Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the ...
More
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the development of the office is traced, and it is contrasted with the office of private secretary to the Governor‐General in Commonwealth monarchies. The private secretary needs to enjoy the confidence not only of the sovereign but also of the Prime Minister and of the Leader of the Opposition.Less
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the development of the office is traced, and it is contrasted with the office of private secretary to the Governor‐General in Commonwealth monarchies. The private secretary needs to enjoy the confidence not only of the sovereign but also of the Prime Minister and of the Leader of the Opposition.
Gyula Klima
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195176223
- eISBN:
- 9780199871957
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176223.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The sixth chapter discusses the issue of how the reconstruction of the relevant parts of Buridan’s logic and medieval logic in general, using restricted variables, validates the attribution of ...
More
The sixth chapter discusses the issue of how the reconstruction of the relevant parts of Buridan’s logic and medieval logic in general, using restricted variables, validates the attribution of existential import to affirmative propositions, in turn establishing the validity of all relations of the traditional Square of Opposition (and consequently of traditionally valid Aristotelian syllogistic forms). The chapter also discusses how Buridan’s theory of natural supposition handles some objections to this conception concerning law-like statements, and, in general, how his theory of ampliation handles the issue of existential import in intensional (modal, temporal and intentional) contexts.Less
The sixth chapter discusses the issue of how the reconstruction of the relevant parts of Buridan’s logic and medieval logic in general, using restricted variables, validates the attribution of existential import to affirmative propositions, in turn establishing the validity of all relations of the traditional Square of Opposition (and consequently of traditionally valid Aristotelian syllogistic forms). The chapter also discusses how Buridan’s theory of natural supposition handles some objections to this conception concerning law-like statements, and, in general, how his theory of ampliation handles the issue of existential import in intensional (modal, temporal and intentional) contexts.
Bowen Paulle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226066387
- eISBN:
- 9780226066554
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226066554.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Secondary Education
Based on nearly six years of fieldwork in and around high poverty secondary schools on opposite sides of the Atlantic Ocean, this book uses the tools of the teacher-ethnographer to take on questions ...
More
Based on nearly six years of fieldwork in and around high poverty secondary schools on opposite sides of the Atlantic Ocean, this book uses the tools of the teacher-ethnographer to take on questions touching us all: Even if they “know better,” why do so many adolescents frequently get caught up in the situated destruction of non-selective big city schools? Although putatively of the same race as many of the other students wrecking their educational environments, how do some male students self-identifying as black avoid the seductions of “street” ways of being and, in extremely rare cases, develop capacities for emotional self-control and concentration great enough to allow them to use their “failing ghetto schools” as launching pads into elite colleges? Inside their classrooms, why is it so difficult if not impossible for most teachers to consistently reproduce the triumphs of a handful of their colleagues rather than contribute, more or less forcefully, to their own “burn outs”? As the vignettes and biographical case studies woven into the empirical chapters reveal, adequate answers to these questions require that we move away from romanticized notions about resistance, disembodied fantasies about explicit cultural interpretations preceding real time actions, and essentialist assumptions about (the perpetual salience of) blackness and other seemingly discrete ethno-racial categories. Developing a fundamentally new way of thinking about everday dealing and self-destruction in fiercely segregated, physically unsafe, and emotionally toxic schools can help us avoid more pseudo-interventions and finally get serious about reforming the educational experiences of the poorly born.Less
Based on nearly six years of fieldwork in and around high poverty secondary schools on opposite sides of the Atlantic Ocean, this book uses the tools of the teacher-ethnographer to take on questions touching us all: Even if they “know better,” why do so many adolescents frequently get caught up in the situated destruction of non-selective big city schools? Although putatively of the same race as many of the other students wrecking their educational environments, how do some male students self-identifying as black avoid the seductions of “street” ways of being and, in extremely rare cases, develop capacities for emotional self-control and concentration great enough to allow them to use their “failing ghetto schools” as launching pads into elite colleges? Inside their classrooms, why is it so difficult if not impossible for most teachers to consistently reproduce the triumphs of a handful of their colleagues rather than contribute, more or less forcefully, to their own “burn outs”? As the vignettes and biographical case studies woven into the empirical chapters reveal, adequate answers to these questions require that we move away from romanticized notions about resistance, disembodied fantasies about explicit cultural interpretations preceding real time actions, and essentialist assumptions about (the perpetual salience of) blackness and other seemingly discrete ethno-racial categories. Developing a fundamentally new way of thinking about everday dealing and self-destruction in fiercely segregated, physically unsafe, and emotionally toxic schools can help us avoid more pseudo-interventions and finally get serious about reforming the educational experiences of the poorly born.
Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter presents a new theoretical framework about state-building and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Linking coalitions to institutions, and then institutions to outcomes, it explains ...
More
This chapter presents a new theoretical framework about state-building and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Linking coalitions to institutions, and then institutions to outcomes, it explains why the coalitional choices made during the critical junctures of national conflicts were so pivotal to the longevity and stability of their regimes. The geopolitical context of this process, which differed from past periods of state formation, clarifies why foreign powers would intervene during those periods of early struggle and in turn how hegemonic support would have powerful long-term effects by shaping early coalitional decisionsLess
This chapter presents a new theoretical framework about state-building and authoritarian regimes in the Middle East. Linking coalitions to institutions, and then institutions to outcomes, it explains why the coalitional choices made during the critical junctures of national conflicts were so pivotal to the longevity and stability of their regimes. The geopolitical context of this process, which differed from past periods of state formation, clarifies why foreign powers would intervene during those periods of early struggle and in turn how hegemonic support would have powerful long-term effects by shaping early coalitional decisions
A.G. Noorani
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195678291
- eISBN:
- 9780199080588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195678291.003.0030
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter focuses on the failure of India's ruling party to secure a majority in the Rajya Sabha in 1998. This is the fifth time this happened in India, the first four occurring in 1977, 1980, ...
More
This chapter focuses on the failure of India's ruling party to secure a majority in the Rajya Sabha in 1998. This is the fifth time this happened in India, the first four occurring in 1977, 1980, 1989, and 1986. The 1977 precedent is the most relevant to the present situation because the deep divide between the government and the Opposition was being aggravated by the government's action. The chapter highlights the role of the Rajya Sabha as a house for second thoughts and guardian of State's rights. It also stresses the need for this legislative body to assert itself as a 'house of correction' and work to improve the legislation passed by the lower house and not become an obstruction.Less
This chapter focuses on the failure of India's ruling party to secure a majority in the Rajya Sabha in 1998. This is the fifth time this happened in India, the first four occurring in 1977, 1980, 1989, and 1986. The 1977 precedent is the most relevant to the present situation because the deep divide between the government and the Opposition was being aggravated by the government's action. The chapter highlights the role of the Rajya Sabha as a house for second thoughts and guardian of State's rights. It also stresses the need for this legislative body to assert itself as a 'house of correction' and work to improve the legislation passed by the lower house and not become an obstruction.
A.G. Noorani
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195678291
- eISBN:
- 9780199080588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195678291.003.0033
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter criticises the Opposition's demand for a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to investigate the involvement of Union Communications Minister Sukh Ram in the Telecom scandal. It contends ...
More
This chapter criticises the Opposition's demand for a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to investigate the involvement of Union Communications Minister Sukh Ram in the Telecom scandal. It contends that only an uneducated Opposition would demand a JPC on the Telecom scandal or any other scandal, and explains that the JPC was most unlikely to complete its job before the general elections. It argues that it is preposterous to suggest that the proposal for an agency outside parliament was an insult to parliament given that the Act of 1952 itself empowers the Lok Sabha to set up a commission of inquiry. This chapter also discusses the ruling on the precedent of the British Marconi Company in 1912.Less
This chapter criticises the Opposition's demand for a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) to investigate the involvement of Union Communications Minister Sukh Ram in the Telecom scandal. It contends that only an uneducated Opposition would demand a JPC on the Telecom scandal or any other scandal, and explains that the JPC was most unlikely to complete its job before the general elections. It argues that it is preposterous to suggest that the proposal for an agency outside parliament was an insult to parliament given that the Act of 1952 itself empowers the Lok Sabha to set up a commission of inquiry. This chapter also discusses the ruling on the precedent of the British Marconi Company in 1912.
Pieter A. M. Seuren
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199559480
- eISBN:
- 9780191721144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559480.003.0002
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Psycholinguistics / Neurolinguistics / Cognitive Linguistics
Entailment, contrariety, and contradiction stand in a triangular relation. Given negation of the predicate and given the duality of all and some, two isomorphic triangles arise, together forming an ...
More
Entailment, contrariety, and contradiction stand in a triangular relation. Given negation of the predicate and given the duality of all and some, two isomorphic triangles arise, together forming an improved notation for the traditional Square of Opposition. Logical operators are treated as (abstract) predicates, definable in terms of satisfaction conditions and shaping the logic in which they take part. Carnapian meaning postulates are discussed. Boolean algebra and corresponding standard set theory are shown to underlie standard propositional and predicate logic. The method of valuation‐space modelling is introduced as a means of providing succinct and complete representations of logical systems in such a way that their properties are open to immediate inspection. A survey is given of Russellian and generalized quantification, of internal negation, and De Morgan's laws.Less
Entailment, contrariety, and contradiction stand in a triangular relation. Given negation of the predicate and given the duality of all and some, two isomorphic triangles arise, together forming an improved notation for the traditional Square of Opposition. Logical operators are treated as (abstract) predicates, definable in terms of satisfaction conditions and shaping the logic in which they take part. Carnapian meaning postulates are discussed. Boolean algebra and corresponding standard set theory are shown to underlie standard propositional and predicate logic. The method of valuation‐space modelling is introduced as a means of providing succinct and complete representations of logical systems in such a way that their properties are open to immediate inspection. A survey is given of Russellian and generalized quantification, of internal negation, and De Morgan's laws.
Pieter A. M. Seuren
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199559480
- eISBN:
- 9780191721144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559480.003.0004
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Semantics and Pragmatics, Psycholinguistics / Neurolinguistics / Cognitive Linguistics
Aristotle's predicate logic does not suffer from undue existential import (UEI). Abelard followed Aristotle in this respect. The notion of logical power is defined and it is shown that the Square has ...
More
Aristotle's predicate logic does not suffer from undue existential import (UEI). Abelard followed Aristotle in this respect. The notion of logical power is defined and it is shown that the Square has maximal power, followed by Aristotelian‐Abelardian logic. Standard modern predicate logic turns out extremely weak. The notion of distributive quantifier is defined. The three logics are ranked on a scale of empirical success with regard to natural logical intuitions.Less
Aristotle's predicate logic does not suffer from undue existential import (UEI). Abelard followed Aristotle in this respect. The notion of logical power is defined and it is shown that the Square has maximal power, followed by Aristotelian‐Abelardian logic. Standard modern predicate logic turns out extremely weak. The notion of distributive quantifier is defined. The three logics are ranked on a scale of empirical success with regard to natural logical intuitions.
Richard Hayton
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719083167
- eISBN:
- 9781781706107
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719083167.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Why did it take the Conservative Party so long to recover power? After a landslide defeat in 1997, why was it so slow to adapt, reposition itself and rebuild its support? How did the party leadership ...
More
Why did it take the Conservative Party so long to recover power? After a landslide defeat in 1997, why was it so slow to adapt, reposition itself and rebuild its support? How did the party leadership seek to reconstruct conservatism and modernise its electoral appeal? This highly readable book addresses these questions through a contextualised assessment of Conservative Party politics between 1997 and 2010. By tracing the debates over strategy amongst the party elite, and scrutinising the actions of the leadership, it situates David Cameron and his ‘modernising’ approach in relation to that of his three immediate predecessors: Michael Howard, Iain Duncan Smith and William Hague. This holistic view, encompassing this period of opposition in its entirety, aids the identification of strategic trends and conflicts and a comprehension of the evolving Conservative response to New Labour's statecraft. Secondly, the book considers in depth four particular dilemmas for contemporary Conservatism: European integration; national identity and the ‘English Question’; social liberalism versus social authoritarianism; and the problems posed by a neo-liberal political economy. The book argues that the ideological legacy of Thatcherism played a central role in framing and shaping these intraparty debates, and that an appreciation of this is vital for explaining the nature and limits of the Conservatives’ renewal under Cameron. Students of British politics, party politics and ideologies will find this volume essential reading, and it will also be of great interest to anyone concerned with furthering their understanding of contemporary British political history.Less
Why did it take the Conservative Party so long to recover power? After a landslide defeat in 1997, why was it so slow to adapt, reposition itself and rebuild its support? How did the party leadership seek to reconstruct conservatism and modernise its electoral appeal? This highly readable book addresses these questions through a contextualised assessment of Conservative Party politics between 1997 and 2010. By tracing the debates over strategy amongst the party elite, and scrutinising the actions of the leadership, it situates David Cameron and his ‘modernising’ approach in relation to that of his three immediate predecessors: Michael Howard, Iain Duncan Smith and William Hague. This holistic view, encompassing this period of opposition in its entirety, aids the identification of strategic trends and conflicts and a comprehension of the evolving Conservative response to New Labour's statecraft. Secondly, the book considers in depth four particular dilemmas for contemporary Conservatism: European integration; national identity and the ‘English Question’; social liberalism versus social authoritarianism; and the problems posed by a neo-liberal political economy. The book argues that the ideological legacy of Thatcherism played a central role in framing and shaping these intraparty debates, and that an appreciation of this is vital for explaining the nature and limits of the Conservatives’ renewal under Cameron. Students of British politics, party politics and ideologies will find this volume essential reading, and it will also be of great interest to anyone concerned with furthering their understanding of contemporary British political history.
Andrew Mansfield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088377
- eISBN:
- 9781526103901
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088377.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Beginning with the Restoration to the throne of Charles II in 1660, this contextual chapter charts the ideological opposition that emerged in England as the crown endeavoured to centralise the state. ...
More
Beginning with the Restoration to the throne of Charles II in 1660, this contextual chapter charts the ideological opposition that emerged in England as the crown endeavoured to centralise the state. It reveals how both Charles II and James II’s attempts to make the crown independent of Parliament caused tensions that led to the Glorious Revolution (1688). These divisions notably manifested themselves in the creation of the Whig and Tory political parties and their accompanying beliefs. The chapter therefore underlines the importance of seventeenth century political and religious opposition in playing a significant role in shaping the state and the British political landscape in the early eighteenth century.Less
Beginning with the Restoration to the throne of Charles II in 1660, this contextual chapter charts the ideological opposition that emerged in England as the crown endeavoured to centralise the state. It reveals how both Charles II and James II’s attempts to make the crown independent of Parliament caused tensions that led to the Glorious Revolution (1688). These divisions notably manifested themselves in the creation of the Whig and Tory political parties and their accompanying beliefs. The chapter therefore underlines the importance of seventeenth century political and religious opposition in playing a significant role in shaping the state and the British political landscape in the early eighteenth century.
Heather Martel
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813066189
- eISBN:
- 9780813058399
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813066189.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The French Protestants defined a diplomatic policy of romantic friendship, which would be earned through what they called “allure,” intended as a means for powerfully befriending Indigenous allies ...
More
The French Protestants defined a diplomatic policy of romantic friendship, which would be earned through what they called “allure,” intended as a means for powerfully befriending Indigenous allies and making them obedient, as well as of gathering information on economically valuable resources. Through this diplomacy of love, the French also sought to create a broad Indigenous and Protestant opposition to the Spanish. However, in their relationships with Indigenous people, the French lied, revealing their sense of political weakness, and ultimately became dependent on the Indigenous King Saturiwa.Less
The French Protestants defined a diplomatic policy of romantic friendship, which would be earned through what they called “allure,” intended as a means for powerfully befriending Indigenous allies and making them obedient, as well as of gathering information on economically valuable resources. Through this diplomacy of love, the French also sought to create a broad Indigenous and Protestant opposition to the Spanish. However, in their relationships with Indigenous people, the French lied, revealing their sense of political weakness, and ultimately became dependent on the Indigenous King Saturiwa.
Alexis Heraclides and Ada Dialla
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719089909
- eISBN:
- 9781781708484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089909.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
The great power involvement triggered by the Bulgarian atrocities of 1876 was part of a wider international reaction to uprisings in the Balkans. Austria-Hungary and Germany were supportive of mild ...
More
The great power involvement triggered by the Bulgarian atrocities of 1876 was part of a wider international reaction to uprisings in the Balkans. Austria-Hungary and Germany were supportive of mild measures intended to ameliorate the fate of the Bulgarians and other Christians of the Balkans, Russia supported more intrusive measures, while Britain under Disraeli was opposed to all initiatives. In Britain there was a strong wave of support even wider than in the Greek case of the 1820s and it was headed by Gladstone. Members of the Disraeli cabinet were also out of step with their prime minister. Following the abortive Constantinople Conference, the Russians resorted to war against the Ottomans with the benign neutrality of the other powers save Britain. Special emphasis is put in this chapter on Gladstone and British public opinion, which led to a major internal clash in Britain. A basic characteristic of this case was the unprecedented role played by public opinion, especially in the case of Russia and Britain. The 1877 war was at the time not regarded as humanitarian by European contemporary policy-makers but the mood has changed since then and it is included in most lists of humanitarian intervention.Less
The great power involvement triggered by the Bulgarian atrocities of 1876 was part of a wider international reaction to uprisings in the Balkans. Austria-Hungary and Germany were supportive of mild measures intended to ameliorate the fate of the Bulgarians and other Christians of the Balkans, Russia supported more intrusive measures, while Britain under Disraeli was opposed to all initiatives. In Britain there was a strong wave of support even wider than in the Greek case of the 1820s and it was headed by Gladstone. Members of the Disraeli cabinet were also out of step with their prime minister. Following the abortive Constantinople Conference, the Russians resorted to war against the Ottomans with the benign neutrality of the other powers save Britain. Special emphasis is put in this chapter on Gladstone and British public opinion, which led to a major internal clash in Britain. A basic characteristic of this case was the unprecedented role played by public opinion, especially in the case of Russia and Britain. The 1877 war was at the time not regarded as humanitarian by European contemporary policy-makers but the mood has changed since then and it is included in most lists of humanitarian intervention.
George H. Gadbois, Jr
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198070610
- eISBN:
- 9780199080755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070610.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter describes the Subba Rao Court of 1966–7. Because the SCI was in summer recess when he succeeded Sarkar on 30 June 1966, K. Subba Rao’s tenure as CJI began virtually unnoticed. Only the ...
More
This chapter describes the Subba Rao Court of 1966–7. Because the SCI was in summer recess when he succeeded Sarkar on 30 June 1966, K. Subba Rao’s tenure as CJI began virtually unnoticed. Only the appointment of Chittur Anantakrishna Vaidialingam, fifty-nine and third in seniority on the Kerala High Court, can be credited to Subba Rao. Sworn in on 10 October 1966, he was the first to come to the SCI from the Kerala High Court. Subba Rao and Vaidialingam had been friends and associates, dating back to their days together in Madras. Subba Rao left the Court by his surprise resignation to become the United Opposition’s candidate for president of India. When he jumped into the political arena on 11 April 1967, he became a national figure overnight. He bequeathed to K.N. Wanchoo a court one short of its de facto strength of eleven.Less
This chapter describes the Subba Rao Court of 1966–7. Because the SCI was in summer recess when he succeeded Sarkar on 30 June 1966, K. Subba Rao’s tenure as CJI began virtually unnoticed. Only the appointment of Chittur Anantakrishna Vaidialingam, fifty-nine and third in seniority on the Kerala High Court, can be credited to Subba Rao. Sworn in on 10 October 1966, he was the first to come to the SCI from the Kerala High Court. Subba Rao and Vaidialingam had been friends and associates, dating back to their days together in Madras. Subba Rao left the Court by his surprise resignation to become the United Opposition’s candidate for president of India. When he jumped into the political arena on 11 April 1967, he became a national figure overnight. He bequeathed to K.N. Wanchoo a court one short of its de facto strength of eleven.
Iain Whyte
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748624324
- eISBN:
- 9780748672196
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748624324.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The strong revulsion to injustice and a basic sense of right informed the Scottish abolition movement. The perception that Scotland was a ‘land of freedom’ was fuelled by enlightenment thinkers and ...
More
The strong revulsion to injustice and a basic sense of right informed the Scottish abolition movement. The perception that Scotland was a ‘land of freedom’ was fuelled by enlightenment thinkers and poets such as Robert Burns. But there was much opposition to encounter. Hostile press coverage, relatives in the colonies, and the fear from the powerful of any disturbance to the status quo, worked against the supporters of abolition. It has been suggested by a leading slavery historian, Duncan Rice that the issue was an anvil on which Scottish churchmen hammered out their theological concerns. This argument is unsubstantiated by a closer look at the writings and speeches of churchmen in the campaign. Certainly they had these concerns, but in fact theology was used as an effective tool in a nation that was awash with religious ideas in order to counter cruelty and inhumanity rather than the reverse. A leading American historian, David Brion Davis judged that abolitionism in Britain fused enlightenment thought with evangelical passion in the cause of emancipation. In no part of Britain was that more true than in Scotland.Less
The strong revulsion to injustice and a basic sense of right informed the Scottish abolition movement. The perception that Scotland was a ‘land of freedom’ was fuelled by enlightenment thinkers and poets such as Robert Burns. But there was much opposition to encounter. Hostile press coverage, relatives in the colonies, and the fear from the powerful of any disturbance to the status quo, worked against the supporters of abolition. It has been suggested by a leading slavery historian, Duncan Rice that the issue was an anvil on which Scottish churchmen hammered out their theological concerns. This argument is unsubstantiated by a closer look at the writings and speeches of churchmen in the campaign. Certainly they had these concerns, but in fact theology was used as an effective tool in a nation that was awash with religious ideas in order to counter cruelty and inhumanity rather than the reverse. A leading American historian, David Brion Davis judged that abolitionism in Britain fused enlightenment thought with evangelical passion in the cause of emancipation. In no part of Britain was that more true than in Scotland.
Manlio Graziano
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231174626
- eISBN:
- 9780231543910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231174626.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explains the role of John Paul II in the renaissance of the Catholic Church.
This chapter explains the role of John Paul II in the renaissance of the Catholic Church.
J. Harvie Wilkinson
- Published in print:
- 1979
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780195025675
- eISBN:
- 9780197559963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780195025675.003.0007
- Subject:
- Education, History of Education
To know that Brown was a great occasion, one need only think back on the advocates. The old order crumbled, but not without eloquence. Indeed, at the oral ...
More
To know that Brown was a great occasion, one need only think back on the advocates. The old order crumbled, but not without eloquence. Indeed, at the oral arguments in Brown, John W. Davis may have mounted segregation’s last memorable defense. He was eighty-years old at the time Brown was last argued, and his voice and memory had begun to fade. “Some of his friends,” reported Time, “were sorry to hear him, at twilight, singing segregation’s old unsweet song.” Yet he remained the Supreme Court’s great advocate, not only of his day but, perhaps, of all time. Like a rock he stood for segregation: . . . “If it [integration] is done on the mathematical basis [in Clarendon County, South Carolina], . . . you would have 27 Negroes and 3 whites in one schoolroom. Would that make the children any happier? Would they learn any more quickly? Would their lives be more serene? . . . . . . . Would the terrible psychological disaster being wrought, according to some of these witnesses, to the colored child be removed if he has three white children sitting somewhere in the same schoolroom?” . . . Like Robert E. Lee, Davis went the path of ennobling defeat, a testament to the South’s ability to recruit men of character and principle to its most woeful cause: . . . “Let me say this for the State of South Carolina. It did not come here, as Thad Stevens would have wished, in sackcloth and ashes. . . . It is convinced that the happiness, the progress, and the welfare of these children is best promoted in segregated schools.” . . . And he summoned the wisdom of the ages to his side: . . . “Somewhere, sometime, to every principle comes a moment of repose when it has been so often announced, so confidently relied upon, so long continued, that it passes the limits of judicial discretion and disturbance. . . . As it had to Lee, the struggle and the defeat ultimately exhausted Davis.
Less
To know that Brown was a great occasion, one need only think back on the advocates. The old order crumbled, but not without eloquence. Indeed, at the oral arguments in Brown, John W. Davis may have mounted segregation’s last memorable defense. He was eighty-years old at the time Brown was last argued, and his voice and memory had begun to fade. “Some of his friends,” reported Time, “were sorry to hear him, at twilight, singing segregation’s old unsweet song.” Yet he remained the Supreme Court’s great advocate, not only of his day but, perhaps, of all time. Like a rock he stood for segregation: . . . “If it [integration] is done on the mathematical basis [in Clarendon County, South Carolina], . . . you would have 27 Negroes and 3 whites in one schoolroom. Would that make the children any happier? Would they learn any more quickly? Would their lives be more serene? . . . . . . . Would the terrible psychological disaster being wrought, according to some of these witnesses, to the colored child be removed if he has three white children sitting somewhere in the same schoolroom?” . . . Like Robert E. Lee, Davis went the path of ennobling defeat, a testament to the South’s ability to recruit men of character and principle to its most woeful cause: . . . “Let me say this for the State of South Carolina. It did not come here, as Thad Stevens would have wished, in sackcloth and ashes. . . . It is convinced that the happiness, the progress, and the welfare of these children is best promoted in segregated schools.” . . . And he summoned the wisdom of the ages to his side: . . . “Somewhere, sometime, to every principle comes a moment of repose when it has been so often announced, so confidently relied upon, so long continued, that it passes the limits of judicial discretion and disturbance. . . . As it had to Lee, the struggle and the defeat ultimately exhausted Davis.
J. Harvie Wilkinson
- Published in print:
- 1979
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780195025675
- eISBN:
- 9780197559963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780195025675.003.0010
- Subject:
- Education, History of Education
A Negro child—let us call her Mary Jones—entering first grade that fall of 1954 probably had her thoughts elsewhere than on Brown v. Board of Education. ...
More
A Negro child—let us call her Mary Jones—entering first grade that fall of 1954 probably had her thoughts elsewhere than on Brown v. Board of Education. Whatever she might have heard about Brown was less absorbing than her new teacher and schoolmates and the novel environment of the school-yard. And it was just as well. This noisy crowd of children would be together for years to come, adding and subtracting, reading and writing, studying maps and pictures of faraway lands. Twelve years later, at graduation, some of Mary Jones’s first grade friends would still be standing beside her. Chances were, however, there would be no white faces among them. And chances were, too, that the best jobs or colleges did not await them. But they would scatter all the same, many for whatever labor the northern metropolises might hold. Because as Mary Jones and her friends would begin to sense more fully with each passing year, Brown v. Board of Education had scarcely mattered. A generation of black schoolchildren in the South—Mary Jones’s generation—had grown up and graduated after Brown in segregated schools. Where during this time, one might ask, was the United States Supreme Court? And the answer, not much exaggerated, is that from 1955 to 1968, the Court abandoned the field of public school desegregation. Its pronouncements were few, given the proportions of the problem. And its leadership was almost nonexistent. The question of history is whether the Court’s low profile can ever be adequately justified. The next two chapters discuss the Supreme Court’s approach to southern school integration in the years after Brown. It is not a conventional discussion, in part because the school cases were not conventional decisions. There did, of course, develop over time a set of constitutional principles concerning school desegregation. But the principles themselves were often creations of events beyond the courtroom: the South reacted to Court rulings, the Court, in turn, responded to the South. No set of cases, in fact, better illustrates the non-jurisprudential side of the Supreme Court’s job.
Less
A Negro child—let us call her Mary Jones—entering first grade that fall of 1954 probably had her thoughts elsewhere than on Brown v. Board of Education. Whatever she might have heard about Brown was less absorbing than her new teacher and schoolmates and the novel environment of the school-yard. And it was just as well. This noisy crowd of children would be together for years to come, adding and subtracting, reading and writing, studying maps and pictures of faraway lands. Twelve years later, at graduation, some of Mary Jones’s first grade friends would still be standing beside her. Chances were, however, there would be no white faces among them. And chances were, too, that the best jobs or colleges did not await them. But they would scatter all the same, many for whatever labor the northern metropolises might hold. Because as Mary Jones and her friends would begin to sense more fully with each passing year, Brown v. Board of Education had scarcely mattered. A generation of black schoolchildren in the South—Mary Jones’s generation—had grown up and graduated after Brown in segregated schools. Where during this time, one might ask, was the United States Supreme Court? And the answer, not much exaggerated, is that from 1955 to 1968, the Court abandoned the field of public school desegregation. Its pronouncements were few, given the proportions of the problem. And its leadership was almost nonexistent. The question of history is whether the Court’s low profile can ever be adequately justified. The next two chapters discuss the Supreme Court’s approach to southern school integration in the years after Brown. It is not a conventional discussion, in part because the school cases were not conventional decisions. There did, of course, develop over time a set of constitutional principles concerning school desegregation. But the principles themselves were often creations of events beyond the courtroom: the South reacted to Court rulings, the Court, in turn, responded to the South. No set of cases, in fact, better illustrates the non-jurisprudential side of the Supreme Court’s job.
Debtoru Chatterjee
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199466566
- eISBN:
- 9780199087297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199466566.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter stresses at the role of a constitutional head as a mediator between political parties. That mediatory role could range from one during national crises (as with George VI who inspired the ...
More
This chapter stresses at the role of a constitutional head as a mediator between political parties. That mediatory role could range from one during national crises (as with George VI who inspired the national government of MacDonald in 1931) to that of a back channel for day-to-day parleys between professed antagonists. The chapter particularly elaborates on the latter role by the Indian president, with examples. Whether by acting as a sounding board or as a safety valve, the Indian president has helped abate antagonisms and promote understanding by keeping communication channels open.Less
This chapter stresses at the role of a constitutional head as a mediator between political parties. That mediatory role could range from one during national crises (as with George VI who inspired the national government of MacDonald in 1931) to that of a back channel for day-to-day parleys between professed antagonists. The chapter particularly elaborates on the latter role by the Indian president, with examples. Whether by acting as a sounding board or as a safety valve, the Indian president has helped abate antagonisms and promote understanding by keeping communication channels open.
Robert Daniels
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300106497
- eISBN:
- 9780300134933
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300106497.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Russian revolutions of 1917 were driven by socialism, embraced by revolutionaries of whatever party affiliation as a utopian antithesis to present reality rather than a projected set of ...
More
The Russian revolutions of 1917 were driven by socialism, embraced by revolutionaries of whatever party affiliation as a utopian antithesis to present reality rather than a projected set of institutions. Marxism failed to clarify the meaning of socialism as Marxists, subscribing to the doctrine of the natural transition from capitalism through socialism to “communism,” did not give much attention to the details of the future society. The civil war provided an opportunity to formulate definite conceptions for the road ahead. This consideration of future alternatives was initiated by the so-called Trade Union Controversy that featured three competing platforms: the Leninists, the Trotskyists, and the Workers' Opposition. It was the centrists that presented the first clear position on the trade unions, beginning with Leon Trotsky's call for the militarization of labor early in 1920 that was criticized by the Ultra Left. The Ultra Left's position did not sit well with either Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin. Trotsky and Nikolai Bukharin offered the two most systematic rationales for War Communism in Terrorism and Communism and The Economics of the Transformation Period, respectively.Less
The Russian revolutions of 1917 were driven by socialism, embraced by revolutionaries of whatever party affiliation as a utopian antithesis to present reality rather than a projected set of institutions. Marxism failed to clarify the meaning of socialism as Marxists, subscribing to the doctrine of the natural transition from capitalism through socialism to “communism,” did not give much attention to the details of the future society. The civil war provided an opportunity to formulate definite conceptions for the road ahead. This consideration of future alternatives was initiated by the so-called Trade Union Controversy that featured three competing platforms: the Leninists, the Trotskyists, and the Workers' Opposition. It was the centrists that presented the first clear position on the trade unions, beginning with Leon Trotsky's call for the militarization of labor early in 1920 that was criticized by the Ultra Left. The Ultra Left's position did not sit well with either Trotsky and Vladimir Lenin. Trotsky and Nikolai Bukharin offered the two most systematic rationales for War Communism in Terrorism and Communism and The Economics of the Transformation Period, respectively.
Robert Daniels
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300106497
- eISBN:
- 9780300134933
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300106497.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
During the mid-1920s, the Soviet Union saw the eruption of a running controversy between the leadership of the Communist Party and the movements of protest collectively known as the Left Opposition. ...
More
During the mid-1920s, the Soviet Union saw the eruption of a running controversy between the leadership of the Communist Party and the movements of protest collectively known as the Left Opposition. These opposition movements occupy a central place in the evolution of Stalinist Communism. They challenged the Soviet regime under the leadership of Joseph Stalin and Nikolai Bukharin for slowly losing its quality as a workers' state. The Left Opposition's desperate struggle to prevent the Communist system from evolving in the original direction of the Russian Revolution and its own crusade for socialism were doomed to fail. Marxism was the philosophy of the Left Opposition, but it was their literal devotion to the premises of Marxism that ultimately led to their downfall. The demise of the Left Opposition enabled the Stalinist form of rule that combined party bureaucracy and Marxist-Leninist ideology to become entrenched for a long time. Along with the Right Opposition and the Ultra Left, the failure of the Left Opposition can be attributed to disunity, indecision, tactical errors, and confusing purpose.Less
During the mid-1920s, the Soviet Union saw the eruption of a running controversy between the leadership of the Communist Party and the movements of protest collectively known as the Left Opposition. These opposition movements occupy a central place in the evolution of Stalinist Communism. They challenged the Soviet regime under the leadership of Joseph Stalin and Nikolai Bukharin for slowly losing its quality as a workers' state. The Left Opposition's desperate struggle to prevent the Communist system from evolving in the original direction of the Russian Revolution and its own crusade for socialism were doomed to fail. Marxism was the philosophy of the Left Opposition, but it was their literal devotion to the premises of Marxism that ultimately led to their downfall. The demise of the Left Opposition enabled the Stalinist form of rule that combined party bureaucracy and Marxist-Leninist ideology to become entrenched for a long time. Along with the Right Opposition and the Ultra Left, the failure of the Left Opposition can be attributed to disunity, indecision, tactical errors, and confusing purpose.
