Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory ...
More
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory board, investigate the characteristics, roles, similarities, and differences of P/CROs in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine in the last third of the twentieth century. Comparative research of this sort throws up definitional, conceptual, and methodological difficulties. A historical overview of the three conflicts reveals shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race. In South Africa, P/CROs engaged in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research, and with other antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations and the mass‐based resistance movements formed a “multiorganizational field.” In Israel, P/CRO activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments, but received little credit for any contributions they made to the peace process. Palestinian P/CROs were few and weakly developed as a result of Palestine's sociopolitical culture, although they performed human rights advocacy, international diplomacy, and domestic consciousness raising. Northern Ireland's voluntary sector was large, and included many P/CROs, which tended to focus on the symptoms of the conflict rather than the cause, and had little impact on the peace process beyond bringing an “inclusivist” philosophy to the political arena, fostering political debate, and providing some progressive leadership. Across the three regions, some P/CRO similarities emerged: foreign funding was crucial; charismatic leadership was important; almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and most P/CROs employed the same sorts of tactics, with some variation according to political context, but framed their conflicts differently. In general, it seems P/CRO impact was minimal: they played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts but made indirect contributions.Less
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory board, investigate the characteristics, roles, similarities, and differences of P/CROs in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine in the last third of the twentieth century. Comparative research of this sort throws up definitional, conceptual, and methodological difficulties. A historical overview of the three conflicts reveals shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race. In South Africa, P/CROs engaged in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research, and with other antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations and the mass‐based resistance movements formed a “multiorganizational field.” In Israel, P/CRO activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments, but received little credit for any contributions they made to the peace process. Palestinian P/CROs were few and weakly developed as a result of Palestine's sociopolitical culture, although they performed human rights advocacy, international diplomacy, and domestic consciousness raising. Northern Ireland's voluntary sector was large, and included many P/CROs, which tended to focus on the symptoms of the conflict rather than the cause, and had little impact on the peace process beyond bringing an “inclusivist” philosophy to the political arena, fostering political debate, and providing some progressive leadership. Across the three regions, some P/CRO similarities emerged: foreign funding was crucial; charismatic leadership was important; almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and most P/CROs employed the same sorts of tactics, with some variation according to political context, but framed their conflicts differently. In general, it seems P/CRO impact was minimal: they played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts but made indirect contributions.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Assessing the efficacy of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine was difficult because the regions shared no common definition of ...
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Assessing the efficacy of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine was difficult because the regions shared no common definition of peace, the political situation in each was constantly evolving, and it was generally difficult to determine causality in complex social processes. Researchers in each region were asked to interview knowledgeable individuals about whether P/CROs had political or cultural influence on their conflicts. Across all regions, there was a consensus that P/CROs had little direct political impact, although Israeli P/CROs played a role in the Oslo process, and South African P/CROs in the Dakar meetings. Political contexts in Israel and South Africa also allowed P/CROs in these countries more access to political parties, and therefore somewhat more influence on the political system. Culturally, P/CROS in all regions were effective in promoting nonmainstream analyses of their conflicts, in introducing new tactics of social action, and in attracting media attention and so a measure of public acceptance. Although they may not have hastened peace, P/CROs probably slowed the course of violence.Less
Assessing the efficacy of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine was difficult because the regions shared no common definition of peace, the political situation in each was constantly evolving, and it was generally difficult to determine causality in complex social processes. Researchers in each region were asked to interview knowledgeable individuals about whether P/CROs had political or cultural influence on their conflicts. Across all regions, there was a consensus that P/CROs had little direct political impact, although Israeli P/CROs played a role in the Oslo process, and South African P/CROs in the Dakar meetings. Political contexts in Israel and South Africa also allowed P/CROs in these countries more access to political parties, and therefore somewhat more influence on the political system. Culturally, P/CROS in all regions were effective in promoting nonmainstream analyses of their conflicts, in introducing new tactics of social action, and in attracting media attention and so a measure of public acceptance. Although they may not have hastened peace, P/CROs probably slowed the course of violence.
Peter Loizos and Tobias Kelly
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264591
- eISBN:
- 9780191734397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in ...
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In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in Israel/Palestine, the Oslo Peace Process collapsed in the second intifada. This chapter provides a comparative exploration of the roles the refugees played as individuals and as groups in the eventual failure of various peace processes as well as the political issues that have contributed to such failure. It focuses on the Greek-Cypriot refugees and the Palestinian refugees as the treatment of the rights of these groups of refugees were deemed the most controversial issue in the peace processes. In this chapter, the historical conditions, legal statuses, access to political representations and the geopolitical factors that have influenced the manner with which the conflict and refugees are dealt with are explored and examined. The various sections of the chapter are devoted to the rationale behind the failure of the Annan Plan and the Oslo Peace Process and the role of the refugees in this failure. The chapter concludes with some suggestions about the implications of refugee issues in order to settle long-term conflict.Less
In the early years of the twenty-first century, two peace processes that were deemed promising came to a halt. In Cyprus, the Annan Plan was rejected by the majority of Greek-Cypriots and in Israel/Palestine, the Oslo Peace Process collapsed in the second intifada. This chapter provides a comparative exploration of the roles the refugees played as individuals and as groups in the eventual failure of various peace processes as well as the political issues that have contributed to such failure. It focuses on the Greek-Cypriot refugees and the Palestinian refugees as the treatment of the rights of these groups of refugees were deemed the most controversial issue in the peace processes. In this chapter, the historical conditions, legal statuses, access to political representations and the geopolitical factors that have influenced the manner with which the conflict and refugees are dealt with are explored and examined. The various sections of the chapter are devoted to the rationale behind the failure of the Annan Plan and the Oslo Peace Process and the role of the refugees in this failure. The chapter concludes with some suggestions about the implications of refugee issues in order to settle long-term conflict.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Increasingly, scholars are recognizing that civil society is important to the prevention of conflict and peace keeping. Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are a form of civil ...
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Increasingly, scholars are recognizing that civil society is important to the prevention of conflict and peace keeping. Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are a form of civil society or nongovernmental organizations dedicated to promoting peace and ending violence. This chapter introduces an international comparative study of P/CROs in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine, and justifies the choice of these conflicts. It describes the range of P/CROs studied, difficulties encountered during the study, and study issues, which include: the organizational characteristics of the P/CROs; the methods P/CROs employed; comparisons of P/CROs in the four countries; and the contributions P/CROs made to peace in their regions.Less
Increasingly, scholars are recognizing that civil society is important to the prevention of conflict and peace keeping. Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are a form of civil society or nongovernmental organizations dedicated to promoting peace and ending violence. This chapter introduces an international comparative study of P/CROs in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine, and justifies the choice of these conflicts. It describes the range of P/CROs studied, difficulties encountered during the study, and study issues, which include: the organizational characteristics of the P/CROs; the methods P/CROs employed; comparisons of P/CROs in the four countries; and the contributions P/CROs made to peace in their regions.
Megan Meyer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Most peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) were founded between 1980 and 1990, in response to heightened conflict in their regions; charismatic leaders – usually highly educated and ...
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Most peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) were founded between 1980 and 1990, in response to heightened conflict in their regions; charismatic leaders – usually highly educated and politically astute – and local networks played instrumental roles. Most P/CROs relied on international funding. South African P/CROs received funding from foreign governments, international multilateral agencies, and religious institutions, Israeli/Palestinian P/CROs from private foreign donors and foundations, and Northern Irish P/CROs mainly from the UK and the European Union. All P/CROs used a variety of tactics, but emphasized a package of tactics that fit their members’ beliefs, interests, and skills; there was only slight variation in tactics across regions, but political context did play a small role in determining “tastes in tactics.” Almost all P/CROs, whatever their initial aspirations, became somewhat formalized as they aged. P/CROs in Northern Ireland tended to frame the conflict in terms of personal attitudes; in South Africa and Israel/Palestine, P/CRO frames emphasized systemic factors.Less
Most peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) were founded between 1980 and 1990, in response to heightened conflict in their regions; charismatic leaders – usually highly educated and politically astute – and local networks played instrumental roles. Most P/CROs relied on international funding. South African P/CROs received funding from foreign governments, international multilateral agencies, and religious institutions, Israeli/Palestinian P/CROs from private foreign donors and foundations, and Northern Irish P/CROs mainly from the UK and the European Union. All P/CROs used a variety of tactics, but emphasized a package of tactics that fit their members’ beliefs, interests, and skills; there was only slight variation in tactics across regions, but political context did play a small role in determining “tastes in tactics.” Almost all P/CROs, whatever their initial aspirations, became somewhat formalized as they aged. P/CROs in Northern Ireland tended to frame the conflict in terms of personal attitudes; in South Africa and Israel/Palestine, P/CRO frames emphasized systemic factors.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study investigated peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine. P/CROs are citizen‐initiated ...
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This study investigated peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine. P/CROs are citizen‐initiated voluntary organizations that promote peace, reconciliation, and coexistence between parties to their conflicts, and the mutual recognition of the rights of each side. Comparative research on P/CROs faces theoretical and methodological challenges. They can be analyzed as elements of civil society, as social movement organizations, and as organizations focused on the resolution of conflict. P/CROs activities include service delivery, advocacy, dialog promotion, and consciousness raising. The study examined P/CRO characteristics such as membership, ideology, structure, financial and human resources, relations with other organizations, risks encountered, and impact on the conflict. Study methodology was evolutionary and iterative, and involved a three‐phase selection procedure, research by local teams, and oversight by an international advisory board.Less
This study investigated peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in three protracted conflicts in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine. P/CROs are citizen‐initiated voluntary organizations that promote peace, reconciliation, and coexistence between parties to their conflicts, and the mutual recognition of the rights of each side. Comparative research on P/CROs faces theoretical and methodological challenges. They can be analyzed as elements of civil society, as social movement organizations, and as organizations focused on the resolution of conflict. P/CROs activities include service delivery, advocacy, dialog promotion, and consciousness raising. The study examined P/CRO characteristics such as membership, ideology, structure, financial and human resources, relations with other organizations, risks encountered, and impact on the conflict. Study methodology was evolutionary and iterative, and involved a three‐phase selection procedure, research by local teams, and oversight by an international advisory board.
Olivia C. Harrison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794213
- eISBN:
- 9780804796859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794213.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Chapter Two analyzes the figure of Palestine in Kateb Yacine’s Algerian Arabic play, “Mohamed arfad valiztek” (Mohamed pack your bags) as the vehicle of a two-pronged critique of the postcolonial ...
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Chapter Two analyzes the figure of Palestine in Kateb Yacine’s Algerian Arabic play, “Mohamed arfad valiztek” (Mohamed pack your bags) as the vehicle of a two-pronged critique of the postcolonial Algerian state and of French and Israeli colonial discourses. The play compares France-Algeria and Israel-Palestine to condemn both anti-immigrant racism in France and Israel’s treatment of its Palestinian subjects. Aimed at a popular Algerian public, it also satirizes the Algerian state’s instrumentalization of the Algerian and Palestinian revolutions to rally popular support. Kateb’s popular theater begins to make evident the convergences and overlaps between two apparently antithetical discourses, which will be the focus of the final three chapters of Transcolonial Maghreb: the discourse of assimilation, characteristic of French colonial discourse (Algeria is France), and the principle of separation that undergirds Zionism and the Israeli state (Jews/Arabs).Less
Chapter Two analyzes the figure of Palestine in Kateb Yacine’s Algerian Arabic play, “Mohamed arfad valiztek” (Mohamed pack your bags) as the vehicle of a two-pronged critique of the postcolonial Algerian state and of French and Israeli colonial discourses. The play compares France-Algeria and Israel-Palestine to condemn both anti-immigrant racism in France and Israel’s treatment of its Palestinian subjects. Aimed at a popular Algerian public, it also satirizes the Algerian state’s instrumentalization of the Algerian and Palestinian revolutions to rally popular support. Kateb’s popular theater begins to make evident the convergences and overlaps between two apparently antithetical discourses, which will be the focus of the final three chapters of Transcolonial Maghreb: the discourse of assimilation, characteristic of French colonial discourse (Algeria is France), and the principle of separation that undergirds Zionism and the Israeli state (Jews/Arabs).
Olivia C. Harrison (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794213
- eISBN:
- 9780804796859
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794213.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Imagining Palestine in the Era of Decolonization offers the first thorough analysis of the ways in which Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian writers have engaged with the Palestinian question and the ...
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Imagining Palestine in the Era of Decolonization offers the first thorough analysis of the ways in which Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian writers have engaged with the Palestinian question and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict for the past fifty years. Reframing the field of Maghrebi literature to account for transversal political and aesthetic exchanges—exchanges whose importance is evidenced today in the still unfolding social and political upheavals in North Africa and the Middle East—Transcolonial Maghreb reveals that writers such as Abdellatif Laâbi, Kateb Yacine, Ahlam Mosteghanemi, Albert Memmi, Abdelkebir Khatibi, Jacques Derrida, and Edmond El Maleh have been concerned with the Palestinian question for decades, with lasting effects on the ways in which they write and imagine the Maghreb, France, and Palestine-Israel. Through a series of contextualized close readings of texts that are, for the most part, unavailable in English translation—popular theater, literary magazines, television series, feminist texts, novels, essays, unpublished manuscripts, letters, and pamphlets written in the three major languages of North Africa, Arabic, French, and Tamazight or Berber—Transcolonial Maghreb demonstrates that Palestine has come to signify the colonial, broadly conceived, in the Maghreb and in the decolonizing world, with wide implications for the study of transcolonial relations across the Global South.Less
Imagining Palestine in the Era of Decolonization offers the first thorough analysis of the ways in which Moroccan, Algerian, and Tunisian writers have engaged with the Palestinian question and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict for the past fifty years. Reframing the field of Maghrebi literature to account for transversal political and aesthetic exchanges—exchanges whose importance is evidenced today in the still unfolding social and political upheavals in North Africa and the Middle East—Transcolonial Maghreb reveals that writers such as Abdellatif Laâbi, Kateb Yacine, Ahlam Mosteghanemi, Albert Memmi, Abdelkebir Khatibi, Jacques Derrida, and Edmond El Maleh have been concerned with the Palestinian question for decades, with lasting effects on the ways in which they write and imagine the Maghreb, France, and Palestine-Israel. Through a series of contextualized close readings of texts that are, for the most part, unavailable in English translation—popular theater, literary magazines, television series, feminist texts, novels, essays, unpublished manuscripts, letters, and pamphlets written in the three major languages of North Africa, Arabic, French, and Tamazight or Berber—Transcolonial Maghreb demonstrates that Palestine has come to signify the colonial, broadly conceived, in the Maghreb and in the decolonizing world, with wide implications for the study of transcolonial relations across the Global South.
Joyce Dalsheim
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199751204
- eISBN:
- 9780199895014
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199751204.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This ethnographic study takes a unique approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East—the Israeli settlement project. The book’s work intercedes in the conflict between religiously ...
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This ethnographic study takes a unique approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East—the Israeli settlement project. The book’s work intercedes in the conflict between religiously motivated Jewish settlers and their liberal and secular opponents and asks the reader to suspend judgment just long enough to gain fresh insight. The book shows that the intense antagonism between these groups disguises their fundamental similarities and reveals the social and cultural work achieved through a politics of mutual denunciation. While previous studies have examined settlers and other so-called fundamentalists in Israel, this is the first to place radical, right-wing settlers and their left-wing and secular opposition in a single analytical frame, moving between places and across borders, carrying stories, questions, and insights from one side to the other. Based on fieldwork in the settlements of the Gaza Strip and surrounding communities during the year prior to the Israeli withdrawal, the book presents unique ethnographic data and poses controversial questions about the contentious issue of settlement in Israeli-occupied territories in ways that move beyond the usual categories of politics, religion, and culture. It critically examines how religiously motivated settlers think about living with Palestinians, express theological uncertainty, and imagine the future beyond the confines of territorial nationalism. Attending to the complexities of different ways of being Israeli, the book holds up a mirror in which both the liberal Left and the radical Right find themselves reflected in the face of the other. With theoretical implications stretching far beyond the boundaries of Israel/Palestine, the book’s findings shed fresh light on politics, identity among Israelis, and the troubling conflicts in Israel/Palestine and provide both challenges and insight to broader questions at the interface between religiosity and formations of the secular.Less
This ethnographic study takes a unique approach to one of the most contentious issues in the Middle East—the Israeli settlement project. The book’s work intercedes in the conflict between religiously motivated Jewish settlers and their liberal and secular opponents and asks the reader to suspend judgment just long enough to gain fresh insight. The book shows that the intense antagonism between these groups disguises their fundamental similarities and reveals the social and cultural work achieved through a politics of mutual denunciation. While previous studies have examined settlers and other so-called fundamentalists in Israel, this is the first to place radical, right-wing settlers and their left-wing and secular opposition in a single analytical frame, moving between places and across borders, carrying stories, questions, and insights from one side to the other. Based on fieldwork in the settlements of the Gaza Strip and surrounding communities during the year prior to the Israeli withdrawal, the book presents unique ethnographic data and poses controversial questions about the contentious issue of settlement in Israeli-occupied territories in ways that move beyond the usual categories of politics, religion, and culture. It critically examines how religiously motivated settlers think about living with Palestinians, express theological uncertainty, and imagine the future beyond the confines of territorial nationalism. Attending to the complexities of different ways of being Israeli, the book holds up a mirror in which both the liberal Left and the radical Right find themselves reflected in the face of the other. With theoretical implications stretching far beyond the boundaries of Israel/Palestine, the book’s findings shed fresh light on politics, identity among Israelis, and the troubling conflicts in Israel/Palestine and provide both challenges and insight to broader questions at the interface between religiosity and formations of the secular.
Olivia C. Harrison
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794213
- eISBN:
- 9780804796859
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794213.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Chapter Five begins by examining Abdelkebir Khatibi’s 1974 pamphlet, Vomito blanco. A violent polemic against Zionism, this treatise is markedly different in tone and genre from Khatibi’s later ...
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Chapter Five begins by examining Abdelkebir Khatibi’s 1974 pamphlet, Vomito blanco. A violent polemic against Zionism, this treatise is markedly different in tone and genre from Khatibi’s later writings, and in particular, his exchanges with the Jewish Egyptian psychoanalyst Jacques Hassoun and the French-Algerian philosopher Jacques Derrida on the topic of “the Abrahamic,” the tie that binds Jews and Muslims in spite of colonial/Zionist efforts to separate them. Revisiting Khatibi’s fiction in light of his Abrahamic reflections, this chapter argues that he deploys bi-langue—the in-between language he is compelled to practice as a result of the imposition of French—to resist not only assimilation, but also the separation between Jews and Arabs. The crossed reading of Khatibi and Derrida further reveals that the latter’s little known writings on Palestine and Israel are rooted in his experience of French colonialism in Algeria.Less
Chapter Five begins by examining Abdelkebir Khatibi’s 1974 pamphlet, Vomito blanco. A violent polemic against Zionism, this treatise is markedly different in tone and genre from Khatibi’s later writings, and in particular, his exchanges with the Jewish Egyptian psychoanalyst Jacques Hassoun and the French-Algerian philosopher Jacques Derrida on the topic of “the Abrahamic,” the tie that binds Jews and Muslims in spite of colonial/Zionist efforts to separate them. Revisiting Khatibi’s fiction in light of his Abrahamic reflections, this chapter argues that he deploys bi-langue—the in-between language he is compelled to practice as a result of the imposition of French—to resist not only assimilation, but also the separation between Jews and Arabs. The crossed reading of Khatibi and Derrida further reveals that the latter’s little known writings on Palestine and Israel are rooted in his experience of French colonialism in Algeria.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on ...
More
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on both social movement and third‐sector theory, develop research tools to obtain data about P/CROs valid for regional and international analyses, and simultaneously understand P/CROs as a class with common attributes and appreciate differences amongst them. P/CROs are a new organizational classification, different from “peace movement organizations,” an existing classification. The study analyzed P/CROs from three perspectives: social movement theory, third‐sector theory, and the institutional theory of organizations. Four main findings emerged: (1) foreign funding was central to all P/CROs; (2) charismatic leadership was crucial; (3) almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and (4) while P/CROs played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts, they made important indirect contributions. In particular, P/CROs helped to “sell” future settlements and agreements to their populations. Issues for further research include the preconditions for the emergence of P/CROs, and the assimilation of social movement and third‐sector research.Less
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on both social movement and third‐sector theory, develop research tools to obtain data about P/CROs valid for regional and international analyses, and simultaneously understand P/CROs as a class with common attributes and appreciate differences amongst them. P/CROs are a new organizational classification, different from “peace movement organizations,” an existing classification. The study analyzed P/CROs from three perspectives: social movement theory, third‐sector theory, and the institutional theory of organizations. Four main findings emerged: (1) foreign funding was central to all P/CROs; (2) charismatic leadership was crucial; (3) almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and (4) while P/CROs played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts, they made important indirect contributions. In particular, P/CROs helped to “sell” future settlements and agreements to their populations. Issues for further research include the preconditions for the emergence of P/CROs, and the assimilation of social movement and third‐sector research.
Laura Jockusch
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199764556
- eISBN:
- 9780199979578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764556.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Historiography
This chapter discusses several historical commissions in Germany, Austria, and Italy, three countries where between 1945 and 1949 large numbers of eastern European Jews temporarily lived in Displaced ...
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This chapter discusses several historical commissions in Germany, Austria, and Italy, three countries where between 1945 and 1949 large numbers of eastern European Jews temporarily lived in Displaced Persons (DP) camps under Allied occupation. Diverse in educational, social, and national backgrounds, most commission activists had endured the Holocaust in German-occupied eastern Europe. Unlike their counterparts in France and Poland, they did not primarily document the destruction of local Jewish communities but looked eastward to their countries of origin, which they had left either by wartime displacement or postwar escape. As they waited to establish new lives overseas, documenting the recent past provided a way to endow their involuntary sojourn in the DP camps with meaning. They regarded the historical material they gathered as preparation for emigration and Jewish life outside Europe, preferably in a sovereign Jewish state in Palestine/Israel, not as a path to integration into the societies outside their camps.Less
This chapter discusses several historical commissions in Germany, Austria, and Italy, three countries where between 1945 and 1949 large numbers of eastern European Jews temporarily lived in Displaced Persons (DP) camps under Allied occupation. Diverse in educational, social, and national backgrounds, most commission activists had endured the Holocaust in German-occupied eastern Europe. Unlike their counterparts in France and Poland, they did not primarily document the destruction of local Jewish communities but looked eastward to their countries of origin, which they had left either by wartime displacement or postwar escape. As they waited to establish new lives overseas, documenting the recent past provided a way to endow their involuntary sojourn in the DP camps with meaning. They regarded the historical material they gathered as preparation for emigration and Jewish life outside Europe, preferably in a sovereign Jewish state in Palestine/Israel, not as a path to integration into the societies outside their camps.
Ruth Sheldon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781784993146
- eISBN:
- 9781526120700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784993146.003.0002
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter provides a brief history of the campus politics of Palestine-Israel in Britain alongside a genealogical account of how the stakes, boundaries and grammars of these struggles have been ...
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This chapter provides a brief history of the campus politics of Palestine-Israel in Britain alongside a genealogical account of how the stakes, boundaries and grammars of these struggles have been represented in the media, policy interventions and research. Taking up Nancy Fraser’s emphasis on the injustices produced by framings of justice, I show how these public representations have made liberal, secular and nationalist assumptions so that they have been unable to account for the limits of consensus or attend to students’ complex investments in the Palestine-Israel conflict. In the process, I situate these campus struggles in relation to historically evolving relations within British society, the emergent geo-politics of the ‘War on Terror’, and the legacies of the Holocaust and British imperialism. Finally, I consider how public constructions of this as an ‘imported’, ‘ethno-religious’ conflict have failed to address the role played by the British university in shaping these dynamics. I discuss how, in a post-imperial, globalising world, universities in Britain have become conflicted in their public role, creating different challenges for institutions operating in a fragmented higher education field. I conclude by explaining my multi-sited approach in this study, describing my selection of case study institutions and introducing these field-sites.Less
This chapter provides a brief history of the campus politics of Palestine-Israel in Britain alongside a genealogical account of how the stakes, boundaries and grammars of these struggles have been represented in the media, policy interventions and research. Taking up Nancy Fraser’s emphasis on the injustices produced by framings of justice, I show how these public representations have made liberal, secular and nationalist assumptions so that they have been unable to account for the limits of consensus or attend to students’ complex investments in the Palestine-Israel conflict. In the process, I situate these campus struggles in relation to historically evolving relations within British society, the emergent geo-politics of the ‘War on Terror’, and the legacies of the Holocaust and British imperialism. Finally, I consider how public constructions of this as an ‘imported’, ‘ethno-religious’ conflict have failed to address the role played by the British university in shaping these dynamics. I discuss how, in a post-imperial, globalising world, universities in Britain have become conflicted in their public role, creating different challenges for institutions operating in a fragmented higher education field. I conclude by explaining my multi-sited approach in this study, describing my selection of case study institutions and introducing these field-sites.
Nathalie Tocci
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552894
- eISBN:
- 9780191720741
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552894.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
This chapter assesses the EU's impact and effectiveness in promoting peacemaking in its neighbourhood through its contractual relations with conflict parties. It does so by focusing on five conflicts ...
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This chapter assesses the EU's impact and effectiveness in promoting peacemaking in its neighbourhood through its contractual relations with conflict parties. It does so by focusing on five conflicts in the European neighbourhood: the conflicts in Cyprus, Turkey (and the Kurds), Serbia and Montenegro, Israel-Palestine, and Georgia (Abkhazia and South Ossetia). It establishes three ‘channels of influence’ through which, in the context of contractual relations, the EU may impact on these neighbourhood conflicts. The first is conditionality (both positive and negative); the second is social learning; and the third channel of influence is termed passive enforcement. It is argued that the process of experiential learning which passive enforcement implies gives rise to a subtler process of influence and change than conditionality, and may be perceived as less of an external imposition, embedded as it is in legal commitments voluntarily undertaken.Less
This chapter assesses the EU's impact and effectiveness in promoting peacemaking in its neighbourhood through its contractual relations with conflict parties. It does so by focusing on five conflicts in the European neighbourhood: the conflicts in Cyprus, Turkey (and the Kurds), Serbia and Montenegro, Israel-Palestine, and Georgia (Abkhazia and South Ossetia). It establishes three ‘channels of influence’ through which, in the context of contractual relations, the EU may impact on these neighbourhood conflicts. The first is conditionality (both positive and negative); the second is social learning; and the third channel of influence is termed passive enforcement. It is argued that the process of experiential learning which passive enforcement implies gives rise to a subtler process of influence and change than conditionality, and may be perceived as less of an external imposition, embedded as it is in legal commitments voluntarily undertaken.
Chaim Gans
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190237547
- eISBN:
- 9780190237561
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190237547.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The book presents a liberal political theory for the Jewish people by distinguishing among several interpretations of the Zionist political idea and several postnationalist alternatives currently ...
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The book presents a liberal political theory for the Jewish people by distinguishing among several interpretations of the Zionist political idea and several postnationalist alternatives currently proposed for it by Israeli and American post-Zionist thinkers. It explicates the historiographical, philosophical, and moral foundations of all these approaches and their implications for the relationships between Jews and Arabs in Israel/Palestine and between Jews in Israel and world Jews. It discusses world Jews’ desirable political status both in their countries and in Israel. The book distinguishes between two current mainstream Zionisms: (a) Proprietary-essentialist Zionism, which conceives of Israel/Palestine as the property of the Jewish people, and of the entire Jewish people as essentially belonging to Greater Israel and its land; and (b) hierarchical Zionism, which interprets the Jewish right to self-determination as a right to Jewish hegemony within Israel. It then proposes a third interpretation, egalitarian-constructivist, which is derived from the historical justifications of Zionism in its formative years. This approach is superior not only to the aforementioned Zionisms but also to contemporary post-Zionist rejections of Zionism: the Israeli ones whose visions for Israeli Jews, Israeli non-Jews, and non-Israeli Jews are civic or postcolonial, and the mainly American post-Zionism whose vision is neodiasporic for Jews both outside and inside Israel. The book argues that egalitarian Zionism has philosophical and moral foundations and implications superior to those of its rivals, and also that it draws on a more authentic historiography of Judaism and Zionism.Less
The book presents a liberal political theory for the Jewish people by distinguishing among several interpretations of the Zionist political idea and several postnationalist alternatives currently proposed for it by Israeli and American post-Zionist thinkers. It explicates the historiographical, philosophical, and moral foundations of all these approaches and their implications for the relationships between Jews and Arabs in Israel/Palestine and between Jews in Israel and world Jews. It discusses world Jews’ desirable political status both in their countries and in Israel. The book distinguishes between two current mainstream Zionisms: (a) Proprietary-essentialist Zionism, which conceives of Israel/Palestine as the property of the Jewish people, and of the entire Jewish people as essentially belonging to Greater Israel and its land; and (b) hierarchical Zionism, which interprets the Jewish right to self-determination as a right to Jewish hegemony within Israel. It then proposes a third interpretation, egalitarian-constructivist, which is derived from the historical justifications of Zionism in its formative years. This approach is superior not only to the aforementioned Zionisms but also to contemporary post-Zionist rejections of Zionism: the Israeli ones whose visions for Israeli Jews, Israeli non-Jews, and non-Israeli Jews are civic or postcolonial, and the mainly American post-Zionism whose vision is neodiasporic for Jews both outside and inside Israel. The book argues that egalitarian Zionism has philosophical and moral foundations and implications superior to those of its rivals, and also that it draws on a more authentic historiography of Judaism and Zionism.
Jess Bier
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036153
- eISBN:
- 9780262339957
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036153.001.0001
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Cartography
Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine is an analysis of the ways that segregated landscapes have shaped digital cartography in Jerusalem and the West Bank since 1967. Extending work on how technology is ...
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Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine is an analysis of the ways that segregated landscapes have shaped digital cartography in Jerusalem and the West Bank since 1967. Extending work on how technology is socially constructed, it investigates the ways that knowledge is geographically produced. Technoscientific practices are situated in landscapes that are at once both social and material, and this influences the content of digital technology in sometimes unpredictable ways. Therefore it is necessary to reflexively engage with materiality and space in order to enable more diverse forms of knowledge. Maps are an iconic symbol of modernity, and they have been central to debates over the future of Palestine and Israel. This has only intensified as Geographic Information Science (GIS) mapmaking has led to increasingly minute forms of surveillance and control. Intended to display objective facts, maps inspire extensive discussions. However, the framing of these discussions cannot be divorced from the participants’ asymmetrical mobilities within the very terrains that they seek to portray. Therefore it is essential to investigate how Palestinian, Israeli, and international cartographers are unevenly affected by the segregated landscapes which their technologies have helped to create. Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine addresses these important issues by bringing together the disciplines of critical geography, postcolonial theory, and science and technology studies (STS). It presents an analysis of the maps and mapmaking practices that result when diverse cartographers chart the same landscapes that so condition their movement. It investigates the myriad ways that the segregated landscapes of the Israeli occupation shape knowledge about the occupation.Less
Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine is an analysis of the ways that segregated landscapes have shaped digital cartography in Jerusalem and the West Bank since 1967. Extending work on how technology is socially constructed, it investigates the ways that knowledge is geographically produced. Technoscientific practices are situated in landscapes that are at once both social and material, and this influences the content of digital technology in sometimes unpredictable ways. Therefore it is necessary to reflexively engage with materiality and space in order to enable more diverse forms of knowledge. Maps are an iconic symbol of modernity, and they have been central to debates over the future of Palestine and Israel. This has only intensified as Geographic Information Science (GIS) mapmaking has led to increasingly minute forms of surveillance and control. Intended to display objective facts, maps inspire extensive discussions. However, the framing of these discussions cannot be divorced from the participants’ asymmetrical mobilities within the very terrains that they seek to portray. Therefore it is essential to investigate how Palestinian, Israeli, and international cartographers are unevenly affected by the segregated landscapes which their technologies have helped to create. Mapping Israel, Mapping Palestine addresses these important issues by bringing together the disciplines of critical geography, postcolonial theory, and science and technology studies (STS). It presents an analysis of the maps and mapmaking practices that result when diverse cartographers chart the same landscapes that so condition their movement. It investigates the myriad ways that the segregated landscapes of the Israeli occupation shape knowledge about the occupation.
Ruth Sheldon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781784993146
- eISBN:
- 9781526120700
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784993146.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
For over four decades, events in Palestine-Israel have provoked raging conflicts between members of British universities, giving rise to controversies around free speech, ‘extremism’, antisemitism ...
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For over four decades, events in Palestine-Israel have provoked raging conflicts between members of British universities, giving rise to controversies around free speech, ‘extremism’, antisemitism and Islamophobia within higher education, which have been widely reported in the media and subject to repeated interventions by politicians. But why is this conflict so significant for student activists living at such a geographical distance from the region itself? And what role do emotive, polarised communications around Palestine-Israel play in the life of British academic institutions committed to the ideal of free expression?
This book invites students, academics and members of the public who feel concerned with this issue to explore the sources of these visceral encounters on campus. Drawing on original ethnographic research with conflicting groups of activists, it explores what is at stake for students who are drawn into struggles around Palestine-Israel within changing university spaces facing pressures associated with neoliberalism and the ‘War on Terror’. It begins from this case study to argue that, in an increasingly globalised world that is shaped by entangled histories of the Nazi Holocaust and colonial violence, members of universities must develop creative and ethical ways of approaching questions of justice. Tragic Encounters and Ordinary Ethics curates an ethnographic imagination in response to the political tensions arising out of the continuing violence in Palestine-Israel. It invites students and academics to attend to lived experiences within our own university institutions in order to cultivate ethical forms of communication in response to conflicts of justice.Less
For over four decades, events in Palestine-Israel have provoked raging conflicts between members of British universities, giving rise to controversies around free speech, ‘extremism’, antisemitism and Islamophobia within higher education, which have been widely reported in the media and subject to repeated interventions by politicians. But why is this conflict so significant for student activists living at such a geographical distance from the region itself? And what role do emotive, polarised communications around Palestine-Israel play in the life of British academic institutions committed to the ideal of free expression?
This book invites students, academics and members of the public who feel concerned with this issue to explore the sources of these visceral encounters on campus. Drawing on original ethnographic research with conflicting groups of activists, it explores what is at stake for students who are drawn into struggles around Palestine-Israel within changing university spaces facing pressures associated with neoliberalism and the ‘War on Terror’. It begins from this case study to argue that, in an increasingly globalised world that is shaped by entangled histories of the Nazi Holocaust and colonial violence, members of universities must develop creative and ethical ways of approaching questions of justice. Tragic Encounters and Ordinary Ethics curates an ethnographic imagination in response to the political tensions arising out of the continuing violence in Palestine-Israel. It invites students and academics to attend to lived experiences within our own university institutions in order to cultivate ethical forms of communication in response to conflicts of justice.
Jasbir Puar
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816680894
- eISBN:
- 9781452948799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816680894.003.0012
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter focuses on the relationship of gay and lesbian sexual rights to the Israel-Palestine conflict. It first surveys the literature on sexual rights within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. ...
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This chapter focuses on the relationship of gay and lesbian sexual rights to the Israel-Palestine conflict. It first surveys the literature on sexual rights within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It then examines implications of this regional framing of sexual rights for diasporic locations, specifically the United States and Canada, by surveying the Brand Israel campaign. One of the most prominent features of the Brand Israel campaign is the marketing of a modern Israel as a gay-friendly Israel. The chapter explains this so-called Israeli pinkwashing and its effects. Pinkwashing’s effects are being widely contested, especially at gay and lesbian events and despite the censorship of gay and lesbian groups that actively oppose the Israeli occupation. The chapter also discusses some of the locational politics of the pinkwashing debate.Less
This chapter focuses on the relationship of gay and lesbian sexual rights to the Israel-Palestine conflict. It first surveys the literature on sexual rights within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It then examines implications of this regional framing of sexual rights for diasporic locations, specifically the United States and Canada, by surveying the Brand Israel campaign. One of the most prominent features of the Brand Israel campaign is the marketing of a modern Israel as a gay-friendly Israel. The chapter explains this so-called Israeli pinkwashing and its effects. Pinkwashing’s effects are being widely contested, especially at gay and lesbian events and despite the censorship of gay and lesbian groups that actively oppose the Israeli occupation. The chapter also discusses some of the locational politics of the pinkwashing debate.
Richard Falk
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823249923
- eISBN:
- 9780823252626
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823249923.003.0016
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Derrida's reflections on ‘living together well’ serve as the inspiration for this chapter, which seeks to understand the conditions of a sustainable and just peace for Israel and Palestine through ...
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Derrida's reflections on ‘living together well’ serve as the inspiration for this chapter, which seeks to understand the conditions of a sustainable and just peace for Israel and Palestine through this optic. The central idea that ‘peace’ to be genuine must be more than ‘an armed truce’ and must value the dignity of ‘the other’ allows us to understand the conflict in a manner that is much more illuminating than is its usual presentation by way of the media and public diplomacy.Less
Derrida's reflections on ‘living together well’ serve as the inspiration for this chapter, which seeks to understand the conditions of a sustainable and just peace for Israel and Palestine through this optic. The central idea that ‘peace’ to be genuine must be more than ‘an armed truce’ and must value the dignity of ‘the other’ allows us to understand the conflict in a manner that is much more illuminating than is its usual presentation by way of the media and public diplomacy.
Jess Bier
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036153
- eISBN:
- 9780262339957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036153.003.0003
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Cartography
Chapter 3, “Removing Borders, Erasing Palestinians”, provides an analysis of the ways that even abstract statistical facts are conditioned by the political landscapes where they are produced. It ...
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Chapter 3, “Removing Borders, Erasing Palestinians”, provides an analysis of the ways that even abstract statistical facts are conditioned by the political landscapes where they are produced. It examines Israeli population maps in the years 1967-1995. After 1967, the close geographic proximity of Palestinians posed a challenge to the policy of not indicating the borders of the Palestinian Territories on Israeli maps. Roberto Bachi, the director of the Israeli population census, sought to address this challenge while also helping to turn cartography into an international science. As a result, he led the census away from mapping shaded areas of uniform population, and towards dot maps of population distribution. Such efforts served to limit the calculation methods at the census cartographers’ disposal. They also revealed that, despite repeated claims by Israeli politicians that Palestinians did not exist, in fact the Israeli cartographers’ methods were inherently shaped by the presence of large numbers of Palestinians in the region. For even though Palestinian areas were intentionally left blank, the resulting gaps actually made them show up on the map. So through their exclusion, Palestinian populations were made visible, and this is one way that the landscapes of the occupation have shaped Israeli maps.Less
Chapter 3, “Removing Borders, Erasing Palestinians”, provides an analysis of the ways that even abstract statistical facts are conditioned by the political landscapes where they are produced. It examines Israeli population maps in the years 1967-1995. After 1967, the close geographic proximity of Palestinians posed a challenge to the policy of not indicating the borders of the Palestinian Territories on Israeli maps. Roberto Bachi, the director of the Israeli population census, sought to address this challenge while also helping to turn cartography into an international science. As a result, he led the census away from mapping shaded areas of uniform population, and towards dot maps of population distribution. Such efforts served to limit the calculation methods at the census cartographers’ disposal. They also revealed that, despite repeated claims by Israeli politicians that Palestinians did not exist, in fact the Israeli cartographers’ methods were inherently shaped by the presence of large numbers of Palestinians in the region. For even though Palestinian areas were intentionally left blank, the resulting gaps actually made them show up on the map. So through their exclusion, Palestinian populations were made visible, and this is one way that the landscapes of the occupation have shaped Israeli maps.
