William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626604
- eISBN:
- 9781469626628
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626604.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines how Obama changed the domestic political dynamics of U.S.-Cuban relations, making new thinking about Cuba politically feasible. Obama promised to end restrictions on remittances ...
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This chapter examines how Obama changed the domestic political dynamics of U.S.-Cuban relations, making new thinking about Cuba politically feasible. Obama promised to end restrictions on remittances and family travel for Cuban Americans, resume “people-to-people” educational and cultural exchanges, and engage Cuba in talks on issues of mutual interest. Engagement, he argued, offered the best hope for promoting “a democratic opening in Cuba,” which would be “the foremost objective of our policy.” As the new president took the oath of office, conditions for a rapprochement between Cuba and the United States appeared more propitious than at any time in a half century.Less
This chapter examines how Obama changed the domestic political dynamics of U.S.-Cuban relations, making new thinking about Cuba politically feasible. Obama promised to end restrictions on remittances and family travel for Cuban Americans, resume “people-to-people” educational and cultural exchanges, and engage Cuba in talks on issues of mutual interest. Engagement, he argued, offered the best hope for promoting “a democratic opening in Cuba,” which would be “the foremost objective of our policy.” As the new president took the oath of office, conditions for a rapprochement between Cuba and the United States appeared more propitious than at any time in a half century.
Stephen Skowronek
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter argues that many scholars still have failed to understand the American state as a “state” and that issues before regarding “sustainability”, “fiscal crisis”, and “legitimation crisis” ...
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This chapter argues that many scholars still have failed to understand the American state as a “state” and that issues before regarding “sustainability”, “fiscal crisis”, and “legitimation crisis” are still eminent up to now. This raises questions about the state' capacity and responsibility. In addition, the American state remains to be described in terms of false dichotomies–strong versus weak, active versus passive, conservative versus liberal, even state versus society. Also, the chapter presents how the American state appears to be increasingly egalitarian but continues to be hierarchal. The American state's apparent changeability and un-state-like characteristics such as volatility, unpredictability, and reversibility may likely be exacerbated than resolved by the Obama administration.Less
This chapter argues that many scholars still have failed to understand the American state as a “state” and that issues before regarding “sustainability”, “fiscal crisis”, and “legitimation crisis” are still eminent up to now. This raises questions about the state' capacity and responsibility. In addition, the American state remains to be described in terms of false dichotomies–strong versus weak, active versus passive, conservative versus liberal, even state versus society. Also, the chapter presents how the American state appears to be increasingly egalitarian but continues to be hierarchal. The American state's apparent changeability and un-state-like characteristics such as volatility, unpredictability, and reversibility may likely be exacerbated than resolved by the Obama administration.
Daniel C. Kurtzer, Scott B. Lasensky, William B. Quandt, Steven L. Spiegel, and Shibley Z. Telhami
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451478
- eISBN:
- 9780801465864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451478.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter provides initial observations of the Obama administration's approach to peace process. Barack Obama entered office with a strong desire to differentiate himself from what he viewed as ...
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This chapter provides initial observations of the Obama administration's approach to peace process. Barack Obama entered office with a strong desire to differentiate himself from what he viewed as the failed Middle East policies of George W. Bush. He was also very aware of the failures of earlier administrations, such as the Clinton experience in 2000. Yet he proved unable to generate significant movement in Arab–Israeli peacemaking during his first three years in office. Indeed, his administration fell into some of the same troubling patterns that beset U.S. policy in the past. Despite the president's early devotion, the pursuit of Middle East peace eventually decreased in priority because of the pressing domestic political agenda of the administration. Lingering economic difficulties at home, the war in Afghanistan, and the explosion of the political transformations that swept across the Arab world in 2011 combined to push this issue to second-tier status.Less
This chapter provides initial observations of the Obama administration's approach to peace process. Barack Obama entered office with a strong desire to differentiate himself from what he viewed as the failed Middle East policies of George W. Bush. He was also very aware of the failures of earlier administrations, such as the Clinton experience in 2000. Yet he proved unable to generate significant movement in Arab–Israeli peacemaking during his first three years in office. Indeed, his administration fell into some of the same troubling patterns that beset U.S. policy in the past. Despite the president's early devotion, the pursuit of Middle East peace eventually decreased in priority because of the pressing domestic political agenda of the administration. Lingering economic difficulties at home, the war in Afghanistan, and the explosion of the political transformations that swept across the Arab world in 2011 combined to push this issue to second-tier status.
Jesse H. Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449710
- eISBN:
- 9780801464195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449710.003.0006
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter focuses on the period between 2003 and 2011, which encompasses reaction against No Child Left Behind as well as the Obama administration's ambitious initiatives. It begins by describing ...
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This chapter focuses on the period between 2003 and 2011, which encompasses reaction against No Child Left Behind as well as the Obama administration's ambitious initiatives. It begins by describing the political backlash against the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, showing how it worked to limit the scope of reforms favored by business entrepreneurs, civil rights entrepreneurs, and their allies. Analyzing the agendas of business entrepreneurs, civil rights entrepreneurs, educational liberals, educational conservatives, and state leaders during the failed reauthorization of 2007–8, it argues that the proposals of business entrepreneurs and civil rights entrepreneurs anticipated many of the initiatives of the Obama administration. The chapter then discusses the Obama administration's Race to the Top initiative, illustrating how it extends the logic and principles of the NCLB in an effort to shore up standards-based reforms at the state and local levels. The final section speculates on education policy in the Obama administration in light of the 2010 elections.Less
This chapter focuses on the period between 2003 and 2011, which encompasses reaction against No Child Left Behind as well as the Obama administration's ambitious initiatives. It begins by describing the political backlash against the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Act, showing how it worked to limit the scope of reforms favored by business entrepreneurs, civil rights entrepreneurs, and their allies. Analyzing the agendas of business entrepreneurs, civil rights entrepreneurs, educational liberals, educational conservatives, and state leaders during the failed reauthorization of 2007–8, it argues that the proposals of business entrepreneurs and civil rights entrepreneurs anticipated many of the initiatives of the Obama administration. The chapter then discusses the Obama administration's Race to the Top initiative, illustrating how it extends the logic and principles of the NCLB in an effort to shore up standards-based reforms at the state and local levels. The final section speculates on education policy in the Obama administration in light of the 2010 elections.
Justin Grimmer, Sean J. Westwood, and Solomon Messing
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162614
- eISBN:
- 9781400852666
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162614.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the emergence of the Tea Party movement corresponds with a spike in antispending rhetoric among congressional Republicans, who criticized particularistic projects that other ...
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This chapter examines how the emergence of the Tea Party movement corresponds with a spike in antispending rhetoric among congressional Republicans, who criticized particularistic projects that other legislators use to cultivate a personal vote. After Barack Obama's election, Republican activists mobilized to oppose the Obama administration's policies and perceived government overreach—creating the Tea Party movement. The chapter uses two experiments to show how this criticism undermines credit for spending, causing constituents to be much less supportive of expenditures in the district. It also explains that the effect of the criticism extends beyond the experiment. Once budget criticism is introduced, it causes constituents to evaluate legislators who claim credit at high rates more negatively.Less
This chapter examines how the emergence of the Tea Party movement corresponds with a spike in antispending rhetoric among congressional Republicans, who criticized particularistic projects that other legislators use to cultivate a personal vote. After Barack Obama's election, Republican activists mobilized to oppose the Obama administration's policies and perceived government overreach—creating the Tea Party movement. The chapter uses two experiments to show how this criticism undermines credit for spending, causing constituents to be much less supportive of expenditures in the district. It also explains that the effect of the criticism extends beyond the experiment. Once budget criticism is introduced, it causes constituents to evaluate legislators who claim credit at high rates more negatively.
Thomas O. McGarity
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300141245
- eISBN:
- 9780300195217
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300141245.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
To what extent is economic freedom good? This book tells the story of how the business community, and the trade associations and think tanks that it created, launched three powerful assaults during ...
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To what extent is economic freedom good? This book tells the story of how the business community, and the trade associations and think tanks that it created, launched three powerful assaults during the last quarter of the twentieth century on the federal regulatory system and the state civil justice system, to accomplish a revival of the laissez faire political economy which dominated Gilded Age America. Although the consequences of these assaults became painfully apparent in a confluence of crises during the early twenty-first century, the patch-and-repair fixes that Congress and the Obama administration put into place did little to change that underlying laissez faire ideology and practice, and it continues to dominate the American political economy. In anticipation of the next confluence of crises, the author offers suggestions for more comprehensive governmental protections for consumers, workers, and the environment.Less
To what extent is economic freedom good? This book tells the story of how the business community, and the trade associations and think tanks that it created, launched three powerful assaults during the last quarter of the twentieth century on the federal regulatory system and the state civil justice system, to accomplish a revival of the laissez faire political economy which dominated Gilded Age America. Although the consequences of these assaults became painfully apparent in a confluence of crises during the early twenty-first century, the patch-and-repair fixes that Congress and the Obama administration put into place did little to change that underlying laissez faire ideology and practice, and it continues to dominate the American political economy. In anticipation of the next confluence of crises, the author offers suggestions for more comprehensive governmental protections for consumers, workers, and the environment.
Charles P. Henry, Robert L. Allen, and Robert Chrisman (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036453
- eISBN:
- 9780252093487
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036453.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Barack Obama's campaign and electoral victory demonstrated the dynamic nature of American democracy. Beginning as a special issue of The Black Scholar, this probing collection illustrates the impact ...
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Barack Obama's campaign and electoral victory demonstrated the dynamic nature of American democracy. Beginning as a special issue of The Black Scholar, this probing collection illustrates the impact of “the Obama phenomenon” on the future of U.S. race relations through readings on Barack Obama's campaign as well as the idealism and pragmatism of the Obama administration. Some of the foremost scholars of African American politics and culture from an array of disciplines—including political science, theology, economics, history, journalism, sociology, cultural studies, and law—offer critical analyses of topics as diverse as Obama and the media, Obama's connection with the hip hop community, the public's perception of first lady Michelle Obama, voter behavior, and the history of racial issues in presidential campaigns since the 1960s.Less
Barack Obama's campaign and electoral victory demonstrated the dynamic nature of American democracy. Beginning as a special issue of The Black Scholar, this probing collection illustrates the impact of “the Obama phenomenon” on the future of U.S. race relations through readings on Barack Obama's campaign as well as the idealism and pragmatism of the Obama administration. Some of the foremost scholars of African American politics and culture from an array of disciplines—including political science, theology, economics, history, journalism, sociology, cultural studies, and law—offer critical analyses of topics as diverse as Obama and the media, Obama's connection with the hip hop community, the public's perception of first lady Michelle Obama, voter behavior, and the history of racial issues in presidential campaigns since the 1960s.
Todd C. Shaw, Robert A. Brown, and Joseph P. McCormick II
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781479807277
- eISBN:
- 9781479896578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479807277.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter provides a framework for this edited volume about how Barack Obama’s presidential legacy has, and has not, shaped African American politics—after Obama. Its co-editors—Todd Shaw, Robert ...
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This chapter provides a framework for this edited volume about how Barack Obama’s presidential legacy has, and has not, shaped African American politics—after Obama. Its co-editors—Todd Shaw, Robert Brown, and Joseph McCormick—posit that President Obama, a pragmatist who struggled to avoid the perceived pitfalls of race, operated within a conservative American racial order. The race and racism of this order convinced various Black constituencies to embrace an “inverted linked fate,” whereby they perceived their collective well-being based on the perceived political well-being of Obama. In return, no matter Obama’s cultural and symbolic ties to the Black community, he and his administration confronted an “inclusionary dilemma,” whereby the Black-led coalition that gave Obama electoral victories were, at times, underserved by the political and juridical limitations of his policy agenda or policy successes. The authors then give an overview of the rest of the volume.Less
This chapter provides a framework for this edited volume about how Barack Obama’s presidential legacy has, and has not, shaped African American politics—after Obama. Its co-editors—Todd Shaw, Robert Brown, and Joseph McCormick—posit that President Obama, a pragmatist who struggled to avoid the perceived pitfalls of race, operated within a conservative American racial order. The race and racism of this order convinced various Black constituencies to embrace an “inverted linked fate,” whereby they perceived their collective well-being based on the perceived political well-being of Obama. In return, no matter Obama’s cultural and symbolic ties to the Black community, he and his administration confronted an “inclusionary dilemma,” whereby the Black-led coalition that gave Obama electoral victories were, at times, underserved by the political and juridical limitations of his policy agenda or policy successes. The authors then give an overview of the rest of the volume.
Douglas L. Kriner and Eric Schickler
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691171852
- eISBN:
- 9781400883639
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691171852.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter uses investigative activity during the Obama administration as a lens for evaluating presidential–congressional relations in the early twenty-first century. Investigative activity ...
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This chapter uses investigative activity during the Obama administration as a lens for evaluating presidential–congressional relations in the early twenty-first century. Investigative activity declined in intensity in the late 1980s through the first decade of the new century, but Republicans’ takeover of the House of Representatives in 2010 sparked a series of high-profile probes. None of these investigations hit their mark and became the next Watergate or provided the impetus for major policy changes. However, collectively they demonstrate the continued vitality of investigations as a mechanism for members of Congress to inflict damage upon the executive branch. In the intensely polarized contemporary era, forcing major direct policy change may have become increasingly difficult, but investigators in divided government have focused their investigative energies on imposing political costs on the president, and they have regularly achieved this goal to considerable effect.Less
This chapter uses investigative activity during the Obama administration as a lens for evaluating presidential–congressional relations in the early twenty-first century. Investigative activity declined in intensity in the late 1980s through the first decade of the new century, but Republicans’ takeover of the House of Representatives in 2010 sparked a series of high-profile probes. None of these investigations hit their mark and became the next Watergate or provided the impetus for major policy changes. However, collectively they demonstrate the continued vitality of investigations as a mechanism for members of Congress to inflict damage upon the executive branch. In the intensely polarized contemporary era, forcing major direct policy change may have become increasingly difficult, but investigators in divided government have focused their investigative energies on imposing political costs on the president, and they have regularly achieved this goal to considerable effect.
Yvonne C. Zimmerman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199942190
- eISBN:
- 9780199980765
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199942190.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The conclusion turns to the United States' anti-trafficking project under the leadership of the Obama administration, briefly examining how anti-trafficking policies have been enacted under Luis ...
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The conclusion turns to the United States' anti-trafficking project under the leadership of the Obama administration, briefly examining how anti-trafficking policies have been enacted under Luis CdeBaca's leadership. Although the tenor and some content of the United States' human trafficking policies have been modified under the Obama administration's leadership, the conclusion provides several examples that indicate that the Protestant moral imagination of the project remains largely intact.Less
The conclusion turns to the United States' anti-trafficking project under the leadership of the Obama administration, briefly examining how anti-trafficking policies have been enacted under Luis CdeBaca's leadership. Although the tenor and some content of the United States' human trafficking policies have been modified under the Obama administration's leadership, the conclusion provides several examples that indicate that the Protestant moral imagination of the project remains largely intact.
Tyson D. King-Meadows
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781479807277
- eISBN:
- 9781479896578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479807277.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this chapter, I argue that the impact of the Obama presidency is best gauged not by examining shortfalls in Obama’s overt advocacy for race conscious policies but, rather, by examining what Obama ...
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In this chapter, I argue that the impact of the Obama presidency is best gauged not by examining shortfalls in Obama’s overt advocacy for race conscious policies but, rather, by examining what Obama did to assert that Black representatives should be more concerned about the enactment of legislation that advances Black progress than about credit claiming via overt advocacy. To illustrate, I examine select public speeches by Obama, White House documents, and press accounts to outline the Obama administration’s engagement with the Congressional Black Caucus and other elites over Black unemployment. Subsequent political clashes showcased Black dismay that a Black executive had not delivered tangible race-specific benefits, White fear that a Black president would practice racial favoritism, and an intergovernmental struggle between the executive and legislative branches over who should control employment policy. These clashes best illustrate how the “inclusionary dilemma” required Obama to utilize a complex engagement strategy with Black Americans to navigate Black dismay about job creation and to outline his socio-cultural-economic policy agenda. In the conclusion, I discuss how Obama used his final days in office to prepare the Obama coalition for the Trump presidency and to warn Black voters and Black elites about privileging style over substance.Less
In this chapter, I argue that the impact of the Obama presidency is best gauged not by examining shortfalls in Obama’s overt advocacy for race conscious policies but, rather, by examining what Obama did to assert that Black representatives should be more concerned about the enactment of legislation that advances Black progress than about credit claiming via overt advocacy. To illustrate, I examine select public speeches by Obama, White House documents, and press accounts to outline the Obama administration’s engagement with the Congressional Black Caucus and other elites over Black unemployment. Subsequent political clashes showcased Black dismay that a Black executive had not delivered tangible race-specific benefits, White fear that a Black president would practice racial favoritism, and an intergovernmental struggle between the executive and legislative branches over who should control employment policy. These clashes best illustrate how the “inclusionary dilemma” required Obama to utilize a complex engagement strategy with Black Americans to navigate Black dismay about job creation and to outline his socio-cultural-economic policy agenda. In the conclusion, I discuss how Obama used his final days in office to prepare the Obama coalition for the Trump presidency and to warn Black voters and Black elites about privileging style over substance.
Andrew C. Kuchins
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814785003
- eISBN:
- 9780814785010
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814785003.003.0012
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter address the key themes and issues driving Washington's perspective on and policy toward Russia to set the historical background for an examination of the Obama administration's efforts ...
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This chapter address the key themes and issues driving Washington's perspective on and policy toward Russia to set the historical background for an examination of the Obama administration's efforts to improve ties with Russia during the past year and the future prospects for the relationship. The approach is explicitly U.S.-centric in its analysis of Russian actions, principally in the context of how they are perceived and how they influence U.S. policy toward Russia. The focus is likewise on the Obama administration's Russian policy, which is popularly summarized by the notion of a “reset.” The chapter thus examines the origins and sources of this reset, its nature and limitations, and its prospects.Less
This chapter address the key themes and issues driving Washington's perspective on and policy toward Russia to set the historical background for an examination of the Obama administration's efforts to improve ties with Russia during the past year and the future prospects for the relationship. The approach is explicitly U.S.-centric in its analysis of Russian actions, principally in the context of how they are perceived and how they influence U.S. policy toward Russia. The focus is likewise on the Obama administration's Russian policy, which is popularly summarized by the notion of a “reset.” The chapter thus examines the origins and sources of this reset, its nature and limitations, and its prospects.
Wendy G. Smooth
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781479807277
- eISBN:
- 9781479896578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479807277.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this chapter, I examine if African American women benefitted from their support of the Obama presidency by using traditional markers of group interests, especially as a key constituency group ...
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In this chapter, I examine if African American women benefitted from their support of the Obama presidency by using traditional markers of group interests, especially as a key constituency group supporting candidate Obama. I explore the Obama presidency, asking beyond the politics of recognition, Did American women receive the attention from the president that their numbers as voters and early supporters of his presidential run might suggest? If not, why? I explore these questions from four different perspectives. First, I center African American women as the key constituency group that accounted for Obama’s electoral successes and situate what traditionally emerges when groups bear that designation in electoral politics. Second, I examine a range of policy interventions the administration pursued that might have addressed the specific needs of African American women as a distinct group. Third, I explore African American women’s descriptive representation under the Obama administration and whether the Obama administration created unique opportunities for African American women as decision makers in the administration. Finally, I argue that Obama’s failures to adequately address African American women as a critical constituency is explained by critical disconnections in his relationship to Black women.Less
In this chapter, I examine if African American women benefitted from their support of the Obama presidency by using traditional markers of group interests, especially as a key constituency group supporting candidate Obama. I explore the Obama presidency, asking beyond the politics of recognition, Did American women receive the attention from the president that their numbers as voters and early supporters of his presidential run might suggest? If not, why? I explore these questions from four different perspectives. First, I center African American women as the key constituency group that accounted for Obama’s electoral successes and situate what traditionally emerges when groups bear that designation in electoral politics. Second, I examine a range of policy interventions the administration pursued that might have addressed the specific needs of African American women as a distinct group. Third, I explore African American women’s descriptive representation under the Obama administration and whether the Obama administration created unique opportunities for African American women as decision makers in the administration. Finally, I argue that Obama’s failures to adequately address African American women as a critical constituency is explained by critical disconnections in his relationship to Black women.
Mark Tushnet
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199965533
- eISBN:
- 9780199351343
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199965533.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter examines the role of political and legal constitutionalism in structuring the response to terrorism since 2001. It begins by sketching two claims about the legal regulation of ...
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This chapter examines the role of political and legal constitutionalism in structuring the response to terrorism since 2001. It begins by sketching two claims about the legal regulation of antiterrorism policy in the United States in 2012. The first claim is that the policies pursued by the Obama administration are not much different from those pursued by the Bush administration after around 2006. The second claim is that notwithstanding the Supreme Court's decisions that those detained but not criminally charged with terrorism offenses are entitled to writs of habeas corpus, very few detainees have been released as a direct result of a final coercive judicial order. When suitably fleshed out, these claims are largely correct. The rest of the chapter argues that political constitutionalism provides a better explanation for the state of affairs described in this chapter.Less
This chapter examines the role of political and legal constitutionalism in structuring the response to terrorism since 2001. It begins by sketching two claims about the legal regulation of antiterrorism policy in the United States in 2012. The first claim is that the policies pursued by the Obama administration are not much different from those pursued by the Bush administration after around 2006. The second claim is that notwithstanding the Supreme Court's decisions that those detained but not criminally charged with terrorism offenses are entitled to writs of habeas corpus, very few detainees have been released as a direct result of a final coercive judicial order. When suitably fleshed out, these claims are largely correct. The rest of the chapter argues that political constitutionalism provides a better explanation for the state of affairs described in this chapter.
Juan Tovar
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474415286
- eISBN:
- 9781474438551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter analyses president Obama’s foreign policy in the MENA region. The first section focuses on the discourse and key strategic documents of the Obama administration. The purpose is to ...
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This chapter analyses president Obama’s foreign policy in the MENA region. The first section focuses on the discourse and key strategic documents of the Obama administration. The purpose is to identify the place that the MENA region has in the order of priorities of his foreign policy. The second section analyses the US foreign policy towards some of the states affected by the Arab Spring; while the third analyses the participation of the US in various conflicts that have marked this change process. The fourth explores the question of the nuclear agreement with Iran and its effects on Israel, which is one of the main allies of the US in the region. The final chapter pulls together the conclusions.
In some cases the US used diplomatic tools to promote political change; this is the case of Tunisia, Egypt or Yemen. In other cases the American decision-makers defended a status quo policy, such as Bahrain. In the cases of Libya, Syria and Iraq, the US was involved in different military interventions to promote political change or to fight terrorist groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS), as a consequence of the Arab Spring.
The chapter concludes that the Obama Administration did not have a coherent strategy to the region, offering different reactions to different states with different contexts and interests. Nevertheless, the ascent of the IS and the Russian influence on the region, make that the MENA region retains its strategic and vital role for the American foreign policy.Less
This chapter analyses president Obama’s foreign policy in the MENA region. The first section focuses on the discourse and key strategic documents of the Obama administration. The purpose is to identify the place that the MENA region has in the order of priorities of his foreign policy. The second section analyses the US foreign policy towards some of the states affected by the Arab Spring; while the third analyses the participation of the US in various conflicts that have marked this change process. The fourth explores the question of the nuclear agreement with Iran and its effects on Israel, which is one of the main allies of the US in the region. The final chapter pulls together the conclusions.
In some cases the US used diplomatic tools to promote political change; this is the case of Tunisia, Egypt or Yemen. In other cases the American decision-makers defended a status quo policy, such as Bahrain. In the cases of Libya, Syria and Iraq, the US was involved in different military interventions to promote political change or to fight terrorist groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS), as a consequence of the Arab Spring.
The chapter concludes that the Obama Administration did not have a coherent strategy to the region, offering different reactions to different states with different contexts and interests. Nevertheless, the ascent of the IS and the Russian influence on the region, make that the MENA region retains its strategic and vital role for the American foreign policy.
Robert B. Packer
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781479807277
- eISBN:
- 9781479896578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479807277.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this chapter, I will review what I see as the essential characteristics of the Obama foreign policy style and analyze whether we can discern a clear “Obama doctrine” from his foreign policy ...
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In this chapter, I will review what I see as the essential characteristics of the Obama foreign policy style and analyze whether we can discern a clear “Obama doctrine” from his foreign policy actions and rhetoric. In order to do so, I will lay out the four major approaches to American foreign policy-making and then assess how Obama’s policies fit within these approaches. Obama’s early foreign policy moves emphasized reconciliation and a more focused approach on counterterrorism as opposed to regime change. However, domestic political and international geopolitical constraints came to limit his ambitions. As the first Black president, Obama’s initial soaring rhetoric of change was replaced by cautionary tales of avoiding mistakes. After laying out the four schools of American foreign policy (nationalist, realist, liberal institutionalist, neoconservative), I discuss Obama’s policy style—the “nonideological doctrine”—that was purposively deliberative and cautious, in contrast to the ideological Bush regime-change crusade. Obama was careful to weigh the costs and benefits of policy options, keeping an eye on his predilection that foreign affairs must not interfere with the domestic agenda. This caution, which avoided major commitments to overseas conflicts, came under criticism from both the Left and Right of the political spectrum.Less
In this chapter, I will review what I see as the essential characteristics of the Obama foreign policy style and analyze whether we can discern a clear “Obama doctrine” from his foreign policy actions and rhetoric. In order to do so, I will lay out the four major approaches to American foreign policy-making and then assess how Obama’s policies fit within these approaches. Obama’s early foreign policy moves emphasized reconciliation and a more focused approach on counterterrorism as opposed to regime change. However, domestic political and international geopolitical constraints came to limit his ambitions. As the first Black president, Obama’s initial soaring rhetoric of change was replaced by cautionary tales of avoiding mistakes. After laying out the four schools of American foreign policy (nationalist, realist, liberal institutionalist, neoconservative), I discuss Obama’s policy style—the “nonideological doctrine”—that was purposively deliberative and cautious, in contrast to the ideological Bush regime-change crusade. Obama was careful to weigh the costs and benefits of policy options, keeping an eye on his predilection that foreign affairs must not interfere with the domestic agenda. This caution, which avoided major commitments to overseas conflicts, came under criticism from both the Left and Right of the political spectrum.
Anne Daguerre
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447338338
- eISBN:
- 9781447338376
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447338338.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
How will the social policies of Barack Obama go down in the history books?
Obama's record stands out principally because of the strong political and philosophical commitment to affordable health ...
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How will the social policies of Barack Obama go down in the history books?
Obama's record stands out principally because of the strong political and philosophical commitment to affordable health care. However, the U.S. still performs badly in terms of antipoverty policies compared to other rich nations.
Using new research, Anne Daguerre examines Obama’s legacy on welfare and antipoverty policies, focusing on Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, (SNAP), and Medicaid. The book provides an up-to-date account of the contemporary politics of poverty and public entitlements in the U.S., comparing this with the Western European experience to assess what lessons can be learnt.
Anne Daguerre explains how the Obama administration's attempts to expand the frontiers of the American welfare state have been confronted by institutional, ideological and constitutional constraints. The presidential capacity to shape legislative outcomes has been severely limited in an era of divided government and hyper-partisan politics.
Barack Obama was faced by a right wing backlash of colossal proportions in the form of the Tea Party movement. Donald Trump represents the continuation of this revolt. However, Trump’s cabinet of insurgents has been unable to run complex government programs. The divided Republican-dominated Congress has failed to offer credible alternatives to Obama’s social policies. The ideological and partisan nature of the anti-Obama backlash could paradoxically help Obama’s signature achievement, the Affordable Care Act, survive the Trump presidency.Less
How will the social policies of Barack Obama go down in the history books?
Obama's record stands out principally because of the strong political and philosophical commitment to affordable health care. However, the U.S. still performs badly in terms of antipoverty policies compared to other rich nations.
Using new research, Anne Daguerre examines Obama’s legacy on welfare and antipoverty policies, focusing on Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, (SNAP), and Medicaid. The book provides an up-to-date account of the contemporary politics of poverty and public entitlements in the U.S., comparing this with the Western European experience to assess what lessons can be learnt.
Anne Daguerre explains how the Obama administration's attempts to expand the frontiers of the American welfare state have been confronted by institutional, ideological and constitutional constraints. The presidential capacity to shape legislative outcomes has been severely limited in an era of divided government and hyper-partisan politics.
Barack Obama was faced by a right wing backlash of colossal proportions in the form of the Tea Party movement. Donald Trump represents the continuation of this revolt. However, Trump’s cabinet of insurgents has been unable to run complex government programs. The divided Republican-dominated Congress has failed to offer credible alternatives to Obama’s social policies. The ideological and partisan nature of the anti-Obama backlash could paradoxically help Obama’s signature achievement, the Affordable Care Act, survive the Trump presidency.
Kenton Clymer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801454486
- eISBN:
- 9781501701023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454486.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter discusses how Burma was not the only Southeast Asian country subjected to American sanctions. The Eisenhower administration restricted trade with North Vietnam from 1954 to 1994. ...
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This chapter discusses how Burma was not the only Southeast Asian country subjected to American sanctions. The Eisenhower administration restricted trade with North Vietnam from 1954 to 1994. Cambodia was subjected to similar measures in 1975 when the Khmer Rouge took over. As for Burma, human rights violations accounted in part for these measures. Critics of these sanctions used similar arguments: they were ineffective and harmful for ordinary people—it would be better for the United States to be involved in these countries rather than isolating them. Sanctions were expanded under the George W. Bush administration, but there was increasing frustration that they were not achieving their objective of regime change. A policy review led to the Obama administration changing its course. Instead of regime change, it would work toward regime modification.Less
This chapter discusses how Burma was not the only Southeast Asian country subjected to American sanctions. The Eisenhower administration restricted trade with North Vietnam from 1954 to 1994. Cambodia was subjected to similar measures in 1975 when the Khmer Rouge took over. As for Burma, human rights violations accounted in part for these measures. Critics of these sanctions used similar arguments: they were ineffective and harmful for ordinary people—it would be better for the United States to be involved in these countries rather than isolating them. Sanctions were expanded under the George W. Bush administration, but there was increasing frustration that they were not achieving their objective of regime change. A policy review led to the Obama administration changing its course. Instead of regime change, it would work toward regime modification.
Ravi K. Perry
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781479807277
- eISBN:
- 9781479896578
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479807277.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
In this chapter, I discuss the evolution of the Obama administration’s policies that effected the lives of Black Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) communities. I discuss the ...
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In this chapter, I discuss the evolution of the Obama administration’s policies that effected the lives of Black Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) communities. I discuss the dilemma—the inclusionary dilemma—that for all the ways President Obama and his administration may have moved the needle on American public opinion and the embrace of LGBTQ civil rights and marriage equality, there was less movement in terms of African American attitudes and, in turn, relatively less progress for Black LGBTQ communities. Having said this, however, I believe the targeted universalism of the administration still mattered in improving the lives of Black LGBTQ families. As I explain, targeted universalism is a policy approach whereby a policy that is crafted to appeal to and positively effect a very broad constituency—i.e., healthcare insurance and American uninsured families—has a positive ancillary effect upon the well-being of a specific constituency. I examine this main question principally by discussing how Obama and his administration slowly shifted not only the public discourse about same-sex marriage but legal interpretations and administrative guidelines relating to LGBTQ civil rights and healthcare. In turn, these actions prompted at least modest positive changes for LGBTQ and Black LGBTQ persons.Less
In this chapter, I discuss the evolution of the Obama administration’s policies that effected the lives of Black Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) communities. I discuss the dilemma—the inclusionary dilemma—that for all the ways President Obama and his administration may have moved the needle on American public opinion and the embrace of LGBTQ civil rights and marriage equality, there was less movement in terms of African American attitudes and, in turn, relatively less progress for Black LGBTQ communities. Having said this, however, I believe the targeted universalism of the administration still mattered in improving the lives of Black LGBTQ families. As I explain, targeted universalism is a policy approach whereby a policy that is crafted to appeal to and positively effect a very broad constituency—i.e., healthcare insurance and American uninsured families—has a positive ancillary effect upon the well-being of a specific constituency. I examine this main question principally by discussing how Obama and his administration slowly shifted not only the public discourse about same-sex marriage but legal interpretations and administrative guidelines relating to LGBTQ civil rights and healthcare. In turn, these actions prompted at least modest positive changes for LGBTQ and Black LGBTQ persons.
Mark Tushnet
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199368327
- eISBN:
- 9780199368358
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199368327.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter examines the performance of legal and political constitutionalism in the United States and the United Kingdom, in dealing with terrorism since 2001. The United States is ordinarily ...
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This chapter examines the performance of legal and political constitutionalism in the United States and the United Kingdom, in dealing with terrorism since 2001. The United States is ordinarily described as having a constitutional system that is highly legalized, the United Kingdom as one in which constitutional values are promoted primarily through politics. With respect to terrorism policy, the U.S. system’s legalized approach has produced relatively little in restraints imposed by the courts on executive and legislative policy. Yet, there have been restraints, which emerged from the operation of the political system both in the formal separation-of-powers sense and from the informal pressure of public opinion on lawmakers. The picture in the United Kingdom, ordinarily described as the home of parliamentary supremacy and political constitutionalism, is interestingly different because there the courts appear to have placed significant restrictions on the exercise of executive and legislative authority.Less
This chapter examines the performance of legal and political constitutionalism in the United States and the United Kingdom, in dealing with terrorism since 2001. The United States is ordinarily described as having a constitutional system that is highly legalized, the United Kingdom as one in which constitutional values are promoted primarily through politics. With respect to terrorism policy, the U.S. system’s legalized approach has produced relatively little in restraints imposed by the courts on executive and legislative policy. Yet, there have been restraints, which emerged from the operation of the political system both in the formal separation-of-powers sense and from the informal pressure of public opinion on lawmakers. The picture in the United Kingdom, ordinarily described as the home of parliamentary supremacy and political constitutionalism, is interestingly different because there the courts appear to have placed significant restrictions on the exercise of executive and legislative authority.
