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This chapter examines the suicide missions (SMs) related to the Arab-Israeli conflict that took place from 1981 to December 2003. SMs are a relatively recent phenomenon in the Middle East, with only sporadic cases before 1981. In the two decades under examination, the great majority of the SMs related to the Arab-Israeli conflict took place in three geographic areas: Israel, the Occupied Territories (Gaza Strip and the West Bank), and Lebanon (primarily in the south). This concentration is largely due to the outcome of the 1967 war, the so-called Six Day War. Israel managed to sign effective peace agreements with its neighbours in the south (Egypt) and in the east (Jordan), but not in the north (Syria). Hence, a shift in the conflict towards the Occupied Territories and Lebanon, the latter squeezed between the Israeli army in the south and Syrian influence in the north.

This chapter attempts to provide a contextualized investigation of some of the central factors which inform the intricate interplay between childhood, law, and age. To a great extent, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territories has been a legalistic one: Israeli authorities have tended to rely on law as a basis to undertake and justify their actions. Hence, the Israeli law in force in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) — which despite its importance has been largely understudied — is an apt arena to examine age and childhood in this context. By focusing on the encounter between Israeli criminal law (domestic and military) and minors in the OPT, the chapter rethinks the age-childhood-law triangle and explores its complexity. The first part of the chapter explains how Israeli criminal legislation constructs two different childhoods along national lines in the OPT. The second part investigates the complex role these forces play in Israeli military law (which applies to Palestinians), especially with regard to four manifestations of the elusiveness of age and childhood. The third part focuses on two cases — one regarding a Palestinian defendant and the other concerning Israeli settler girls — in which law's subjects were seen as obscuring their age. The chapter concludes by pointing, among other things, to the resonance of the issues discussed in this chapter with other contexts outside Israel–Palestine, including — but not limited to — international law, US law, and UK law. In light of the significant commonalities among these different contexts, the Israeli–Palestinian case is read as a ‘super-experiment’, through which to rethink how age functions and is utilized in the legal fabrication of childhood.

This chapter focuses on the legal discourse of the most legalized occupation in world history — Israeli control of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) — to posit that more laws may not only fail to generate more justice, but may actually facilitate, sustain, and legitimize this failure. The argument rests on two interrelated propositions: first, that the Israeli control of the OPT is an illegal occupation, the defining feature of which is the blurring of boundaries, both physical and legal, which has culminated in the reversal of the relationship between the rule and the exception. The second proposition focuses on the normative implications of this regime. It suggests that once law is implicated in the shaping of such a regime, law itself becomes infected, and is likely to operate in a manner that will defy its normative purpose on both an individual and a systemic level: its application to individual cases (through judicial review) would typically entail a ‘dynamic’ interpretation designed to advance the interests of the occupying power at the expense of the occupied people and it will contribute to and facilitate the formation of an environment (indicative of a systemic state policy) of tolerance towards systematic violations of human rights. This tolerance, in turn, may transform grave such violations from war crimes into crimes against humanity. This ‘pathoLAWgy’ provides the proper context for understanding both the manner with which the most recent military operation in Gaza (‘Operation Cast Lead’, 27 December 2008–18 January 2009) was exercised and the consequential Report of the Goldstone Committee.

This chapter explores additional explanations for the negotiations resulting in the Oslo Accords. The dynamics within the Palestinian polity in general and in the Occupied Territories in particular changed dramatically after the Israeli occupation in 1967, and even more with the outbreak of the first Intifada in 1987. The overarching question in this chapter is the extent to which these developments had a substantial impact on the parties, not only the Palestinians but also the Israelis, leading them more actively to engage in dialogue. The chapter also looks at the possible outcome of these negotiations in relation to these changes in the Palestinian polity, not least for the Palestinian leadership. Its role as a guarantor for the security of Israel rather than the security of the Palestinian people has remained a paradox for the civilian population, victims of indiscriminate shelling and extensive house demolitions. A closer look at the elections of 2006 may broaden our understanding of these dynamics and how they developed in the aftermath of the accords.

This chapter surveys the spectrum of positions adopted by Middle Eastern countries toward the responsibility to protect (RtoP) and offers an explanation for why these policies were espoused and how they developed as the RtoP advanced to the forefront of the international diplomatic agenda. The chapter is divided into three parts. Part I defines the Middle East and the territories that are considered within the region. It also highlights the salient historic, geographic, and political features of the region that influenced policies regarding the RtoP. Part II surveys the positions of the Middle Eastern countries as the international community debated the notion of intervention to prevent or halt gross violations of human rights. It charts the development of Middle Eastern positions as the global debate on the RtoP progressed and it also identifies the main factors that influenced the policies of regional players. Part III examines the applicability of the RtoP to the Occupied Palestinian Territories, which illustrates one among the leading issues currently affecting regional attitudes towards the RtoP. Part IV briefly analyzes the international response to the popular revolt against Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, and the question of the applicability of the RtoP to the Libyan case.

This chapter examines more closely the economic field as a way to begin explaining some of the changes that have transpired in the Occupied Territories (OT). The assumption is that the policies in the economic field not only aimed to satisfy Israel's economic interests, but that they also served a crucial role in the administration of the OT. The chapter shows that by hindering the development of an independent Palestinian economy based on industry and sophisticated agriculture, Israel encouraged the Palestinian inhabitants to become unskilled laborers, and thus directed the economic utility of the Palestinians in a very specific way. The different forms of control that were utilized in the economic field produced excesses and contradictions that ultimately spurred Palestinian resistance and helped shape Israel's policy choices.

This chapter illustrates how Israel consolidated its military rule in the Occupied Territories (OT) by increasing the inhabitants' economic productivity while diminishing their political capabilities. It begins by briefly describing the coercive measures Israel employed to crush all oppositional forces, and then discusses some of the changes introduced in the education system in order to suppress both national identification and political aspirations. The chapter then describes how, alongside its efforts to quell the population's desire for emancipation, Israel encouraged economic practises that promoted Palestinian prosperity and, in this manner, hoped to normalize the occupation.

This chapter reflects on the role as special rapporteur of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), which investigated the human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The chapter first provides an overview of the role and office of special rapporteur, noting that UN concerns about Israel and responses to Palestinian grievances are highly politicized within the organization, before discussing some of the characteristics that distinguish the mandate established by the HRC and made applicable to Occupied Palestine. It also explains what was accomplished in six years as special rapporteur of the HRC and details the controversies and pressures attached to that job. It shows that the “UN” comprises different layers, agendas, and interests. The chapter claims that while the United Nations secretary-general in New York permitted personal attacks against the special rapporteur, the leadership and professionals of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva strongly supported his efforts in what the chapter calls the “legitimacy war”.

This chapter examines the unrecognized entity, or ‘de facto state’, that has emerged and survived in Nagorny Karabakh since 1991. The chapter begins by examining the polarised portrayals of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) as either a vibrant self-determining state or the puppet of an occupying power. The chapter then examines the political structures and institutions of the NKR, before then examining its political economy. It argues that the NKR is a political formation characterised by strategic integration with Armenia and tactical expressions of independent sovereignty. The chapter then examines the scope of democratisation in the entity, and the challenges posed by its layered geographies and the emergence of new human geographies within them.

This chapter examines how peacebuilding as a policy discourse and practice has been developed and applied in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT). It first traces the emergence of peacebuilding as a Western policy discourse in the context of colonization, its evolution into a hegemonic project in the post-Cold War period, and the key assumptions and policies that underpin it. It then considers the situation in which Western peacebuilding and and statebuilding practices and policies were applied in the OPT—inserted as they were into the framework created by the Oslo Accords and subsequent peace agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It also explores how these policies and practices were shaped by global structures of power as they manifest themselves in the region, along with the particular application of these peacebuilding policies and their impacts. The chapter concludes by arguing that peacebuilding strategies in the OPT have contributed toward creating what it calls a “zombie peace”.

This chapter examines the United Nations's engagement with Palestine through its Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territories (“Special Committee”) in a broader Third World context of “global war against the forces of imperialism and neo-imperialism.” It first discusses the history of Palestinian commitment to UN special commissions as a means to the just resolution of the conflict with Israel before turning to the symbolic aspects of UN politics. It then provides a background on the UN Special Committee, whose stated mission was to investigate human rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. In particular, it considers the key challenges faced by the committee, such as the refusal of the government of Israel to cooperate with it. The chapter suggests that UN special commissions came and went in Palestine, but little progress was made in terms of an emancipatory politics.

As the years passed, the fact that Israel would be unable to quell the popular uprising began registering among larger segments of the Israeli public. Many Israelis believed that the economic, political, and moral cost of upholding the occupation was too high and that Israel had to modify its policies in the Occupied Territories (OT). It became clear that the existing forms of control were not producing the desired calm and that another strategy was needed. The ingenious idea was to “outsource” the responsibility for the population to a subcontractor. A Palestinian authority was established to take on the task of managing the occupied inhabitants. This chapter describes how the reorganization of power was implemented and why it too failed to normalize the occupation. It reads the different Oslo agreements, which the two parties signed over a period of six years, not as part of a peace process or a withdrawal of power, but rather as texts that outline the reorganization of Israeli power in the OT. The chapter then goes on to analyze the changes on the ground, showing how the Oslo accords precipitated the second intifada.

Chapter 5 critically engages with the opportunities and challenges that arise from doing fieldwork in Palestine. It discusses the various terms used to refer to Palestine and the consequences these terms have. To deal with these different layers of “Palestine,” the chapter recommends avoiding short-term analyses and foregrounding historical analyses instead. It also proposes to concentrate on the study of flows (of population, ideas, or money) to make sure that Palestinian polity is not studied in isolation. It focuses both on the practical difficulties, such as entering the Occupied Territories and checkpoints, and on the ethical dilemmas. It highlights the rich local research institutions that must be consulted when carrying out research in Palestine.

In this chapter, the author criticizes Israeli filmmakers Gal Uchovsky and Eitan Fox for their views on the lesbian community. After the murder in the LGBT youth club in Tel Aviv on August 1, 2009, Uchovsky and Fox organized a memorial assembly where they prevented Knesset member Hissam Makhoul of Hadash from speaking during the event but embraced right-wing political leaders. At the same time, they were outing artists who refused to take part in the assembly. The author takes Uchovsky and Fox to task for their aggressive outing of artists and their scandalous criticism of the lesbian community who refused to kowtow to facile cultural icons. According to the author, the two filmmakers prevented the opportunity to forge bonds of solidarity between the LGBT community and the Palestinians of Israel and the Occupied Territories. He calls on Uchovsky and Fox to come out of their own political closets, take a stand alongside the oppressed, and refrain from making the gay community part of a violent, racist mainstream.

This chapter discusses the role of civil society in helping Palestinians challenge Israeli occupation. Palestinian organizations have developed despite the absence of the state, independence, sovereignty, and citizenship. Organizational capacity and activism are an efficient tool and building block for unity and power here as elsewhere, which in turn will help Palestinians challenge their circumstances. The Norwegian People's Aid (NPA) has been active in the Occupied Palestinian Territories since 1987. Its goal is to help build the organizational and collective muscles of Palestinians to challenge occupation, oppression, and internal division. It is against this background that the NPA works in partnership with local Palestinian organizations. It is on this basis that they believe it is important to work with local forces rather than simply provide services. And it is from this perspective that they have watched the development of Palestinian civil society and the tensions, changes, and challenges that followed the Oslo Accords.

This chapter discusses the failure of the Oslo Accords and the rise of Islamism. The implementation of the Oslo Accords, or lack thereof, provided the greatest platform for the strengthening of Palestinian opposition groups in the Occupied Territories, at the same time weakening the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Islamism in particular grew rapidly in the years that followed the 1993 signing. Organized political and militant Islamist groups first emerged in the early days of the first Intifada, which began in 1987. It was not until six years later, however, that they overshadowed the PLO in Palestinians' minds as the carriers of the torch of resistance. Thirteen years later that shift in allegiance was evident when Hamas, the Islamic Resistance Movement, won national legislative elections in 2006.

This chapter examines the bond between American poet W.H. Auden and Israeli poet Yehuda Amichai. It also tells of the author’s own experiences as an American student on kibbutz followed by his unplanned joining of the Israeli military as a combat medic who patrolled Israel’s tense borders. The Yom Kippur War between Israel and allies Syria and Egypt, which reified American Jewish commitment to Israel, are detailed. Additional accounts include that of Father Daniel Berrigan, one of the first concerted American critics of Israeli “imperialism.” The varied experiences of Johnny and June Carter Cash, Bishop Pike, and Meyer Lansky with respect to Israel are also rendered.