Daniel Lefkowitz
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195121902
- eISBN:
- 9780199788347
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195121902.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
Social and ethnic identity are nowhere more enmeshed with language than in Israel. This book explores the politics of identity in Israel through an analysis of the social life of language. By ...
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Social and ethnic identity are nowhere more enmeshed with language than in Israel. This book explores the politics of identity in Israel through an analysis of the social life of language. By examining the social choices Israelis make when they speak, and the social meanings such choices produce, the book reveals how Israeli identities are negotiated through language. It studies three major languages and their role in the social lives of Israelis: Hebrew, the dominant language, Arabic, and English. It reveals their complex interrelationship by showing how the language a speaker chooses to use is as important as the language they choose not to use — in the same way that a claim to an Israeli identity is simultaneously a claim against other, opposing identities. The result is an analysis of how the identity of “Israeliness” is linguistically negotiated in the three-way struggle among Ashkenazi (Jewish), Mizrahi (Jewish), and Palestinian (Arab) Israelis. This book's ethnography of language — use is both thoroughly anthropological and thoroughly linguistic — provides an examination of the role of language in Israeli society.Less
Social and ethnic identity are nowhere more enmeshed with language than in Israel. This book explores the politics of identity in Israel through an analysis of the social life of language. By examining the social choices Israelis make when they speak, and the social meanings such choices produce, the book reveals how Israeli identities are negotiated through language. It studies three major languages and their role in the social lives of Israelis: Hebrew, the dominant language, Arabic, and English. It reveals their complex interrelationship by showing how the language a speaker chooses to use is as important as the language they choose not to use — in the same way that a claim to an Israeli identity is simultaneously a claim against other, opposing identities. The result is an analysis of how the identity of “Israeliness” is linguistically negotiated in the three-way struggle among Ashkenazi (Jewish), Mizrahi (Jewish), and Palestinian (Arab) Israelis. This book's ethnography of language — use is both thoroughly anthropological and thoroughly linguistic — provides an examination of the role of language in Israeli society.
Phillip L. Hammack
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195394467
- eISBN:
- 9780199863488
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195394467.003.0007
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter examines the personal narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth using two valuable theoretical concepts. First, it calls upon the idea of hyphenated selves, recently developed by Michelle ...
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This chapter examines the personal narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth using two valuable theoretical concepts. First, it calls upon the idea of hyphenated selves, recently developed by Michelle Fine, Selcuk Sirin, and their colleagues in a pathbreaking study of Muslim–American youth post-9/11. Second, it employs Elli Schachter's (2004, 2005) conception of an identity configuration to examine the narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth as they negotiate disparate discourses in Israeli society. Both of these theoretical frameworks provide a useful way of making meaning of the life story narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth—narratives that are uncomfortably positioned within the larger identity politics of Israel and Palestine.Less
This chapter examines the personal narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth using two valuable theoretical concepts. First, it calls upon the idea of hyphenated selves, recently developed by Michelle Fine, Selcuk Sirin, and their colleagues in a pathbreaking study of Muslim–American youth post-9/11. Second, it employs Elli Schachter's (2004, 2005) conception of an identity configuration to examine the narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth as they negotiate disparate discourses in Israeli society. Both of these theoretical frameworks provide a useful way of making meaning of the life story narratives of Palestinian–Israeli youth—narratives that are uncomfortably positioned within the larger identity politics of Israel and Palestine.
Anne Marie Oliver and Paul F. Steinberg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195305593
- eISBN:
- 9780199850815
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305593.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The authors of this book lived for six months with a Palestinian refugee family in Gaza at the beginning of the intifada, and this book offers a gritty, poetic portrait of the time. The book provides ...
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The authors of this book lived for six months with a Palestinian refugee family in Gaza at the beginning of the intifada, and this book offers a gritty, poetic portrait of the time. The book provides an unrivalled documentary of the underground media the authors collected during the course of their time spent in the area. Although they could not have surmised as much at the beginning, they soon found themselves led through these media into the world of the suicide bomber. Their early study, notably, anticipated the spread of suicide missions years in advance. Dispensing with the platitudes and dogma that typify discourse on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, this book shows that the suicide bomber is a complex, contradictory construction, and can be explained neither in terms of cold efficacy nor sheer evil.Less
The authors of this book lived for six months with a Palestinian refugee family in Gaza at the beginning of the intifada, and this book offers a gritty, poetic portrait of the time. The book provides an unrivalled documentary of the underground media the authors collected during the course of their time spent in the area. Although they could not have surmised as much at the beginning, they soon found themselves led through these media into the world of the suicide bomber. Their early study, notably, anticipated the spread of suicide missions years in advance. Dispensing with the platitudes and dogma that typify discourse on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, this book shows that the suicide bomber is a complex, contradictory construction, and can be explained neither in terms of cold efficacy nor sheer evil.
Daniel Lefkowitz
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195121902
- eISBN:
- 9780199788347
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195121902.003.0007
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter examines social variation in the use of two crucial phonological variables in the linguistic construction of Arabness, and therefore constitute a core trope in Israeli constructions of ...
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This chapter examines social variation in the use of two crucial phonological variables in the linguistic construction of Arabness, and therefore constitute a core trope in Israeli constructions of Self and Other. These phonological variables involve variable realizations of the two Hebrew pharyngeal phonemes ⁄☐⁄ (called “ayin”) and ⁄ħ⁄ (called “het”). For each pharyngeal and nonpharyngeal pronunciations are used. Data show that Jewish Israelis avoid pharyngealized forms, while Palestinian Israelis embrace them. The chapter explicates the strategic use to which variation in pharyngealization is put in social interaction, beginning with a discussion of the social and linguistic history of the pharyngeal phonemes.Less
This chapter examines social variation in the use of two crucial phonological variables in the linguistic construction of Arabness, and therefore constitute a core trope in Israeli constructions of Self and Other. These phonological variables involve variable realizations of the two Hebrew pharyngeal phonemes ⁄☐⁄ (called “ayin”) and ⁄ħ⁄ (called “het”). For each pharyngeal and nonpharyngeal pronunciations are used. Data show that Jewish Israelis avoid pharyngealized forms, while Palestinian Israelis embrace them. The chapter explicates the strategic use to which variation in pharyngealization is put in social interaction, beginning with a discussion of the social and linguistic history of the pharyngeal phonemes.
Michael S. Kogan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195112597
- eISBN:
- 9780199872275
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112597.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter discusses the Israeli-Palestinian dispute's invasion of the Jewish Christian dialogue. Topics covered include the Presbyterian Church's (in the USA) issuance of “A Theological ...
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This chapter discusses the Israeli-Palestinian dispute's invasion of the Jewish Christian dialogue. Topics covered include the Presbyterian Church's (in the USA) issuance of “A Theological Understanding of the Relationship between Christians and Jews” in 1987, the General Assembly of the church's resolution to investigate divestment of the church's $8 billion portfolio in companies doing business with Israel, particularly those aiding in the occupation of the West Bank, in 2004; and the national assembly of 2006.Less
This chapter discusses the Israeli-Palestinian dispute's invasion of the Jewish Christian dialogue. Topics covered include the Presbyterian Church's (in the USA) issuance of “A Theological Understanding of the Relationship between Christians and Jews” in 1987, the General Assembly of the church's resolution to investigate divestment of the church's $8 billion portfolio in companies doing business with Israel, particularly those aiding in the occupation of the West Bank, in 2004; and the national assembly of 2006.
Brian C. Rathbun
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453182
- eISBN:
- 9780801455063
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453182.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter narrates the story of two groups attempting to transcend what was largely perceived as an intractable conflict. The weaker group (Israelis), having lost considerable territory through ...
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This chapter narrates the story of two groups attempting to transcend what was largely perceived as an intractable conflict. The weaker group (Israelis), having lost considerable territory through ill-advised military action and occupied by the stronger group (Palestinians), made gestures toward peace. Even though the weaker side had no other options due to its structural position, the moves toward conciliation were initiated by pragmatists in the group against the opposition of extremists who preferred coercive methods. A third group (Americans) attempted the role of honest broker, trying to lead the two sides toward compromise by institutionalizing a process of diplomatic exchange. Using the theory of the rise and fall of the peace process, the chapter argues that key events in Israeli–Palestinian relations cannot be understood solely in terms of the distribution of power and interests.Less
This chapter narrates the story of two groups attempting to transcend what was largely perceived as an intractable conflict. The weaker group (Israelis), having lost considerable territory through ill-advised military action and occupied by the stronger group (Palestinians), made gestures toward peace. Even though the weaker side had no other options due to its structural position, the moves toward conciliation were initiated by pragmatists in the group against the opposition of extremists who preferred coercive methods. A third group (Americans) attempted the role of honest broker, trying to lead the two sides toward compromise by institutionalizing a process of diplomatic exchange. Using the theory of the rise and fall of the peace process, the chapter argues that key events in Israeli–Palestinian relations cannot be understood solely in terms of the distribution of power and interests.
Audrey Kurth Cronin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199693627
- eISBN:
- 9780191741258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199693627.003.0028
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In campaigns involving suicide terrorism, individual operatives and parent societies can rarely ‘surrender’ in the conventional wartime sense; however, terrorist organizations sometimes terminate ...
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In campaigns involving suicide terrorism, individual operatives and parent societies can rarely ‘surrender’ in the conventional wartime sense; however, terrorist organizations sometimes terminate their campaigns. The reasons why they do so are widely misunderstood. This overview begins with the Assassins and moves through the history of suicide terrorism. It explains the surprising findings of research done on hundreds of modern groups, with case studies on the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict examined in greater depth. The conclusion discusses the unique challenges, especially for democracies, of compelling groups that use suicide terrorism to end their operations and surrender.Less
In campaigns involving suicide terrorism, individual operatives and parent societies can rarely ‘surrender’ in the conventional wartime sense; however, terrorist organizations sometimes terminate their campaigns. The reasons why they do so are widely misunderstood. This overview begins with the Assassins and moves through the history of suicide terrorism. It explains the surprising findings of research done on hundreds of modern groups, with case studies on the Tamil Tigers (LTTE) and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict examined in greater depth. The conclusion discusses the unique challenges, especially for democracies, of compelling groups that use suicide terrorism to end their operations and surrender.
Rachel Havrelock
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226319575
- eISBN:
- 9780226319599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226319599.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
This chapter aims to show that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the heart of the issue of borders. Both Israelis and Palestinians define the symbolic whole of their respective nations according to ...
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This chapter aims to show that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the heart of the issue of borders. Both Israelis and Palestinians define the symbolic whole of their respective nations according to the same set of boundaries; therefore, the very conceptions of Israel and Palestine overlap and lie in conflict with each other. This chapter considers how the Jordan became the border of Israeli and Palestinian national aspirations as well as how it has been continuously enforced and contested within their national myths. The analysis is analogous to that of the biblical maps since it considers the degree to which imperial geographies influenced the map of the Jewish and the Palestinian national homes and then illustrates how national lore domesticates the lines drawn across the world by empires.Less
This chapter aims to show that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the heart of the issue of borders. Both Israelis and Palestinians define the symbolic whole of their respective nations according to the same set of boundaries; therefore, the very conceptions of Israel and Palestine overlap and lie in conflict with each other. This chapter considers how the Jordan became the border of Israeli and Palestinian national aspirations as well as how it has been continuously enforced and contested within their national myths. The analysis is analogous to that of the biblical maps since it considers the degree to which imperial geographies influenced the map of the Jewish and the Palestinian national homes and then illustrates how national lore domesticates the lines drawn across the world by empires.
Daniel C. Kurtzer, Scott B. Lasensky, William B. Quandt, Steven L. Spiegel, and Shibley Z. Telhami
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451478
- eISBN:
- 9780801465864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451478.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter evaluates the transition from George W. Bush to Bill Clinton through the Israeli–Palestinian negotiations. After the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991, U.S. diplomacy encouraged direct, ...
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This chapter evaluates the transition from George W. Bush to Bill Clinton through the Israeli–Palestinian negotiations. After the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991, U.S. diplomacy encouraged direct, bilateral negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, and U.S. diplomats focused largely on procedural issues of arranging the venues and scheduling the rounds of negotiations. However, the negotiations themselves lagged and it wasn't until June 1993 that the United States offered few substantive ideas for breaking the holdup. Meanwhile, Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) chairman Yasir Arafat began reaching out to each other in what became known as the Oslo negotiations. The United States dismissed the Oslo talks as unrealistic, thereby also missing an opportunity to influence the fundamental agreement that was to emerge in the 1993 PLO–Israel Declaration of Principles.Less
This chapter evaluates the transition from George W. Bush to Bill Clinton through the Israeli–Palestinian negotiations. After the Madrid Peace Conference of 1991, U.S. diplomacy encouraged direct, bilateral negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, and U.S. diplomats focused largely on procedural issues of arranging the venues and scheduling the rounds of negotiations. However, the negotiations themselves lagged and it wasn't until June 1993 that the United States offered few substantive ideas for breaking the holdup. Meanwhile, Yitzhak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) chairman Yasir Arafat began reaching out to each other in what became known as the Oslo negotiations. The United States dismissed the Oslo talks as unrealistic, thereby also missing an opportunity to influence the fundamental agreement that was to emerge in the 1993 PLO–Israel Declaration of Principles.
Ahsan I. Butt
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781501713941
- eISBN:
- 9781501713958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713941.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter begins with looking at the Israeli–Palestinian conflict since the 1980s. It discusses Israel's coercive response to Palestinians' secessionist moment, the first intifada. The chapter ...
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This chapter begins with looking at the Israeli–Palestinian conflict since the 1980s. It discusses Israel's coercive response to Palestinians' secessionist moment, the first intifada. The chapter then investigates how security fears sprung from its rough neighborhood, featuring a history of warfare with its neighbors, and its essentializing of Palestinian nationalism, subsuming it under an “Arab” identity. This chapter also reviews two of the handful of completely peaceful major secessions to occur in the twentieth century: one in 1993 that dissolved Czechoslovakia into its constituent units, and the other in 1905 that separated Norway and Sweden. It illustrates how the muted external security implications of Norwegian and Slovak separatism facilitated their respective host states peacefully negotiating their exit from the polity. The chapter next examines the American Civil War, even though it neither took place in the twentieth century, nor was it, strictly speaking, ethnic in nature.Less
This chapter begins with looking at the Israeli–Palestinian conflict since the 1980s. It discusses Israel's coercive response to Palestinians' secessionist moment, the first intifada. The chapter then investigates how security fears sprung from its rough neighborhood, featuring a history of warfare with its neighbors, and its essentializing of Palestinian nationalism, subsuming it under an “Arab” identity. This chapter also reviews two of the handful of completely peaceful major secessions to occur in the twentieth century: one in 1993 that dissolved Czechoslovakia into its constituent units, and the other in 1905 that separated Norway and Sweden. It illustrates how the muted external security implications of Norwegian and Slovak separatism facilitated their respective host states peacefully negotiating their exit from the polity. The chapter next examines the American Civil War, even though it neither took place in the twentieth century, nor was it, strictly speaking, ethnic in nature.
Anna Bernard
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781846319433
- eISBN:
- 9781781381045
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781846319433.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
The crisis in Israel/Palestine has long been the world’s most visible military conflict. Yet the region’s cultural and intellectual life remains all but unknown to most foreign observers, which means ...
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The crisis in Israel/Palestine has long been the world’s most visible military conflict. Yet the region’s cultural and intellectual life remains all but unknown to most foreign observers, which means that literary texts that make it into circulation abroad tend to be received as historical documents rather than aesthetic artefacts. Rhetorics of Belonging examines the diverse ways in which Palestinian and Israeli world writers have responded to the expectation that they will ‘narrate’ the nation, invigorating critical debates about the political and artistic value of national narration as a reading and writing practice. It considers writers whose work is rarely discussed together, offering new readings of the work of Edward Said, Amos Oz, Mourid Barghouti, Orly Castel-Bloom, Sahar Khalifeh, and Anton Shammas. This book helps to restore the category of the nation to contemporary literary criticism by attending to a context where the idea of the nation is so central a part of everyday experience that writers cannot not address it, and readers cannot help but read for it. It also points a way toward a relational literary history of Israel/Palestine, one that would situate Palestinian and Israeli writing in the context of a history of antagonistic interaction. The book’s findings are relevant not only for scholars working in postcolonial studies and Israel/Palestine studies, but for anyone interested in the difficult and unpredictable intersections of literature and politics.Less
The crisis in Israel/Palestine has long been the world’s most visible military conflict. Yet the region’s cultural and intellectual life remains all but unknown to most foreign observers, which means that literary texts that make it into circulation abroad tend to be received as historical documents rather than aesthetic artefacts. Rhetorics of Belonging examines the diverse ways in which Palestinian and Israeli world writers have responded to the expectation that they will ‘narrate’ the nation, invigorating critical debates about the political and artistic value of national narration as a reading and writing practice. It considers writers whose work is rarely discussed together, offering new readings of the work of Edward Said, Amos Oz, Mourid Barghouti, Orly Castel-Bloom, Sahar Khalifeh, and Anton Shammas. This book helps to restore the category of the nation to contemporary literary criticism by attending to a context where the idea of the nation is so central a part of everyday experience that writers cannot not address it, and readers cannot help but read for it. It also points a way toward a relational literary history of Israel/Palestine, one that would situate Palestinian and Israeli writing in the context of a history of antagonistic interaction. The book’s findings are relevant not only for scholars working in postcolonial studies and Israel/Palestine studies, but for anyone interested in the difficult and unpredictable intersections of literature and politics.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects ...
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This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects and is perceived by Palestinians who are prosecuted in the military court system. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the root of structural violence and social suffering in the West Bank and Gaza. The institutionally passive role of the defendant begins to take shape from the point after the interrogation is finished. Arrest and interrogation are two complementary and coordinated means for a state to exercise its law enforcement powers. Prison release poses another set of problems as ex-prisoners reintegrate with their families and society. Carceralism is premised on presumptions of Palestinian criminality and guilt.Less
This chapter turns to Palestinians who are prosecuted and defended in the military court system. It specifically considers the carceral nature of government in the West Bank and Gaza as it affects and is perceived by Palestinians who are prosecuted in the military court system. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is at the root of structural violence and social suffering in the West Bank and Gaza. The institutionally passive role of the defendant begins to take shape from the point after the interrogation is finished. Arrest and interrogation are two complementary and coordinated means for a state to exercise its law enforcement powers. Prison release poses another set of problems as ex-prisoners reintegrate with their families and society. Carceralism is premised on presumptions of Palestinian criminality and guilt.
Lisa Hajjar
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520241930
- eISBN:
- 9780520937987
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520241930.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Israel's military court system, a centerpiece of Israel's apparatus of control in the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, has prosecuted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. This book provides a rare ...
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Israel's military court system, a centerpiece of Israel's apparatus of control in the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, has prosecuted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. This book provides a rare look at an institution that lies both figuratively and literally at the center of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book includes the results of in-depth interviews with dozens of Israelis and Palestinians—including judges, prosecutors, defense lawyers, defendants, and translators—about their experiences and practices to explain how this system functions, and how its functioning has affected the conflict. The study highlights the array of problems and debates that characterize Israel's military courts as it asks how the law is deployed to protect and further the interests of the Israeli state and how it has been used to articulate and defend the rights of Palestinians living under occupation.Less
Israel's military court system, a centerpiece of Israel's apparatus of control in the West Bank and Gaza since 1967, has prosecuted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. This book provides a rare look at an institution that lies both figuratively and literally at the center of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The book includes the results of in-depth interviews with dozens of Israelis and Palestinians—including judges, prosecutors, defense lawyers, defendants, and translators—about their experiences and practices to explain how this system functions, and how its functioning has affected the conflict. The study highlights the array of problems and debates that characterize Israel's military courts as it asks how the law is deployed to protect and further the interests of the Israeli state and how it has been used to articulate and defend the rights of Palestinians living under occupation.
Jeremy Salt
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255517
- eISBN:
- 9780520934757
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255517.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Written for those who want to know more about the Middle East than the mainstream media is willing or able to tell, this book begins by examining a question that has been asked by numerous ...
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Written for those who want to know more about the Middle East than the mainstream media is willing or able to tell, this book begins by examining a question that has been asked by numerous commentators since September 11, 2001: “Why do they hate us?” It offers the background essential for understanding the Middle East today by chronicling the long and bloody history of Western intervention in Arab lands. The author examines the major events that have shaped the region—ranging from the French in Algeria and the British in Egypt in the nineteenth century, to the Palestinian–Israeli conflict and the war in Iraq. Linking all of these together, the book paints a damning picture of a sustained campaign by Western powers to dominate the Middle East by whatever means necessary. Throughout, the human cost of the policies put in place to preserve “Western interests” or in the name of bringing civilization, democracy, or freedom to the region are emphasized. The book makes use of extensive research in U.S. and British archives that reveals what politicians were deciding behind closed doors, and why.Less
Written for those who want to know more about the Middle East than the mainstream media is willing or able to tell, this book begins by examining a question that has been asked by numerous commentators since September 11, 2001: “Why do they hate us?” It offers the background essential for understanding the Middle East today by chronicling the long and bloody history of Western intervention in Arab lands. The author examines the major events that have shaped the region—ranging from the French in Algeria and the British in Egypt in the nineteenth century, to the Palestinian–Israeli conflict and the war in Iraq. Linking all of these together, the book paints a damning picture of a sustained campaign by Western powers to dominate the Middle East by whatever means necessary. Throughout, the human cost of the policies put in place to preserve “Western interests” or in the name of bringing civilization, democracy, or freedom to the region are emphasized. The book makes use of extensive research in U.S. and British archives that reveals what politicians were deciding behind closed doors, and why.
Neve Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520255302
- eISBN:
- 9780520942363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520255302.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This introductory chapter offers a historical overview of the occupation that draws attention to the way in which the Palestinian inhabitants have been managed. In so doing, it exposes how Israel's ...
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This introductory chapter offers a historical overview of the occupation that draws attention to the way in which the Palestinian inhabitants have been managed. In so doing, it exposes how Israel's means of control have actually helped to mold the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Thus, Israel's Occupation fills a lacuna in the existing literature not only because it offers an overview of the occupation, but also because it is the first attempt to make sense of Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip by means of a detailed analysis of the controlling apparatuses and practices. Finally, an interrogation of this kind is advantageous because it helps us see beyond the smoke screen of political proclamations and statements, and sheds new light on the way power, people, and place have been shaped in this bitter, ongoing conflict. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter offers a historical overview of the occupation that draws attention to the way in which the Palestinian inhabitants have been managed. In so doing, it exposes how Israel's means of control have actually helped to mold the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Thus, Israel's Occupation fills a lacuna in the existing literature not only because it offers an overview of the occupation, but also because it is the first attempt to make sense of Israel's policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip by means of a detailed analysis of the controlling apparatuses and practices. Finally, an interrogation of this kind is advantageous because it helps us see beyond the smoke screen of political proclamations and statements, and sheds new light on the way power, people, and place have been shaped in this bitter, ongoing conflict. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Stuart Schaar
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231171564
- eISBN:
- 9780231539920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231171564.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Primacy of the Middle East until the second decade of the 21st Century; critique of Henry Kissinger's Middle East Policies; Arguing with Palestinians to adopt a non-violent approach insterad of ...
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Primacy of the Middle East until the second decade of the 21st Century; critique of Henry Kissinger's Middle East Policies; Arguing with Palestinians to adopt a non-violent approach insterad of terrorist tactics; Opposition to two state solution for Palestine along with Edward W. Said; Critique of Middle East peace plans as unworkable.Less
Primacy of the Middle East until the second decade of the 21st Century; critique of Henry Kissinger's Middle East Policies; Arguing with Palestinians to adopt a non-violent approach insterad of terrorist tactics; Opposition to two state solution for Palestine along with Edward W. Said; Critique of Middle East peace plans as unworkable.
Benjamin Brinner
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395945
- eISBN:
- 9780199852666
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395945.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
In the last decade of the twentieth century and on into the twenty-first, Israelis and Palestinians saw the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords, the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, the ...
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In the last decade of the twentieth century and on into the twenty-first, Israelis and Palestinians saw the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords, the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, and the escalation of suicide bombings and retaliations in the region. During this tumultuous time, numerous collaborations between Israeli and Palestinian musicians coalesced into a significant musical scene. Following the bands Bustan Abraham and Alei Hazayit from their creation and throughout their careers, as well as the collaborative projects of Israeli artist Yair Dalal, this book demonstrates the possibility of musical alternatives to violent conflict and hatred in an intensely contested, multicultural environment. These artists' music drew from Western, Middle Eastern, Central Asian, and Afro-diasporic musical practices, bridging differences and finding innovative solutions to the problems inherent in combining disparate musical styles and sources. Creating this new music brought to the forefront the musicians' contrasting assumptions about sound production, melody, rhythm, hybridity, ensemble interaction, and improvisation. The author traces the tightly interconnected field of musicians and the people and institutions that supported them as they and their music circulated within the region and along international circuits. The book argues that the linking of Jewish and Arab musicians' networks, the creation of new musical means of expression, and the repeated enactment of culturally productive musical alliances provides a unique model for mutually respectful and beneficial coexistence in a chronically disputed land.Less
In the last decade of the twentieth century and on into the twenty-first, Israelis and Palestinians saw the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords, the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, and the escalation of suicide bombings and retaliations in the region. During this tumultuous time, numerous collaborations between Israeli and Palestinian musicians coalesced into a significant musical scene. Following the bands Bustan Abraham and Alei Hazayit from their creation and throughout their careers, as well as the collaborative projects of Israeli artist Yair Dalal, this book demonstrates the possibility of musical alternatives to violent conflict and hatred in an intensely contested, multicultural environment. These artists' music drew from Western, Middle Eastern, Central Asian, and Afro-diasporic musical practices, bridging differences and finding innovative solutions to the problems inherent in combining disparate musical styles and sources. Creating this new music brought to the forefront the musicians' contrasting assumptions about sound production, melody, rhythm, hybridity, ensemble interaction, and improvisation. The author traces the tightly interconnected field of musicians and the people and institutions that supported them as they and their music circulated within the region and along international circuits. The book argues that the linking of Jewish and Arab musicians' networks, the creation of new musical means of expression, and the repeated enactment of culturally productive musical alliances provides a unique model for mutually respectful and beneficial coexistence in a chronically disputed land.
G. A. Cohen
Michael Otsuka (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148809
- eISBN:
- 9781400845323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148809.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter offers a response to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, though it makes no conclusions about it. At the same time the chapter asks who and who cannot have the right to criticize terrorist ...
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This chapter offers a response to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, though it makes no conclusions about it. At the same time the chapter asks who and who cannot have the right to criticize terrorist actions. It first lays out the various aspects of the act of criticism as well as the deflections thereof. It focuses in particular on two forms of deflections—the Tu quoque (“You, too”) argument and the “You're involved in it yourself” challenge. The central claim here is that one consequence of the difference between an expression of moral opinion and a condemnation is that it might be true both that terrorism is to be condemned (moral opinion) and that some particular person is not in a position to condemn it.Less
This chapter offers a response to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, though it makes no conclusions about it. At the same time the chapter asks who and who cannot have the right to criticize terrorist actions. It first lays out the various aspects of the act of criticism as well as the deflections thereof. It focuses in particular on two forms of deflections—the Tu quoque (“You, too”) argument and the “You're involved in it yourself” challenge. The central claim here is that one consequence of the difference between an expression of moral opinion and a condemnation is that it might be true both that terrorism is to be condemned (moral opinion) and that some particular person is not in a position to condemn it.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226645605
- eISBN:
- 9780226645643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226645643.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines Palestinian suicide terrorism against Israel. It shows that the primary impetus behind the formation of the Palestinian suicide attack campaign was Israel's occupation, and ...
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This chapter examines Palestinian suicide terrorism against Israel. It shows that the primary impetus behind the formation of the Palestinian suicide attack campaign was Israel's occupation, and particularly Israel's changing cultural, political, and military influence on the West Bank and Gaza from the mid-1980s onward. The chapter provides a brief history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from World War I to the 1993 Oslo Accords and evaluates public support for suicide terrorist groups in Palestine.Less
This chapter examines Palestinian suicide terrorism against Israel. It shows that the primary impetus behind the formation of the Palestinian suicide attack campaign was Israel's occupation, and particularly Israel's changing cultural, political, and military influence on the West Bank and Gaza from the mid-1980s onward. The chapter provides a brief history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from World War I to the 1993 Oslo Accords and evaluates public support for suicide terrorist groups in Palestine.
Elazar Barkan
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231169943
- eISBN:
- 9780231538060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231169943.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter explores political riots in Jerusalem and the West Bank surrounding religious sites and the role played by the state in creating space for the riot and in responding to it. It argues ...
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This chapter explores political riots in Jerusalem and the West Bank surrounding religious sites and the role played by the state in creating space for the riot and in responding to it. It argues that the riots serve a larger political agenda of aggravating the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and are intentionally manipulated by the political entities that have the capacity to either inflame or contain the level of violence. It further claims that popular religious violence serves as an informal political tool that is used by formal governing bodies. In Jerusalem, the chapter looks specifically at three incidents instigated by Israeli government action. These involve the opening of the 1996 Temple Mount tunnels, the 2000 “visit” by Ariel Sharon to the al-Aqsa, and the inclusion of three sites located in the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem in the Israeli heritage sites in 2010. In the West Bank there are four major “joint” religious sites and numerous minor ones. The four major sites are the Cave of the Patriarchs (Hebron), Rachel's Tomb (Bethlehem), Joseph Tomb's (Nablus), and Nebi Samuel (north of Jerusalem).Less
This chapter explores political riots in Jerusalem and the West Bank surrounding religious sites and the role played by the state in creating space for the riot and in responding to it. It argues that the riots serve a larger political agenda of aggravating the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and are intentionally manipulated by the political entities that have the capacity to either inflame or contain the level of violence. It further claims that popular religious violence serves as an informal political tool that is used by formal governing bodies. In Jerusalem, the chapter looks specifically at three incidents instigated by Israeli government action. These involve the opening of the 1996 Temple Mount tunnels, the 2000 “visit” by Ariel Sharon to the al-Aqsa, and the inclusion of three sites located in the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem in the Israeli heritage sites in 2010. In the West Bank there are four major “joint” religious sites and numerous minor ones. The four major sites are the Cave of the Patriarchs (Hebron), Rachel's Tomb (Bethlehem), Joseph Tomb's (Nablus), and Nebi Samuel (north of Jerusalem).
