Miloš Ković
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574605
- eISBN:
- 9780191595134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574605.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The concluding chapter stresses the influence of conservatism and romanticism on Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question. The experiences of the Greek Revolution are highlighted, as well as ...
More
The concluding chapter stresses the influence of conservatism and romanticism on Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question. The experiences of the Greek Revolution are highlighted, as well as the personal experiences from Disraeli's Grand Tour. The changes in his view of the Eastern Question are highlighted, as well as his declining enthusiasm for the Ottoman Empire. Equally, the roles which Metternich and Palmerston played in shaping Disraeli's perception of the Eastern Question are analysed, as well as the crucial experience of the Crimean War in forming Disraeli's reliance on a strategy based on deterrence. The decisive role which Disraeli would play in Britain's policy during the Eastern Crisis is stressed. Finally, it is demonstrated how, during the Eastern Crisis, Disraeli put into practice the key principles on which his foreign policy was based: the ‘instinct of power’, ‘love of fame’, quest for prestige, and preservation of the balance of power.Less
The concluding chapter stresses the influence of conservatism and romanticism on Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question. The experiences of the Greek Revolution are highlighted, as well as the personal experiences from Disraeli's Grand Tour. The changes in his view of the Eastern Question are highlighted, as well as his declining enthusiasm for the Ottoman Empire. Equally, the roles which Metternich and Palmerston played in shaping Disraeli's perception of the Eastern Question are analysed, as well as the crucial experience of the Crimean War in forming Disraeli's reliance on a strategy based on deterrence. The decisive role which Disraeli would play in Britain's policy during the Eastern Crisis is stressed. Finally, it is demonstrated how, during the Eastern Crisis, Disraeli put into practice the key principles on which his foreign policy was based: the ‘instinct of power’, ‘love of fame’, quest for prestige, and preservation of the balance of power.
Miloš Ković
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199574605
- eISBN:
- 9780191595134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574605.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The Crimean War played a decisive role in consolidating Disraeli's perceptions of the Eastern Question. Guided by Aberdeen's example and following Palmerston's tactics, he claimed that Russia had to ...
More
The Crimean War played a decisive role in consolidating Disraeli's perceptions of the Eastern Question. Guided by Aberdeen's example and following Palmerston's tactics, he claimed that Russia had to be sent decisive and clear messages, which had to be accompanied with some sabre‐rattling as well. Only in this way could Russia be prevented from reaching out for the Sultan's possessions and disturbing the existing balance of power. In his policies towards the Balkan states, Disraeli nevertheless found himself closer to Metternich than Palmerston — the status quo had to be defended at all costs. The chapter highlights that in Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question, and foreign policy as a whole, the concepts of ‘the instinct of power’ and ‘the love of fame’ were crucial, as well as that his understandings were close to the Realist school in international relations.Less
The Crimean War played a decisive role in consolidating Disraeli's perceptions of the Eastern Question. Guided by Aberdeen's example and following Palmerston's tactics, he claimed that Russia had to be sent decisive and clear messages, which had to be accompanied with some sabre‐rattling as well. Only in this way could Russia be prevented from reaching out for the Sultan's possessions and disturbing the existing balance of power. In his policies towards the Balkan states, Disraeli nevertheless found himself closer to Metternich than Palmerston — the status quo had to be defended at all costs. The chapter highlights that in Disraeli's understanding of the Eastern Question, and foreign policy as a whole, the concepts of ‘the instinct of power’ and ‘the love of fame’ were crucial, as well as that his understandings were close to the Realist school in international relations.
Donald Read
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207689
- eISBN:
- 9780191677779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207689.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter describes how Reuter built up a strong reputation and could quickly extend his company's service to the entire British press. Reuter's continuing successes brought him to the attention ...
More
This chapter describes how Reuter built up a strong reputation and could quickly extend his company's service to the entire British press. Reuter's continuing successes brought him to the attention of the highest levels of government. In 1861, Reuter was presented at the Court of Queen Victoria by Prime Minister Lord Palmerston. The spread of undersea cables helped Reuter extend his service to other continents. Reuters was the first news agency to bring the news of President Abraham Lincoln's assassination in the United States to the European public. By the mid-1860s Julius Reuter's name and reputation were well established. The name of ‘the great Reuter’ was as familiar as the name of Dickens — the great Victorian novelist, who was also a journalist by training.Less
This chapter describes how Reuter built up a strong reputation and could quickly extend his company's service to the entire British press. Reuter's continuing successes brought him to the attention of the highest levels of government. In 1861, Reuter was presented at the Court of Queen Victoria by Prime Minister Lord Palmerston. The spread of undersea cables helped Reuter extend his service to other continents. Reuters was the first news agency to bring the news of President Abraham Lincoln's assassination in the United States to the European public. By the mid-1860s Julius Reuter's name and reputation were well established. The name of ‘the great Reuter’ was as familiar as the name of Dickens — the great Victorian novelist, who was also a journalist by training.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The aftermath of the Crimean War, together with the years of the first Palmerston administration, provoked a widespread political debate about the identity of liberalism and the Liberal Party, ...
More
The aftermath of the Crimean War, together with the years of the first Palmerston administration, provoked a widespread political debate about the identity of liberalism and the Liberal Party, comparable to the rethinking of liberalism which took place within Foxite Whig circles in the 1820s. The thunderous victory of Lord Palmerston in the general election of 1857 put a temporary halt to this process of consensus in the Liberal Party. Now denuded of the radical infatuation of the late 1840s, Palmerston appeared to be a more sinister figure, and his premiership slowed down the party's realignment by two or three years. But Palmerston's ascendancy did at least provide his Liberal opponents with an orthodoxy against which they were able to define their version of liberalism. This chapter describes this set of developments, which were to lead to the re-formation of the Liberal Party.Less
The aftermath of the Crimean War, together with the years of the first Palmerston administration, provoked a widespread political debate about the identity of liberalism and the Liberal Party, comparable to the rethinking of liberalism which took place within Foxite Whig circles in the 1820s. The thunderous victory of Lord Palmerston in the general election of 1857 put a temporary halt to this process of consensus in the Liberal Party. Now denuded of the radical infatuation of the late 1840s, Palmerston appeared to be a more sinister figure, and his premiership slowed down the party's realignment by two or three years. But Palmerston's ascendancy did at least provide his Liberal opponents with an orthodoxy against which they were able to define their version of liberalism. This chapter describes this set of developments, which were to lead to the re-formation of the Liberal Party.
Anthony Howe
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201465
- eISBN:
- 9780191674891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201465.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
In Cobden’s early theory of international relations, traditional aristocratic diplomacy was to be superseded by the spontaneous pursuit of the common good by the peoples of Europe, inspired by ...
More
In Cobden’s early theory of international relations, traditional aristocratic diplomacy was to be superseded by the spontaneous pursuit of the common good by the peoples of Europe, inspired by British example. Cobden valorized contacts (cultural and commercial) between peoples as a substitute for traditional diplomacy in the belief that international trade would provide a basis for a pacific world order. Cobden’s ideas on foreign affairs led him to an abiding antagonism towards the leading practitioner of the ‘old’ diplomacy, Palmerston. Palmerston, schooled in Smithian political economy, shared Cobden’s belief in the potential association between commerce and peace, but deplored and rejected the wider Radical vision of international relations. This chapter explores Palmerstonian Weltpolitik and Cobden’s Radical vision of Europe. Whether free trade would be prelude to a peaceful international order or merely a means to cheaper government and increased exports remained a conundrum in the age of Cobden and Palmerston.Less
In Cobden’s early theory of international relations, traditional aristocratic diplomacy was to be superseded by the spontaneous pursuit of the common good by the peoples of Europe, inspired by British example. Cobden valorized contacts (cultural and commercial) between peoples as a substitute for traditional diplomacy in the belief that international trade would provide a basis for a pacific world order. Cobden’s ideas on foreign affairs led him to an abiding antagonism towards the leading practitioner of the ‘old’ diplomacy, Palmerston. Palmerston, schooled in Smithian political economy, shared Cobden’s belief in the potential association between commerce and peace, but deplored and rejected the wider Radical vision of international relations. This chapter explores Palmerstonian Weltpolitik and Cobden’s Radical vision of Europe. Whether free trade would be prelude to a peaceful international order or merely a means to cheaper government and increased exports remained a conundrum in the age of Cobden and Palmerston.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199204410
- eISBN:
- 9780191695575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204410.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby from 1855 to 1858. In February 1855, Derby was confronted with the problems of how to oppose the British Prime Minister, Viscount of ...
More
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby from 1855 to 1858. In February 1855, Derby was confronted with the problems of how to oppose the British Prime Minister, Viscount of Palmerston, how to handle William Gladstone, and how to bolster his ally Benjamin Disraeli. Derby's relationship with Palmerston is complex. Disraeli remained deeply mistrusted by many of the conservatives, and Gladstone refused to join Derby in his Conservative Party. However, despite all these challenges, Derby was able to regain power as prime minister in February 1858.Less
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby from 1855 to 1858. In February 1855, Derby was confronted with the problems of how to oppose the British Prime Minister, Viscount of Palmerston, how to handle William Gladstone, and how to bolster his ally Benjamin Disraeli. Derby's relationship with Palmerston is complex. Disraeli remained deeply mistrusted by many of the conservatives, and Gladstone refused to join Derby in his Conservative Party. However, despite all these challenges, Derby was able to regain power as prime minister in February 1858.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199204410
- eISBN:
- 9780191695575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204410.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby after his second term as prime minister of Great Britain ended in June 1859. Derby resumed opposition to Viscount Palmerston's government ...
More
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby after his second term as prime minister of Great Britain ended in June 1859. Derby resumed opposition to Viscount Palmerston's government with a keen sense of expectation. Benjamin Disraeli suggested that Palmerston's new ministry would be merely a refacimento of the old Palmerston clique. In a gala dinner on July 16, Derby assured the Conservative Members of Parliament and peers that the Conservative Party would soon gain the majority in the House of Commons.Less
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby after his second term as prime minister of Great Britain ended in June 1859. Derby resumed opposition to Viscount Palmerston's government with a keen sense of expectation. Benjamin Disraeli suggested that Palmerston's new ministry would be merely a refacimento of the old Palmerston clique. In a gala dinner on July 16, Derby assured the Conservative Members of Parliament and peers that the Conservative Party would soon gain the majority in the House of Commons.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204824
- eISBN:
- 9780191676413
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204824.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This final chapter of this study describes how the Liberal Party confronted the problem of rebuilding the alliance on which it had been based in parliament since the 1830s. In some respects this was ...
More
This final chapter of this study describes how the Liberal Party confronted the problem of rebuilding the alliance on which it had been based in parliament since the 1830s. In some respects this was a more difficult task than agreement over ideology or principle. Men proved more intractable than measures. On behalf of the Whigs and remaining radicals, Lord John Russell and John Bright attempted to negotiate a settlement. But in the end, it was Lord Palmerston and the leading independent liberals who alone proved capable of resolving the dilemma.Less
This final chapter of this study describes how the Liberal Party confronted the problem of rebuilding the alliance on which it had been based in parliament since the 1830s. In some respects this was a more difficult task than agreement over ideology or principle. Men proved more intractable than measures. On behalf of the Whigs and remaining radicals, Lord John Russell and John Bright attempted to negotiate a settlement. But in the end, it was Lord Palmerston and the leading independent liberals who alone proved capable of resolving the dilemma.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Most present-day historians agree that by the late 1850s and early 1860s, entrepreneurial politics in Britain was losing its cutting edge. This has been ascribed to three causes. First, it is claimed ...
More
Most present-day historians agree that by the late 1850s and early 1860s, entrepreneurial politics in Britain was losing its cutting edge. This has been ascribed to three causes. First, it is claimed that the working out of the repeal of the Corn Laws led to a closer rapprochement, or even ‘fusion’, between land and business, the classes that once opposed one another. Because they were ambitious for social promotion, many businessmen were busily engaged in purchasing land on their own behalf; and so had little to gain, but much to lose, from following Anti-Corn Law League spokesman Richard Cobden in an assault on the land system. Second, the trade prosperity of the late 1850s and early 1860s may have blunted discontent and made it difficult to mobilize the middle class in a new political campaign. Thirdly, there was the growing popularity of Lord Palmerston, who was now treated with respect by many one-time Radical businessmen. This chapter examines Lord Palmerston's influence on entrepreneurial politics and how it was affected by the American civil war.Less
Most present-day historians agree that by the late 1850s and early 1860s, entrepreneurial politics in Britain was losing its cutting edge. This has been ascribed to three causes. First, it is claimed that the working out of the repeal of the Corn Laws led to a closer rapprochement, or even ‘fusion’, between land and business, the classes that once opposed one another. Because they were ambitious for social promotion, many businessmen were busily engaged in purchasing land on their own behalf; and so had little to gain, but much to lose, from following Anti-Corn Law League spokesman Richard Cobden in an assault on the land system. Second, the trade prosperity of the late 1850s and early 1860s may have blunted discontent and made it difficult to mobilize the middle class in a new political campaign. Thirdly, there was the growing popularity of Lord Palmerston, who was now treated with respect by many one-time Radical businessmen. This chapter examines Lord Palmerston's influence on entrepreneurial politics and how it was affected by the American civil war.
Geoffrey Hicks
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075957
- eISBN:
- 9781781700785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075957.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses the sustained opposition of Palmerston's coalition and how the Conservatives preferred to support the war but criticised its conduct. It reveals two points of significance: ...
More
This chapter discusses the sustained opposition of Palmerston's coalition and how the Conservatives preferred to support the war but criticised its conduct. It reveals two points of significance: about the perceptions of France and about the centrality of Derby. Derby had two clear targets: Palmerston's interventionism and the increased expenditure it entailed. This chapter illustrates the particular difficulties involved in opposing Palmerston's handling of international relations. Palmerstonian policy was also deplored for its potential economic consequences that gave the Conservatives' their best chance to criticise Palmerston for appeasing France, rather than the radicals providing grounds for the Conservatives and Conservative supporters of Palmerston to unite. Thus, the chapter concludes by saying that the Conservative role in Palmerston's defeat was entirely opportunistic.Less
This chapter discusses the sustained opposition of Palmerston's coalition and how the Conservatives preferred to support the war but criticised its conduct. It reveals two points of significance: about the perceptions of France and about the centrality of Derby. Derby had two clear targets: Palmerston's interventionism and the increased expenditure it entailed. This chapter illustrates the particular difficulties involved in opposing Palmerston's handling of international relations. Palmerstonian policy was also deplored for its potential economic consequences that gave the Conservatives' their best chance to criticise Palmerston for appeasing France, rather than the radicals providing grounds for the Conservatives and Conservative supporters of Palmerston to unite. Thus, the chapter concludes by saying that the Conservative role in Palmerston's defeat was entirely opportunistic.
Geoffrey Hicks
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075957
- eISBN:
- 9781781700785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075957.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on the European crisis and the events that preceded the Austro-French war of 1859. It clearly points out that international efforts were made to resolve matters without a war. ...
More
This chapter focuses on the European crisis and the events that preceded the Austro-French war of 1859. It clearly points out that international efforts were made to resolve matters without a war. This chapter assesses the framework of ideas and preconceptions within which Conservative foreign policy was determined during the crisis i.e. the Derbyite ‘mental map’. The new policy pursued in 1859 was consistent with the policy of late 1840s. This chapter emphasizes on how Conservatives used the opportunity to preserve British interests while avoiding the kind of interference for which they had so often condemned Palmerston. It provides some evidence of the fact that at the time of Italian crisis, Cabinet members were also engaged in discussions as to how to strengthen British defensive weaknesses. It elaborates that the only new thing that happened in 1859 was French determination to encourage Italian nationalism.Less
This chapter focuses on the European crisis and the events that preceded the Austro-French war of 1859. It clearly points out that international efforts were made to resolve matters without a war. This chapter assesses the framework of ideas and preconceptions within which Conservative foreign policy was determined during the crisis i.e. the Derbyite ‘mental map’. The new policy pursued in 1859 was consistent with the policy of late 1840s. This chapter emphasizes on how Conservatives used the opportunity to preserve British interests while avoiding the kind of interference for which they had so often condemned Palmerston. It provides some evidence of the fact that at the time of Italian crisis, Cabinet members were also engaged in discussions as to how to strengthen British defensive weaknesses. It elaborates that the only new thing that happened in 1859 was French determination to encourage Italian nationalism.
Casper Sylvest
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719079092
- eISBN:
- 9781781703151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719079092.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter covers the historical components and emergence of liberal internationalism as a political ideology, discussing the Victorian liberalism and the visions of international politics that ...
More
This chapter covers the historical components and emergence of liberal internationalism as a political ideology, discussing the Victorian liberalism and the visions of international politics that grew out of and were important for the ascendancy of internationalism. The popularity of Cobdenite ideas is closely related to their compatibility not only with dissent, but also with philosophical radicalism, traditional Whig views about war and peace, and the evangelically inspired, economic arguments in favour of free trade. William Ewart Gladstone argued against Lord Palmerston's meddling foreign policy, his conception of the English as ‘universal schoolmasters’, his ‘insular temper’ and his ‘self-glorifying tendency’. Lord Salisbury provides a helpful contrast to liberal internationalism. Internationalist ideology was underwritten by expectations of intellectual, moral and/or political progress, which would issue in a public morality and the reconciliation of nationalism and internationalism, ensuring the entrenchment of order and justice in international politics.Less
This chapter covers the historical components and emergence of liberal internationalism as a political ideology, discussing the Victorian liberalism and the visions of international politics that grew out of and were important for the ascendancy of internationalism. The popularity of Cobdenite ideas is closely related to their compatibility not only with dissent, but also with philosophical radicalism, traditional Whig views about war and peace, and the evangelically inspired, economic arguments in favour of free trade. William Ewart Gladstone argued against Lord Palmerston's meddling foreign policy, his conception of the English as ‘universal schoolmasters’, his ‘insular temper’ and his ‘self-glorifying tendency’. Lord Salisbury provides a helpful contrast to liberal internationalism. Internationalist ideology was underwritten by expectations of intellectual, moral and/or political progress, which would issue in a public morality and the reconciliation of nationalism and internationalism, ensuring the entrenchment of order and justice in international politics.
Geoffrey Hicks
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075957
- eISBN:
- 9781781700785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075957.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter provides an analysis of Foreign policy in the mid-Victorian era, as it becomes easier to perceive the dimensions of nineteenth-century politics if debate about foreign policy is ...
More
This chapter provides an analysis of Foreign policy in the mid-Victorian era, as it becomes easier to perceive the dimensions of nineteenth-century politics if debate about foreign policy is integrated into domestic political history. Foreign policy played a significant part in the Conservatives' calculations; but for Conservatives, Whig-Peelite domestic changes were tangled up with Palmerston's disruptive foreign policy, offering a possible basis for party reunion. Even the events overseas offered domestic advantages for the Conservatives in two ways: Palmerston's controversial policies provoked debate and they united disparate factions against him. It explains how the Conservatives actively sought to maintain European stability, but avoided over-commitment throughout the mid-Victorian period.Less
This chapter provides an analysis of Foreign policy in the mid-Victorian era, as it becomes easier to perceive the dimensions of nineteenth-century politics if debate about foreign policy is integrated into domestic political history. Foreign policy played a significant part in the Conservatives' calculations; but for Conservatives, Whig-Peelite domestic changes were tangled up with Palmerston's disruptive foreign policy, offering a possible basis for party reunion. Even the events overseas offered domestic advantages for the Conservatives in two ways: Palmerston's controversial policies provoked debate and they united disparate factions against him. It explains how the Conservatives actively sought to maintain European stability, but avoided over-commitment throughout the mid-Victorian period.
Linda Stratmann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300173802
- eISBN:
- 9780300194838
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300173802.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the different aspects of the Queensberry inheritance. In January 1855, Lord Aberdeen resigned, and in the following month, Lord Palmerston was asked to form a government. ...
More
This chapter discusses the different aspects of the Queensberry inheritance. In January 1855, Lord Aberdeen resigned, and in the following month, Lord Palmerston was asked to form a government. Palmerston was a long-serving, dedicated statesman, a Whig, an old opponent of Peel, and an advocate of religious tolerance. On December 28, 1855, the six children of Archibald and Caroline were christened at Cummertrees, Caroline presenting the church with a silver christening bowl. Her interest in the welfare of her servants and tenants included their religious observance. Archibald's charm had long worn thin, and he must also have suffered under the disapproving gaze of Prince Albert, who expected high moral standards from men in public life.Less
This chapter discusses the different aspects of the Queensberry inheritance. In January 1855, Lord Aberdeen resigned, and in the following month, Lord Palmerston was asked to form a government. Palmerston was a long-serving, dedicated statesman, a Whig, an old opponent of Peel, and an advocate of religious tolerance. On December 28, 1855, the six children of Archibald and Caroline were christened at Cummertrees, Caroline presenting the church with a silver christening bowl. Her interest in the welfare of her servants and tenants included their religious observance. Archibald's charm had long worn thin, and he must also have suffered under the disapproving gaze of Prince Albert, who expected high moral standards from men in public life.
Evan Braden Montgomery
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781501702341
- eISBN:
- 9781501704017
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501702341.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter examines how Great Britain responded to Egypt's bid for mastery of the Middle East during the period 1831–1841. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the emerging rivalry ...
More
This chapter examines how Great Britain responded to Egypt's bid for mastery of the Middle East during the period 1831–1841. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the emerging rivalry between Great Britain and Russia centered on one particular issue: the future of the Ottoman Empire. The so-called Eastern Question was how to manage the decline of Turkey. Before discussing Great Britain's decision to support the Ottoman Empire and oppose the rise of Egypt, this chapter considers the emergence of Anglo-Russian antagonism and the decline of Ottoman power, along with the causes and consequences of the first Syrian war. It then explores British foreign secretary Viscount Palmerston's views on the Eastern Question as well as his assessment of the risks of containment failure and access denial with regards to Egypt as a rising power. It also analyzes the second Syrian war and the agreement signed by Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia that would govern the use of the Dardanelles and Bosporus Straits.Less
This chapter examines how Great Britain responded to Egypt's bid for mastery of the Middle East during the period 1831–1841. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the emerging rivalry between Great Britain and Russia centered on one particular issue: the future of the Ottoman Empire. The so-called Eastern Question was how to manage the decline of Turkey. Before discussing Great Britain's decision to support the Ottoman Empire and oppose the rise of Egypt, this chapter considers the emergence of Anglo-Russian antagonism and the decline of Ottoman power, along with the causes and consequences of the first Syrian war. It then explores British foreign secretary Viscount Palmerston's views on the Eastern Question as well as his assessment of the risks of containment failure and access denial with regards to Egypt as a rising power. It also analyzes the second Syrian war and the agreement signed by Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia that would govern the use of the Dardanelles and Bosporus Straits.
Jonathan Parry
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853239253
- eISBN:
- 9781846313202
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853239253.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the characteristics of the first Gladstone government. It suggests a way of classifying the most significant projects pursued by Liberals between 1868 and 1874. It then explores ...
More
This chapter examines the characteristics of the first Gladstone government. It suggests a way of classifying the most significant projects pursued by Liberals between 1868 and 1874. It then explores the tensions between these different Liberal ideals, and their contribution to the difficulties that the government faced from 1871. It also suggests that these tensions were exacerbated by the continental crisis of 1870–71, which exposed the weakness of the Palmerstonian myth that Britain had an unusually blessed influence on the international scene.Less
This chapter examines the characteristics of the first Gladstone government. It suggests a way of classifying the most significant projects pursued by Liberals between 1868 and 1874. It then explores the tensions between these different Liberal ideals, and their contribution to the difficulties that the government faced from 1871. It also suggests that these tensions were exacerbated by the continental crisis of 1870–71, which exposed the weakness of the Palmerstonian myth that Britain had an unusually blessed influence on the international scene.
Howard Jones
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813049229
- eISBN:
- 9780813050058
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813049229.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter by Howard Jones offers a step-by-step account of British decision-making during the recognition crisis of late 1862, when Britain, France, and Russia considered trying to mediate an end ...
More
This chapter by Howard Jones offers a step-by-step account of British decision-making during the recognition crisis of late 1862, when Britain, France, and Russia considered trying to mediate an end to the war. Jones explains that had this attempt been made, it might have culminated in British recognition of the Confederacy and an Anglo-Union war. Jones argues that the Union victory at Antietam and Lincoln's Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in many ways heightened, rather than dampened, European interest in intervention.Less
This chapter by Howard Jones offers a step-by-step account of British decision-making during the recognition crisis of late 1862, when Britain, France, and Russia considered trying to mediate an end to the war. Jones explains that had this attempt been made, it might have culminated in British recognition of the Confederacy and an Anglo-Union war. Jones argues that the Union victory at Antietam and Lincoln's Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in many ways heightened, rather than dampened, European interest in intervention.
Paul K. MacDonald and Joseph M. Parent
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501717093
- eISBN:
- 9781501717109
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501717093.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter argues that British policy after the death of Palmerston was not driven by imperial dogma or careless adventurism; it was driven by a careful consideration of the balance of power. The ...
More
This chapter argues that British policy after the death of Palmerston was not driven by imperial dogma or careless adventurism; it was driven by a careful consideration of the balance of power. The first section establishes that British policymakers realized they were declining. The second section demonstrates that policymakers tailored their domestic policies to fit the drop in relative power. The third section details how decision-makers slightly reconfigured their international policies to meet changing global conditions. The fourth section highlights the limits of retrenchment, and how shifting structural conditions affected policymakers responses.Less
This chapter argues that British policy after the death of Palmerston was not driven by imperial dogma or careless adventurism; it was driven by a careful consideration of the balance of power. The first section establishes that British policymakers realized they were declining. The second section demonstrates that policymakers tailored their domestic policies to fit the drop in relative power. The third section details how decision-makers slightly reconfigured their international policies to meet changing global conditions. The fourth section highlights the limits of retrenchment, and how shifting structural conditions affected policymakers responses.
Jennifer Batt
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- August 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198859666
- eISBN:
- 9780191892028
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198859666.003.0009
- Subject:
- Literature, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature, Poetry
This chapter explores how Stephen Duck used his increasing proficiency in classical learning to position himself in relation to male patrons and friends, including Henry Temple, Lord Palmerston, and ...
More
This chapter explores how Stephen Duck used his increasing proficiency in classical learning to position himself in relation to male patrons and friends, including Henry Temple, Lord Palmerston, and Joseph Spence. The various models offered by Horace were particularly useful to Duck in this process. Initially, by imitating Horace’s odes Duck crafted non-threatening reflections on his achievements which were couched in a language of contentment and moderation. Later, with more daring, Duck adopted the Horatian satirical mode in order to reflect on his place in literary culture. The example of Horace enabled Duck to develop a confident poetic voice. By the early 1740s, his earlier, earnest sincerity was displaced by a witty willingness to make fun of his labouring-class origins.Less
This chapter explores how Stephen Duck used his increasing proficiency in classical learning to position himself in relation to male patrons and friends, including Henry Temple, Lord Palmerston, and Joseph Spence. The various models offered by Horace were particularly useful to Duck in this process. Initially, by imitating Horace’s odes Duck crafted non-threatening reflections on his achievements which were couched in a language of contentment and moderation. Later, with more daring, Duck adopted the Horatian satirical mode in order to reflect on his place in literary culture. The example of Horace enabled Duck to develop a confident poetic voice. By the early 1740s, his earlier, earnest sincerity was displaced by a witty willingness to make fun of his labouring-class origins.
Joseph A. Fry
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813177120
- eISBN:
- 9780813177137
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177120.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter analyzes the bases and evolution of Lincoln and Seward’s personal friendship and professional partnership during the first year of the war. As Lincoln solidified his one-war policy and ...
More
This chapter analyzes the bases and evolution of Lincoln and Seward’s personal friendship and professional partnership during the first year of the war. As Lincoln solidified his one-war policy and Seward implemented his purposeful bluster warning against European intervention in the American conflict, the two leaders responded to British and French recognition of the South’s status as a belligerent and instituted the North’s blockade of the Confederacy. Lincoln initiated his brilliant representation of the war’s international significance and assumed an increasingly active role as commander in chief, and Seward took the lead in the North’s decision to compromise and accept British demands in the dangerous Trent affair. All of this is set against British and French responses to the American war.Less
This chapter analyzes the bases and evolution of Lincoln and Seward’s personal friendship and professional partnership during the first year of the war. As Lincoln solidified his one-war policy and Seward implemented his purposeful bluster warning against European intervention in the American conflict, the two leaders responded to British and French recognition of the South’s status as a belligerent and instituted the North’s blockade of the Confederacy. Lincoln initiated his brilliant representation of the war’s international significance and assumed an increasingly active role as commander in chief, and Seward took the lead in the North’s decision to compromise and accept British demands in the dangerous Trent affair. All of this is set against British and French responses to the American war.