomats, and politicians at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. The in-depth analysis of the negotiations demonstrates that the more the experts were central to the territorial negotiations, the more their work became politicized. The experts had varying success in influencing decision-making: while the French experts were largely excluded from the negotiations, the British and notably the American experts often found themselves in charge of territorial commissions that decided on the course of borders for several Central and Eastern European states. It also becomes apparent that the experts’ conceptions of national self-determination varied considerably according to the case at hand. Over the course of the negotiations, however, ethnicity emerged as the most effective formula for applying national self-determination to intricate local settings.Less
Focusing on the international level, this chapter addresses the territorial work of the experts, diplomats, and politicians at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. The in-depth analysis of the negotiations demonstrates that the more the experts were central to the territorial negotiations, the more their work became politicized. The experts had varying success in influencing decision-making: while the French experts were largely excluded from the negotiations, the British and notably the American experts often found themselves in charge of territorial commissions that decided on the course of borders for several Central and Eastern European states. It also becomes apparent that the experts’ conceptions of national self-determination varied considerably according to the case at hand. Over the course of the negotiations, however, ethnicity emerged as the most effective formula for applying national self-determination to intricate local settings.
Marcus M. Payk
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- June 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198863830
- eISBN:
- 9780191896170
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198863830.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Little is known about the formal crafting of the Paris Peace Treaties in 1919/20 and the set of international lawyers that was tasked to draft the hundreds and thousands of articles of one of the ...
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Little is known about the formal crafting of the Paris Peace Treaties in 1919/20 and the set of international lawyers that was tasked to draft the hundreds and thousands of articles of one of the most contested peace settlements of all times. Taking a fresh look behind the scenes of the negotiations in Paris, this chapter unearths role and influence of the drafting committee, offers a characterization of the in-house lawyers involved, and examines how they transformed political bargaining into legally binding rules and treaty provisions. The broader aim is to explore what international legal advisors do in government service and how they operate along the blurred the boundary between law and politics.Less
Little is known about the formal crafting of the Paris Peace Treaties in 1919/20 and the set of international lawyers that was tasked to draft the hundreds and thousands of articles of one of the most contested peace settlements of all times. Taking a fresh look behind the scenes of the negotiations in Paris, this chapter unearths role and influence of the drafting committee, offers a characterization of the in-house lawyers involved, and examines how they transformed political bargaining into legally binding rules and treaty provisions. The broader aim is to explore what international legal advisors do in government service and how they operate along the blurred the boundary between law and politics.
Itty Abraham
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804791632
- eISBN:
- 9780804792684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804791632.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter offers a historical summary of the emergence of the territorial nation-state as a universal political standard. It highlights an unequal and heterogeneous international system that ...
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This chapter offers a historical summary of the emergence of the territorial nation-state as a universal political standard. It highlights an unequal and heterogeneous international system that prevailed at the beginning of the twentieth century. It shows how Japan, India, and Ireland, in different ways, struggled to overcome the power of existing international norms. The chapter then explores how positive international law used external recognition as a structural condition to control entry into the international system. Through a discussion of the Asian Relations Conference (1947), the final section argues that newly independent Asian countries rapidly internalized prevailing norms of territorial sovereignty by identifying ethnic minorities as a major political problem.Less
This chapter offers a historical summary of the emergence of the territorial nation-state as a universal political standard. It highlights an unequal and heterogeneous international system that prevailed at the beginning of the twentieth century. It shows how Japan, India, and Ireland, in different ways, struggled to overcome the power of existing international norms. The chapter then explores how positive international law used external recognition as a structural condition to control entry into the international system. Through a discussion of the Asian Relations Conference (1947), the final section argues that newly independent Asian countries rapidly internalized prevailing norms of territorial sovereignty by identifying ethnic minorities as a major political problem.
Mark Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199660285
- eISBN:
- 9780191757716
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660285.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The Birth of the New Justice explains the history of plans for ad hoc and permanent international criminal courts and new international criminal laws to repress aggressive war, war ...
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The Birth of the New Justice explains the history of plans for ad hoc and permanent international criminal courts and new international criminal laws to repress aggressive war, war crimes, terrorism, and genocide. Rather than arguing that these legal projects were attempts by state governments to project a “liberal legalism” and create an international state system that limited sovereignty, the book shows that European jurists in a variety of transnational organizations developed their ideas due to diverse motives—liberal, conservative, utopian, humanitarian, nationalist, and particularist. European jurists at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 created a controversial new philosophy of prosecution and punishment, and during the following decades, jurists in different organizations, including the International Law Association, International Association of Criminal Law, the World Jewish Congress, and the International Committee of the Red Cross, transformed the idea of the legitimacy of post-war trials and the concept of international crime to deal with myriad social and political problems. The concept of an international criminal court was never static, and the idea that national tribunals would form an integral part of an international system to enforce new laws was frequently advanced as a pragmatic—and politically convenient—solution.Less
The Birth of the New Justice explains the history of plans for ad hoc and permanent international criminal courts and new international criminal laws to repress aggressive war, war crimes, terrorism, and genocide. Rather than arguing that these legal projects were attempts by state governments to project a “liberal legalism” and create an international state system that limited sovereignty, the book shows that European jurists in a variety of transnational organizations developed their ideas due to diverse motives—liberal, conservative, utopian, humanitarian, nationalist, and particularist. European jurists at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 created a controversial new philosophy of prosecution and punishment, and during the following decades, jurists in different organizations, including the International Law Association, International Association of Criminal Law, the World Jewish Congress, and the International Committee of the Red Cross, transformed the idea of the legitimacy of post-war trials and the concept of international crime to deal with myriad social and political problems. The concept of an international criminal court was never static, and the idea that national tribunals would form an integral part of an international system to enforce new laws was frequently advanced as a pragmatic—and politically convenient—solution.
Leonard V. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199677177
- eISBN:
- 9780191850479
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199677177.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or ...
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We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.Less
We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.
Volker Prott
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198777847
- eISBN:
- 9780191823312
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198777847.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The introduction lays out the central themes of the study: national self-determination, the role of expertise in peace planning and policymaking, ethnic violence, and borders. It briefly describes ...
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The introduction lays out the central themes of the study: national self-determination, the role of expertise in peace planning and policymaking, ethnic violence, and borders. It briefly describes the methodology and presents the two case studies, the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918–19 and the Greek–Turkish conflict between 1919 and 1923. The introduction then places the study in the wider context of the most recent literature, demonstrating the originality and novel character of the multi-level approach that interconnects international politics with the in situ processes within a comparative framework. The introduction also posits the central argument of the book: policymakers and local agitators alike were tempted to reduce the concept of national self-determination to ethnic identity, thereby undermining the credibility of Wilson’s principle and transforming it to a tool of aggressive revisionism.Less
The introduction lays out the central themes of the study: national self-determination, the role of expertise in peace planning and policymaking, ethnic violence, and borders. It briefly describes the methodology and presents the two case studies, the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918–19 and the Greek–Turkish conflict between 1919 and 1923. The introduction then places the study in the wider context of the most recent literature, demonstrating the originality and novel character of the multi-level approach that interconnects international politics with the in situ processes within a comparative framework. The introduction also posits the central argument of the book: policymakers and local agitators alike were tempted to reduce the concept of national self-determination to ethnic identity, thereby undermining the credibility of Wilson’s principle and transforming it to a tool of aggressive revisionism.
Volker Prott
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198777847
- eISBN:
- 9780191823312
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198777847.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This study examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. In a first step, it explores the peace planning ...
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This study examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. In a first step, it explores the peace planning efforts of Great Britain, France, and the United States in the final phase of the First World War. It then provides an in-depth view on the practice of Allied border drawing at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Special attention is given to a new factor in foreign policymaking—academic experts employed by the three Allied states for the tasks of peace planning and border drawing. Two case studies are presented of disputed regions where the newly drawn borders caused ethnic violence, albeit with different results: the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918–19 and the Greek–Turkish War between 1919 and 1922. A final chapter investigates the approach of the League of Nations to territorial revisionism and minority rights, thereby assessing the chances and dangers of the Paris peace order over the course of the 1920s and 1930s. The book argues that at both the international and the local levels, the ‘temptation of violence’ drove key actors to simplify the acclaimed principle of national self-determination and use ethnic definitions of national identity. Local elites, administrations, and paramilitary leaders soon used ethnic notions of identity to mobilise popular support under the guise of international legitimacy. Henceforth, national self-determination ceased to be a tool of peace-making and instead became an ideology of violent resistance.Less
This study examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. In a first step, it explores the peace planning efforts of Great Britain, France, and the United States in the final phase of the First World War. It then provides an in-depth view on the practice of Allied border drawing at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Special attention is given to a new factor in foreign policymaking—academic experts employed by the three Allied states for the tasks of peace planning and border drawing. Two case studies are presented of disputed regions where the newly drawn borders caused ethnic violence, albeit with different results: the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918–19 and the Greek–Turkish War between 1919 and 1922. A final chapter investigates the approach of the League of Nations to territorial revisionism and minority rights, thereby assessing the chances and dangers of the Paris peace order over the course of the 1920s and 1930s. The book argues that at both the international and the local levels, the ‘temptation of violence’ drove key actors to simplify the acclaimed principle of national self-determination and use ethnic definitions of national identity. Local elites, administrations, and paramilitary leaders soon used ethnic notions of identity to mobilise popular support under the guise of international legitimacy. Henceforth, national self-determination ceased to be a tool of peace-making and instead became an ideology of violent resistance.
Michael Sragow
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813144412
- eISBN:
- 9780813145235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144412.003.0006
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Fleming left with President Wilson on December 4th, 1918 to tour the Allied countries in Europe before attending the Paris Peace Conference. When they arrived in Paris, he documented the crowds that ...
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Fleming left with President Wilson on December 4th, 1918 to tour the Allied countries in Europe before attending the Paris Peace Conference. When they arrived in Paris, he documented the crowds that flooded the streets to greet the American president. While in Paris, Fleming met the aspiring director Walter Wanger and also became Wilson’s personal cameraman. The delegation proceeded to Great Britain, Italy, and the Vatican City before heading back to Paris for the peace conference. Despite his professional reputation, Fleming was not allowed in the room for the peace talks, and instead filmed the crowds and the dignitaries arriving and departing. Upon his return to the U.S., he sought and received his discharge from the miltary and rejoined Fairbanks and Griffith, who were now part of the newly formed United Artists.Less
Fleming left with President Wilson on December 4th, 1918 to tour the Allied countries in Europe before attending the Paris Peace Conference. When they arrived in Paris, he documented the crowds that flooded the streets to greet the American president. While in Paris, Fleming met the aspiring director Walter Wanger and also became Wilson’s personal cameraman. The delegation proceeded to Great Britain, Italy, and the Vatican City before heading back to Paris for the peace conference. Despite his professional reputation, Fleming was not allowed in the room for the peace talks, and instead filmed the crowds and the dignitaries arriving and departing. Upon his return to the U.S., he sought and received his discharge from the miltary and rejoined Fairbanks and Griffith, who were now part of the newly formed United Artists.
Michael Sragow
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813144412
- eISBN:
- 9780813145235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144412.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
When World War I broke out, Fleming, like most men of his age, was drafted. Though he would have preferred to stay with Fairbanks and further his career, Fleming took to his new role with dedication. ...
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When World War I broke out, Fleming, like most men of his age, was drafted. Though he would have preferred to stay with Fairbanks and further his career, Fleming took to his new role with dedication. As a known cinematographer, Fleming was put in the Signal Corps, the traditional group in charge of communications for the army. Fleming became a member of the new Photographic Section, charged with taking photos for a comprehensive pictorial history of the war. He helped to make military training films and eventually became a cameraman for military intelligence. He was sent to be a student at the U.S. School of Military Cinematography at Columbia University, filming everything from training videos to an abandon-ship drill. After the armistice, Fleming was called upon to join Woodrow Wilson’s delegation at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference.Less
When World War I broke out, Fleming, like most men of his age, was drafted. Though he would have preferred to stay with Fairbanks and further his career, Fleming took to his new role with dedication. As a known cinematographer, Fleming was put in the Signal Corps, the traditional group in charge of communications for the army. Fleming became a member of the new Photographic Section, charged with taking photos for a comprehensive pictorial history of the war. He helped to make military training films and eventually became a cameraman for military intelligence. He was sent to be a student at the U.S. School of Military Cinematography at Columbia University, filming everything from training videos to an abandon-ship drill. After the armistice, Fleming was called upon to join Woodrow Wilson’s delegation at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference.