Eric Lesser and Lawrence Prusak (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195165128
- eISBN:
- 9780199835751
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195165128.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
The mid-1990s saw the rise of an important movement: a recognition that organizational knowledge, in its various forms and attributes, could be an important source of competitive advantage in the ...
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The mid-1990s saw the rise of an important movement: a recognition that organizational knowledge, in its various forms and attributes, could be an important source of competitive advantage in the marketplace. Knowledge management has become one of the core competencies in today's competitive environment, where so much value in companies resides in their people, systems, and processes. This book examines a variety of important knowledge-related topics, some of which has been previously published in such journals as the Harvard Business Review, California Management Review, and the Sloan Management Review, such as the use of informal networks, communities of practice, the impact of knowledge on successful alliances, social capital and trust, narrative and storytelling and the use of human intermediaries in the knowledge management process. The book includes contributions from such leading thinkers as Lawrence Prusak, Dorothy Leonard, Eric Lesser, Rob Cross, and David Snowden. This book synthesizes some of the best thinking by the IBM Institute for Knowledge-Based Organizations, a think tank whose research agenda focuses on the management methods for deriving tangible business value from knowledge management and their real-world application.Less
The mid-1990s saw the rise of an important movement: a recognition that organizational knowledge, in its various forms and attributes, could be an important source of competitive advantage in the marketplace. Knowledge management has become one of the core competencies in today's competitive environment, where so much value in companies resides in their people, systems, and processes. This book examines a variety of important knowledge-related topics, some of which has been previously published in such journals as the Harvard Business Review, California Management Review, and the Sloan Management Review, such as the use of informal networks, communities of practice, the impact of knowledge on successful alliances, social capital and trust, narrative and storytelling and the use of human intermediaries in the knowledge management process. The book includes contributions from such leading thinkers as Lawrence Prusak, Dorothy Leonard, Eric Lesser, Rob Cross, and David Snowden. This book synthesizes some of the best thinking by the IBM Institute for Knowledge-Based Organizations, a think tank whose research agenda focuses on the management methods for deriving tangible business value from knowledge management and their real-world application.
Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension ...
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Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension of citizenship rights. Brazilian Human Rights NGOs have made significant gains in combating societal and state violence. However, NGOs and other civil society actors are limited in their ability to curb the use of extra‐legal force by the extensive corruption within the state's judicial and security systems and by the lack of accountability in its political society. The ability to extend and to consolidate democracy in Brazil is blocked by the persistence of authoritarian practice within society and state.Less
Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension of citizenship rights. Brazilian Human Rights NGOs have made significant gains in combating societal and state violence. However, NGOs and other civil society actors are limited in their ability to curb the use of extra‐legal force by the extensive corruption within the state's judicial and security systems and by the lack of accountability in its political society. The ability to extend and to consolidate democracy in Brazil is blocked by the persistence of authoritarian practice within society and state.
Kerianne Piester
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Responding to the crisis of shrinking state budgets and rising social demands in the 1980s, the Mexican government experimented with a new participatory poverty alleviation model. Targeting the poor ...
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Responding to the crisis of shrinking state budgets and rising social demands in the 1980s, the Mexican government experimented with a new participatory poverty alleviation model. Targeting the poor was seen as a means of undermining mass protest against austerity measures and to address the crisis of Mexico's traditional corporate institutions for representation and control. Facing new party competition and the expansion of autonomous grassroots organizations, the PRI government sought to create new linkages with society through a series of poverty programmes. Examines the Popular Housing Fund, the National Food Distribution Program, and the Solidarity Fund. Clientelism persisted in the first two funds. Within Solidarity, the emphasis of the funds on demand‐based projects opened up new spaces for grassroots organizations to participate in a more autonomous fashion. This proved to be mixed success, dependent on local political conditions and pre‐existing community autonomy.Less
Responding to the crisis of shrinking state budgets and rising social demands in the 1980s, the Mexican government experimented with a new participatory poverty alleviation model. Targeting the poor was seen as a means of undermining mass protest against austerity measures and to address the crisis of Mexico's traditional corporate institutions for representation and control. Facing new party competition and the expansion of autonomous grassroots organizations, the PRI government sought to create new linkages with society through a series of poverty programmes. Examines the Popular Housing Fund, the National Food Distribution Program, and the Solidarity Fund. Clientelism persisted in the first two funds. Within Solidarity, the emphasis of the funds on demand‐based projects opened up new spaces for grassroots organizations to participate in a more autonomous fashion. This proved to be mixed success, dependent on local political conditions and pre‐existing community autonomy.
Kathryn C. Lavelle
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199765348
- eISBN:
- 9780199918959
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765348.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three ...
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Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three branches of American government, as well as within networks of global politics. Using the notion of “Congressional advocacy” to refer to the process wherein American legislators use the institutional mechanisms of Congress to influence public policy and resource allocation decisions in international organizations, Legislating International Organization shows how members of Congress attach policy prescriptions to legislation to build support for measures related to the IMF and World Bank. It demonstrates that despite delays and unwelcome demands, Congress has always provided requisite funding. Each chapter asks how this result has been possible in the face of considerable apathy and opposition? Based on direct experience, observations, interviews, and extensive archival research, the book argues that in each historical stage, exogenous changes in the international political economy combined with endogenous procedural change in the legislature to create and erode constituencies for the work of the IMF and World Bank. As a result of the Cold War, financial crises, and related developments in international lending, the efforts of members of Congress and interest groups have gradually intermingled with that of transnational groups. The relationship between Congress and the IMF and World Bank is particularly important today where the collapse of the traditional constituencies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the future of multilateralism in American politics.Less
Conventional understandings of U.S. foreign policy see Congress as an obstacle to multilateral cooperation. Kathryn Lavelle challenges the traditional view by considering Congress within the three branches of American government, as well as within networks of global politics. Using the notion of “Congressional advocacy” to refer to the process wherein American legislators use the institutional mechanisms of Congress to influence public policy and resource allocation decisions in international organizations, Legislating International Organization shows how members of Congress attach policy prescriptions to legislation to build support for measures related to the IMF and World Bank. It demonstrates that despite delays and unwelcome demands, Congress has always provided requisite funding. Each chapter asks how this result has been possible in the face of considerable apathy and opposition? Based on direct experience, observations, interviews, and extensive archival research, the book argues that in each historical stage, exogenous changes in the international political economy combined with endogenous procedural change in the legislature to create and erode constituencies for the work of the IMF and World Bank. As a result of the Cold War, financial crises, and related developments in international lending, the efforts of members of Congress and interest groups have gradually intermingled with that of transnational groups. The relationship between Congress and the IMF and World Bank is particularly important today where the collapse of the traditional constituencies in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis poses a serious challenge to the future of multilateralism in American politics.
S.C. Dube
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198077312
- eISBN:
- 9780199081158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198077312.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
This chapter discusses the problems of tribal adjustment brought about by the Kamars' cultural contacts. It notes that the Kamars would have to pay close attention to the four primary sources of ...
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This chapter discusses the problems of tribal adjustment brought about by the Kamars' cultural contacts. It notes that the Kamars would have to pay close attention to the four primary sources of their livelihood. It identifies the co-operations and Acts that would change the Kamars' way of life, such as the Land Alienation Act and the Multi-Purpose Co-operative Organizations. It then addresses the effects of the elimination of the money-lenders in Kamar society, the reorganization of the administrative system, and the introduction of education into the tribes. Finally, the chapter focuses on the problem of public health and sanitation that the Kamars face, and the presence of certain unacceptable practices, such as forced labour. The attitudes towards these changes are also considered.Less
This chapter discusses the problems of tribal adjustment brought about by the Kamars' cultural contacts. It notes that the Kamars would have to pay close attention to the four primary sources of their livelihood. It identifies the co-operations and Acts that would change the Kamars' way of life, such as the Land Alienation Act and the Multi-Purpose Co-operative Organizations. It then addresses the effects of the elimination of the money-lenders in Kamar society, the reorganization of the administrative system, and the introduction of education into the tribes. Finally, the chapter focuses on the problem of public health and sanitation that the Kamars face, and the presence of certain unacceptable practices, such as forced labour. The attitudes towards these changes are also considered.
Matter Carson
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780252043901
- eISBN:
- 9780252052804
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252043901.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
A Matter of Moral Justice explores the little-studied power laundry industry and its workers, beginning with the birth of the industry at the turn of the twentieth century and concluding with an ...
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A Matter of Moral Justice explores the little-studied power laundry industry and its workers, beginning with the birth of the industry at the turn of the twentieth century and concluding with an epilogue on the state of the industry in the early twenty-first century. While providing a broad overview of working conditions, the book focuses on the activism of Black women, who by 1930 comprised a significant proportion of the power laundry workforce. In the urban industrial North, where the industry flourished, Black women eager to escape domestic service actively sought jobs in power laundries, taking their place, albeit on the lowest rungs, on the industrial ladder. This book examines the working conditions and occupational structure in the laundry industry and then narrows the focus to New York City, a leading center of the industry and one of the few places where the workers won union representation. The workers’ campaign spanned many decades and elicited the intervention of some of New York’s most prominent laborites, including New York Women’s Trade Union League president Rose Schneiderman; Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America president Sidney Hillman and his partner and fellow labor leader, Bessie Hillman; Negro Labor Committee president Frank Crosswaith; and a cadre of committed communist and African American organizers. The campaign took place during a period of cataclysmic change for American workers, one that saw the birth and growth of industrial feminism; the Great Migration of more than six million Black southerners to the urban industrial centers of the North and West; the rise of the “New Negro,” inspired by mass migration, Marcus Garvey’s Black nationalist movement, and the explosion of Black trade unionism; the emergence of the CIO and New Deal Order; the heyday of Communist Party organizing; two world wars; and the burgeoning civil rights and women’s movements. This book locates the women’s activism within the context of these movements, which inspired and shaped their organizing and to which they contributed. The book explores the multitude of factors that led to unionization in 1937, including the Wagner Act, the emergence of the CIO, communist organizing, and, most importantly, the militant and interracial organizing of the workers themselves. The final third of the book explores what happened to the workers once they organized under the ACWA-affiliated Laundry Workers Joint Board and thus provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between the industrial union movement and women and people of color employed in the traditionally low-wage industrial service sector. Following LWJB as it transitioned from its radical, grassroots, community-based origins into a bureaucratic organization led by white men illuminates some of the limitations of the industrial union movement for women and people of color but also demonstrates how Black working-class women overcame seemingly insurmountable odds and used the openings provided to mobilize in pursuit of equal treatment and dignity at work. Their stories challenge assumptions about worker passivity and about the inability of the most exploited to organize. Resurrecting these moments of resistance complicates the history of the industrial union movement and provides insights on organizing in the twenty-first century, when women and people of color in the postindustrial service and care sectors have been leading some of the most militant battles for economic and social justice. This story then contributes to our understanding of how race and gender shape working conditions, the formulation of union tactics, and the struggle for union control and union power in modern America.Less
A Matter of Moral Justice explores the little-studied power laundry industry and its workers, beginning with the birth of the industry at the turn of the twentieth century and concluding with an epilogue on the state of the industry in the early twenty-first century. While providing a broad overview of working conditions, the book focuses on the activism of Black women, who by 1930 comprised a significant proportion of the power laundry workforce. In the urban industrial North, where the industry flourished, Black women eager to escape domestic service actively sought jobs in power laundries, taking their place, albeit on the lowest rungs, on the industrial ladder. This book examines the working conditions and occupational structure in the laundry industry and then narrows the focus to New York City, a leading center of the industry and one of the few places where the workers won union representation. The workers’ campaign spanned many decades and elicited the intervention of some of New York’s most prominent laborites, including New York Women’s Trade Union League president Rose Schneiderman; Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America president Sidney Hillman and his partner and fellow labor leader, Bessie Hillman; Negro Labor Committee president Frank Crosswaith; and a cadre of committed communist and African American organizers. The campaign took place during a period of cataclysmic change for American workers, one that saw the birth and growth of industrial feminism; the Great Migration of more than six million Black southerners to the urban industrial centers of the North and West; the rise of the “New Negro,” inspired by mass migration, Marcus Garvey’s Black nationalist movement, and the explosion of Black trade unionism; the emergence of the CIO and New Deal Order; the heyday of Communist Party organizing; two world wars; and the burgeoning civil rights and women’s movements. This book locates the women’s activism within the context of these movements, which inspired and shaped their organizing and to which they contributed. The book explores the multitude of factors that led to unionization in 1937, including the Wagner Act, the emergence of the CIO, communist organizing, and, most importantly, the militant and interracial organizing of the workers themselves. The final third of the book explores what happened to the workers once they organized under the ACWA-affiliated Laundry Workers Joint Board and thus provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between the industrial union movement and women and people of color employed in the traditionally low-wage industrial service sector. Following LWJB as it transitioned from its radical, grassroots, community-based origins into a bureaucratic organization led by white men illuminates some of the limitations of the industrial union movement for women and people of color but also demonstrates how Black working-class women overcame seemingly insurmountable odds and used the openings provided to mobilize in pursuit of equal treatment and dignity at work. Their stories challenge assumptions about worker passivity and about the inability of the most exploited to organize. Resurrecting these moments of resistance complicates the history of the industrial union movement and provides insights on organizing in the twenty-first century, when women and people of color in the postindustrial service and care sectors have been leading some of the most militant battles for economic and social justice. This story then contributes to our understanding of how race and gender shape working conditions, the formulation of union tactics, and the struggle for union control and union power in modern America.
Richard Pomfret
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691182216
- eISBN:
- 9780691185408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691182216.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter analyzes alternative strategies—multilateral and regional—pursued by the Central Asian countries to integrate into a wider economic circle, emphasizing the shift from being part of the ...
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This chapter analyzes alternative strategies—multilateral and regional—pursued by the Central Asian countries to integrate into a wider economic circle, emphasizing the shift from being part of the highly integrated Soviet economy to regional disintegration in the 1990s and early 2000s and then, after 2006, steps towards greater cooperation and integration. In the 1990s and 2000s, despite the actual multilateralism, only the Kyrgyz Republic joined the World Trade Organization. At the same time, a number of regional agreements were signed, both among the Central Asian countries and between Central Asian countries and their neighbors, although none had much influence, until the Eurasian Economic Union was constructed after 2009. Meanwhile, high costs of international trade in Central Asia are a symptom and a cause of regional disintegration.Less
This chapter analyzes alternative strategies—multilateral and regional—pursued by the Central Asian countries to integrate into a wider economic circle, emphasizing the shift from being part of the highly integrated Soviet economy to regional disintegration in the 1990s and early 2000s and then, after 2006, steps towards greater cooperation and integration. In the 1990s and 2000s, despite the actual multilateralism, only the Kyrgyz Republic joined the World Trade Organization. At the same time, a number of regional agreements were signed, both among the Central Asian countries and between Central Asian countries and their neighbors, although none had much influence, until the Eurasian Economic Union was constructed after 2009. Meanwhile, high costs of international trade in Central Asia are a symptom and a cause of regional disintegration.
Jonathan Benthall
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781784993085
- eISBN:
- 9781526124005
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781784993085.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Middle Eastern Cultural Anthropology
This book is the fruit of twenty years’ reflection on Islamic charities, both in practical terms and as a key to understand the crisis in contemporary Islam. On the one hand Islam is undervalued as a ...
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This book is the fruit of twenty years’ reflection on Islamic charities, both in practical terms and as a key to understand the crisis in contemporary Islam. On the one hand Islam is undervalued as a global moral and political force whose admirable qualities are exemplified in its strong tradition of charitable giving. On the other hand, it suffers from a crisis of authority that cannot be blamed entirely on the history of colonialism and stigmatization to which Muslims have undoubtedly been subjected – most recently, as a result of the “war on terror”.
The book consists of seventeen previously published chapters, with a general Introduction and new prefatory material for each chapter. The first nine chapters review the current situation of Islamic charities from many different viewpoints – theological, historical, diplomatic, legal, sociological and ethnographic – with first-hand data from the United States, Britain, Israel–Palestine, Mali and Indonesia. Chapters 10 to 17 expand the coverage to explore the potential for a twenty-first century “Islamic humanism” that would be devised by Muslims in the light of the human sciences and institutionalized throughout the Muslim world. This means addressing contentious topics such as religious toleration and the meaning of jihad.
The intended readership includes academics and students at all levels, professionals concerned with aid and development, and all who have an interest in the future of Islam.Less
This book is the fruit of twenty years’ reflection on Islamic charities, both in practical terms and as a key to understand the crisis in contemporary Islam. On the one hand Islam is undervalued as a global moral and political force whose admirable qualities are exemplified in its strong tradition of charitable giving. On the other hand, it suffers from a crisis of authority that cannot be blamed entirely on the history of colonialism and stigmatization to which Muslims have undoubtedly been subjected – most recently, as a result of the “war on terror”.
The book consists of seventeen previously published chapters, with a general Introduction and new prefatory material for each chapter. The first nine chapters review the current situation of Islamic charities from many different viewpoints – theological, historical, diplomatic, legal, sociological and ethnographic – with first-hand data from the United States, Britain, Israel–Palestine, Mali and Indonesia. Chapters 10 to 17 expand the coverage to explore the potential for a twenty-first century “Islamic humanism” that would be devised by Muslims in the light of the human sciences and institutionalized throughout the Muslim world. This means addressing contentious topics such as religious toleration and the meaning of jihad.
The intended readership includes academics and students at all levels, professionals concerned with aid and development, and all who have an interest in the future of Islam.
Xuzhao Jiang
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195380644
- eISBN:
- 9780199869329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195380644.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International, South and East Asia
This chapter compares various forms of informal finance that have arisen in the north, versus the south, of China, discussing the reasons for these differences. Informal finance presents different ...
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This chapter compares various forms of informal finance that have arisen in the north, versus the south, of China, discussing the reasons for these differences. Informal finance presents different characteristics in northern and southern China because there are many differences between the two regions in terms of the credit system, historical background, business culture, social characteristics, geography, enterprise organization, and government power. As a whole, in southern China, especially in southeast China, the volume of informal finance is bigger, and the categories are more numerous than in other areas. The main reason for this is that due to the better developed private economy, the economy in southern China is better developed. It is shown that the better-developed the private economy is, the greater the demand for informal finance and the greater the supply of private capital, and therefore the more numerous the categories of informal finance will be.Less
This chapter compares various forms of informal finance that have arisen in the north, versus the south, of China, discussing the reasons for these differences. Informal finance presents different characteristics in northern and southern China because there are many differences between the two regions in terms of the credit system, historical background, business culture, social characteristics, geography, enterprise organization, and government power. As a whole, in southern China, especially in southeast China, the volume of informal finance is bigger, and the categories are more numerous than in other areas. The main reason for this is that due to the better developed private economy, the economy in southern China is better developed. It is shown that the better-developed the private economy is, the greater the demand for informal finance and the greater the supply of private capital, and therefore the more numerous the categories of informal finance will be.
Emily Regan Wills
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479897650
- eISBN:
- 9781479881369
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479897650.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Arab New York is an ethnographic exploration of how everyday life and politics intersect in the diverse and complex Arab communities of New York City. The book argues that politics and contention ...
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Arab New York is an ethnographic exploration of how everyday life and politics intersect in the diverse and complex Arab communities of New York City. The book argues that politics and contention move into everyday social spaces in order to circumvent many of the most challenging barriers to Arab American political participation. To show this, it studies Arab communities in practice, places where Arab Americans identify together as Arab and engage in collective work: in particular, community organizations providing services to newly immigrated Arabs and social movement organizations advocating on behalf of freedom and justice in their countries of origin. The book covers issues of forming community in diaspora, young women’s political engagement, differences between different approaches to pro-Palestine activism, and the challenges and possibilities of organizing on behalf of the Arab spring revolutions. Through detailed portraits of community organizations and activist groups, Arab New York helps explain why politics is everywhere for Arab Americans, and how their experiences of contestation, exclusion and acceptance shape their lives.Less
Arab New York is an ethnographic exploration of how everyday life and politics intersect in the diverse and complex Arab communities of New York City. The book argues that politics and contention move into everyday social spaces in order to circumvent many of the most challenging barriers to Arab American political participation. To show this, it studies Arab communities in practice, places where Arab Americans identify together as Arab and engage in collective work: in particular, community organizations providing services to newly immigrated Arabs and social movement organizations advocating on behalf of freedom and justice in their countries of origin. The book covers issues of forming community in diaspora, young women’s political engagement, differences between different approaches to pro-Palestine activism, and the challenges and possibilities of organizing on behalf of the Arab spring revolutions. Through detailed portraits of community organizations and activist groups, Arab New York helps explain why politics is everywhere for Arab Americans, and how their experiences of contestation, exclusion and acceptance shape their lives.
June Melby Benowitz
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061221
- eISBN:
- 9780813051437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061221.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The introduction defines both the issues and the groups being studied, and explains why the topic is important. It provides background to the study with a look at political and social conditions in ...
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The introduction defines both the issues and the groups being studied, and explains why the topic is important. It provides background to the study with a look at political and social conditions in the United States in the immediate post-World War II era, as well as changes that occurred within rightist movements as the nation moved into the Cold War era. It introduces key individuals and organizations that will be examined in the book, and provides brief summaries of the chapters to follow.Less
The introduction defines both the issues and the groups being studied, and explains why the topic is important. It provides background to the study with a look at political and social conditions in the United States in the immediate post-World War II era, as well as changes that occurred within rightist movements as the nation moved into the Cold War era. It introduces key individuals and organizations that will be examined in the book, and provides brief summaries of the chapters to follow.
Seth Bernstein
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709883
- eISBN:
- 9781501709388
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709883.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
Communist Upbringing under Stalin: Young Communists and War in a Socialist Society, 1929-1945 examines Stalinist mass youth culture in the period of the Great Terror and World War II. For the ...
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Communist Upbringing under Stalin: Young Communists and War in a Socialist Society, 1929-1945 examines Stalinist mass youth culture in the period of the Great Terror and World War II. For the Bolsheviks, youth were the “new people” who would someday build communism. Despite Stalinist assertions that the country was marching inexorably toward communism, though, there was no blueprint for raising a socialist generation. “Communist upbringing”—the program of moral socialization of the Young Communist League (Komsomol)—absorbed the violent atmosphere of the 1930s and 1940s. Even as it surrounded them with violence, Stalin’s regime provided young people with opportunities, shaping socialist youth culture and socialism more broadly through the threat and experience of war.Less
Communist Upbringing under Stalin: Young Communists and War in a Socialist Society, 1929-1945 examines Stalinist mass youth culture in the period of the Great Terror and World War II. For the Bolsheviks, youth were the “new people” who would someday build communism. Despite Stalinist assertions that the country was marching inexorably toward communism, though, there was no blueprint for raising a socialist generation. “Communist upbringing”—the program of moral socialization of the Young Communist League (Komsomol)—absorbed the violent atmosphere of the 1930s and 1940s. Even as it surrounded them with violence, Stalin’s regime provided young people with opportunities, shaping socialist youth culture and socialism more broadly through the threat and experience of war.
Sarah Joseph
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199565894
- eISBN:
- 9780191728693
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199565894.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter discusses the issue of extraterritorial human rights obligations. It examines the extent to which States have duties to the people in other States. Such duties, if they exist, might ...
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This chapter discusses the issue of extraterritorial human rights obligations. It examines the extent to which States have duties to the people in other States. Such duties, if they exist, might signal that States have a duty under international human rights law not to enforce WTO rules which might harm the human rights of people in other States, or a duty to amend WTO rules to assist those in other countries, particularly the poor in developing countries.Less
This chapter discusses the issue of extraterritorial human rights obligations. It examines the extent to which States have duties to the people in other States. Such duties, if they exist, might signal that States have a duty under international human rights law not to enforce WTO rules which might harm the human rights of people in other States, or a duty to amend WTO rules to assist those in other countries, particularly the poor in developing countries.
Elizabeth Fones-Wolf and Ken Fones-Wolf
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039034
- eISBN:
- 9780252097003
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039034.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In 1946, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) undertook Operation Dixie, an initiative to recruit industrial workers in the American South. This book explores the CIO's fraught encounter ...
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In 1946, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) undertook Operation Dixie, an initiative to recruit industrial workers in the American South. This book explores the CIO's fraught encounter with the evangelical Protestantism and religious culture of southern whites. The book's nuanced look at working-class religion reveals how laborers across the surprisingly wide evangelical spectrum interpreted their lives through their faith. Factors like conscience, community need, and lived experience led individual preachers to become union activists and mill villagers to defy the foreman and minister alike to listen to organizers. As the book shows, however, all sides enlisted belief in the battle. In the end, the inability of northern organizers to overcome the suspicion with which many evangelicals viewed modernity played a key role in Operation Dixie's failure, with repercussions for labor and liberalism that are still being felt today. Identifying the role of the sacred in the struggle for southern economic justice, and placing class as a central aspect in southern religion, the book provides new understandings of how whites in the region wrestled with the options available to them during a crucial period of change and possibility.Less
In 1946, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) undertook Operation Dixie, an initiative to recruit industrial workers in the American South. This book explores the CIO's fraught encounter with the evangelical Protestantism and religious culture of southern whites. The book's nuanced look at working-class religion reveals how laborers across the surprisingly wide evangelical spectrum interpreted their lives through their faith. Factors like conscience, community need, and lived experience led individual preachers to become union activists and mill villagers to defy the foreman and minister alike to listen to organizers. As the book shows, however, all sides enlisted belief in the battle. In the end, the inability of northern organizers to overcome the suspicion with which many evangelicals viewed modernity played a key role in Operation Dixie's failure, with repercussions for labor and liberalism that are still being felt today. Identifying the role of the sacred in the struggle for southern economic justice, and placing class as a central aspect in southern religion, the book provides new understandings of how whites in the region wrestled with the options available to them during a crucial period of change and possibility.
Robin D. G. Kelley
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625485
- eISBN:
- 9781469625508
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625485.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter discusses the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935, which fanned the flames of anti-Communism while simultaneously creating opportunities for Communists in ...
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This chapter discusses the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935, which fanned the flames of anti-Communism while simultaneously creating opportunities for Communists in the labor movement. In Birmingham, the CIO was more than just a federation of labor organizations. The CIO offered activists strength in numbers, security, interracial unity, and legitimacy—goals that Alabama Communists had hoped to achieve through the Popular Front. Thus, it should not be surprising that black Communists devoted more time and energy to the CIO, contributing to the decline of the Party. Most Blacks who left the Party during the Popular Front were not disillusioned with the goals or ideals of the movement; they simply found a better vehicle through which to realize these goals. For some black working people, the CIO was the first real alternative to the Communist Party; for others, the CIO became the Party.Less
This chapter discusses the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in 1935, which fanned the flames of anti-Communism while simultaneously creating opportunities for Communists in the labor movement. In Birmingham, the CIO was more than just a federation of labor organizations. The CIO offered activists strength in numbers, security, interracial unity, and legitimacy—goals that Alabama Communists had hoped to achieve through the Popular Front. Thus, it should not be surprising that black Communists devoted more time and energy to the CIO, contributing to the decline of the Party. Most Blacks who left the Party during the Popular Front were not disillusioned with the goals or ideals of the movement; they simply found a better vehicle through which to realize these goals. For some black working people, the CIO was the first real alternative to the Communist Party; for others, the CIO became the Party.
Timothy J. Minchin
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469632988
- eISBN:
- 9781469633008
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632988.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
From the Reagan years to the present, the labor movement has faced a profoundly hostile climate. As America’s largest labor federation, the AFL-CIO was forced to reckon with severe political and ...
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From the Reagan years to the present, the labor movement has faced a profoundly hostile climate. As America’s largest labor federation, the AFL-CIO was forced to reckon with severe political and economic headwinds. Yet the AFL-CIO survived, consistently fighting for programs that benefited millions of Americans, including social security, unemployment insurance, the minimum wage, and universal health care. With a membership of more than 13 million, it was also able to launch the largest labor march in American history--1981’s Solidarity Day--and to play an important role in politics. In a history that spans from 1979 to the present, Timothy J. Minchin tells a sweeping, national story of how the AFL-CIO sustained itself and remained a significant voice in spite of its powerful enemies and internal constraints. Full of details, characters, and never-before-told stories drawn from unexamined, restricted, and untapped archives, as well as interviews with crucial figures involved with the organization, this book tells the definitive history of the modern AFL-CIO.Less
From the Reagan years to the present, the labor movement has faced a profoundly hostile climate. As America’s largest labor federation, the AFL-CIO was forced to reckon with severe political and economic headwinds. Yet the AFL-CIO survived, consistently fighting for programs that benefited millions of Americans, including social security, unemployment insurance, the minimum wage, and universal health care. With a membership of more than 13 million, it was also able to launch the largest labor march in American history--1981’s Solidarity Day--and to play an important role in politics. In a history that spans from 1979 to the present, Timothy J. Minchin tells a sweeping, national story of how the AFL-CIO sustained itself and remained a significant voice in spite of its powerful enemies and internal constraints. Full of details, characters, and never-before-told stories drawn from unexamined, restricted, and untapped archives, as well as interviews with crucial figures involved with the organization, this book tells the definitive history of the modern AFL-CIO.
Katherine L. Casillas and John D. Fluke
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199973729
- eISBN:
- 9780199386703
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199973729.003.0008
- Subject:
- Social Work, Children and Families
The chapter examines the use of evidence in Nonprofit Human Service Organizations (NPHSOs), in light of their unique characteristics and attributes that distinguish them from other organizations. The ...
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The chapter examines the use of evidence in Nonprofit Human Service Organizations (NPHSOs), in light of their unique characteristics and attributes that distinguish them from other organizations. The author presents the evidence-based approach for management (EBMgt) and discuss the barriers and restraining forces that prevent implementation of this approach in NPHSOs due to the distinctive nature of these organizations, the behaviors of their executives, and the gaps between research and practice. The author discusses the conditions that might facilitate the assimilation of EBMgt and structural dilemmas related to that process. Finally, the chapter delineates the steps that need to be taken in order to increase the use of evidence in NPHSOs.Less
The chapter examines the use of evidence in Nonprofit Human Service Organizations (NPHSOs), in light of their unique characteristics and attributes that distinguish them from other organizations. The author presents the evidence-based approach for management (EBMgt) and discuss the barriers and restraining forces that prevent implementation of this approach in NPHSOs due to the distinctive nature of these organizations, the behaviors of their executives, and the gaps between research and practice. The author discusses the conditions that might facilitate the assimilation of EBMgt and structural dilemmas related to that process. Finally, the chapter delineates the steps that need to be taken in order to increase the use of evidence in NPHSOs.
Tracy B. Strong
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226623191
- eISBN:
- 9780226623368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226623368.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The aftermath of World War I sees the granting of suffrage to women (by the narrowest of margins). The Great Depression makes these deficiencies dramatically clear. The New Deal is an attempt by non- ...
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The aftermath of World War I sees the granting of suffrage to women (by the narrowest of margins). The Great Depression makes these deficiencies dramatically clear. The New Deal is an attempt by non- or semi-socialist forces in America to deal with the weaknesses of the American state, now that America had grown into the major industrial power. The forces behind Roosevelt soon split into two main factions. Roosevelt’s 1944 State of the Union Message lays out a new bill of rights that is strongly of the Wallace vision. Wallace is Vice-President until 1944 when he is replaced by Harry Truman. Truman is much less open to co-existence with the Soviets. The USSR is increasingly aggressive in Western Europe – the Cold War is on the doorstep and enters with the publication of George Kennan’s famous ‘Long Telegram’ advocating a policy of containment. Containment is in turn made cheaper by the development of atomic weapons and delivery systems that would have to be in flying range of the USSR. Domestically the fear of Communism leads to a vast shrinking of the political spectrum deemed legitimate.Less
The aftermath of World War I sees the granting of suffrage to women (by the narrowest of margins). The Great Depression makes these deficiencies dramatically clear. The New Deal is an attempt by non- or semi-socialist forces in America to deal with the weaknesses of the American state, now that America had grown into the major industrial power. The forces behind Roosevelt soon split into two main factions. Roosevelt’s 1944 State of the Union Message lays out a new bill of rights that is strongly of the Wallace vision. Wallace is Vice-President until 1944 when he is replaced by Harry Truman. Truman is much less open to co-existence with the Soviets. The USSR is increasingly aggressive in Western Europe – the Cold War is on the doorstep and enters with the publication of George Kennan’s famous ‘Long Telegram’ advocating a policy of containment. Containment is in turn made cheaper by the development of atomic weapons and delivery systems that would have to be in flying range of the USSR. Domestically the fear of Communism leads to a vast shrinking of the political spectrum deemed legitimate.
Donald W. Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780252043468
- eISBN:
- 9780252052347
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252043468.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This epilogue shows that Hague v. CIO had a legacy more complex than its reputation as a speech rights victory for workers and others over dictatorial city boss Frank Hague under the Bill of Rights. ...
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This epilogue shows that Hague v. CIO had a legacy more complex than its reputation as a speech rights victory for workers and others over dictatorial city boss Frank Hague under the Bill of Rights. The American Civil Liberties Union and renamed Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) immediately split over the decision’s ramifications. Moreover, while the ruling enlarged constitutional protection for the right of public assembly to the benefit of Jehovah’s Witnesses, civil rights demonstrators, and others, it did little to enhance picketing and other “labor speech,” or to shield union organizers from police harassment. And while the decision freed the CIO to organize in Jersey City, it did not destroy Mayor Hague, who accommodated CIO unions and was ousted later due to city politics.Less
This epilogue shows that Hague v. CIO had a legacy more complex than its reputation as a speech rights victory for workers and others over dictatorial city boss Frank Hague under the Bill of Rights. The American Civil Liberties Union and renamed Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) immediately split over the decision’s ramifications. Moreover, while the ruling enlarged constitutional protection for the right of public assembly to the benefit of Jehovah’s Witnesses, civil rights demonstrators, and others, it did little to enhance picketing and other “labor speech,” or to shield union organizers from police harassment. And while the decision freed the CIO to organize in Jersey City, it did not destroy Mayor Hague, who accommodated CIO unions and was ousted later due to city politics.
Paul-Brian McInerney
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804785129
- eISBN:
- 9780804789066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804785129.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter explains how NPower worked to institutionalize their entrepreneurial approach to nonprofit technology by expanding and replicating their model nationally. This chapter illustrates how ...
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This chapter explains how NPower worked to institutionalize their entrepreneurial approach to nonprofit technology by expanding and replicating their model nationally. This chapter illustrates how organizations translate existing models to local environments while maintaining enough similarity to the original as to be recognizable as such. Here, I present data from a longitudinal organizational ethnography at the NPower office in New York, the first and arguably most successful affiliate of the NPower national expansion. This chapter explains moral ambivalence, the tension created by the entrepreneurial strategy of combining social and economic values. Moral ambivalence forces hybrid organizations, like social enterprises, to appeal to multiple stakeholders simultaneously expanding moral legitimacy. However, such a strategy also makes the organization vulnerable to moral legitimacy challenges from other actors, in this case members of the Circuit Rider movement.Less
This chapter explains how NPower worked to institutionalize their entrepreneurial approach to nonprofit technology by expanding and replicating their model nationally. This chapter illustrates how organizations translate existing models to local environments while maintaining enough similarity to the original as to be recognizable as such. Here, I present data from a longitudinal organizational ethnography at the NPower office in New York, the first and arguably most successful affiliate of the NPower national expansion. This chapter explains moral ambivalence, the tension created by the entrepreneurial strategy of combining social and economic values. Moral ambivalence forces hybrid organizations, like social enterprises, to appeal to multiple stakeholders simultaneously expanding moral legitimacy. However, such a strategy also makes the organization vulnerable to moral legitimacy challenges from other actors, in this case members of the Circuit Rider movement.
