John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter is divided into three sections. The first shows what consociationalists can learn from Northern Ireland. The second shows what critics of consociational theory can learn from Northern ...
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The chapter is divided into three sections. The first shows what consociationalists can learn from Northern Ireland. The second shows what critics of consociational theory can learn from Northern Ireland. The authors argue that a revised consociational theory provides the most sensible basis for understanding and prescribing for Northern Ireland and similar conflict zones. The third section suggests a number of ways in which Northern Ireland's Agreement may be best stabilised following the uncertainty of the first phase in efforts to implement it (1998-2003)Less
The chapter is divided into three sections. The first shows what consociationalists can learn from Northern Ireland. The second shows what critics of consociational theory can learn from Northern Ireland. The authors argue that a revised consociational theory provides the most sensible basis for understanding and prescribing for Northern Ireland and similar conflict zones. The third section suggests a number of ways in which Northern Ireland's Agreement may be best stabilised following the uncertainty of the first phase in efforts to implement it (1998-2003)
John McGarry
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242143.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines the impact of globalization and EU integration on the Northern Ireland conflict and its resolution. While they have not diluted the identities of opposing factions, or the intensity of their ...
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Examines the impact of globalization and EU integration on the Northern Ireland conflict and its resolution. While they have not diluted the identities of opposing factions, or the intensity of their political agendas, they have greatly increased the opportunities for effective diplomacy on the part of national government. The Anglo‐Irish cooperation that ultimately produced the Good Friday Agreement may have been made easier as a result of sovereignty‐pooling and intergovernmental cooperation within the EU, but it was also due to a slow recognition by the UK government that the conflict could not be managed within the traditional state system. Globalization complemented these factors.Less
Examines the impact of globalization and EU integration on the Northern Ireland conflict and its resolution. While they have not diluted the identities of opposing factions, or the intensity of their political agendas, they have greatly increased the opportunities for effective diplomacy on the part of national government. The Anglo‐Irish cooperation that ultimately produced the Good Friday Agreement may have been made easier as a result of sovereignty‐pooling and intergovernmental cooperation within the EU, but it was also due to a slow recognition by the UK government that the conflict could not be managed within the traditional state system. Globalization complemented these factors.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. The essays cover a wide range of topics, from the Anglo-Irish Agreement ...
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The book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. The essays cover a wide range of topics, from the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the management of Northern Ireland by successive Labour and Conservative governments between 1974 and 1997, to an analysis of the 1998 Agreement, and the issues of policing and human rights reform in the aftermath of that agreement. The book is unified by the theory of consociation, one of the most influential theories in the regulation of conflicts. The authors are critical exponents of the consociational approach, and several chapters explain its attractions over alternative forms of conflict regulation. The book explains why Northern Ireland's national divisions have made the achievement of a consociational agreement particularly difficult.The issues raised in the book are crucial to a proper understanding of Northern Ireland's past and future, which, the authors argue, is likely to involve some type of consociational democracy, whether or not the one agreed to on Good Friday 1998. The issues addressed, however, are not particular to Northern Ireland. They are relevant to a host of other divided territories, including Cyprus, Kosovo, Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Bosnia, Israel/Palestine, and Iraq. The book is therefore vital reading not just for Northern Ireland specialists, but also for anyone interested in consociational and in the just and durable regulation of national and ethnic conflict.Less
The book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. The essays cover a wide range of topics, from the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the management of Northern Ireland by successive Labour and Conservative governments between 1974 and 1997, to an analysis of the 1998 Agreement, and the issues of policing and human rights reform in the aftermath of that agreement. The book is unified by the theory of consociation, one of the most influential theories in the regulation of conflicts. The authors are critical exponents of the consociational approach, and several chapters explain its attractions over alternative forms of conflict regulation. The book explains why Northern Ireland's national divisions have made the achievement of a consociational agreement particularly difficult.
The issues raised in the book are crucial to a proper understanding of Northern Ireland's past and future, which, the authors argue, is likely to involve some type of consociational democracy, whether or not the one agreed to on Good Friday 1998. The issues addressed, however, are not particular to Northern Ireland. They are relevant to a host of other divided territories, including Cyprus, Kosovo, Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Bosnia, Israel/Palestine, and Iraq. The book is therefore vital reading not just for Northern Ireland specialists, but also for anyone interested in consociational and in the just and durable regulation of national and ethnic conflict.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines the effect of a number of changes in the international order on the Northern Ireland conflict. Its central argument is that while globalization and European integration have done ...
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The chapter examines the effect of a number of changes in the international order on the Northern Ireland conflict. Its central argument is that while globalization and European integration have done little to transform Northern Ireland's rival identities in the way that some integrationists hope or claim, the internationalisation of Northern Ireland's conflict has had important and positive effects on conflict management.Less
The chapter examines the effect of a number of changes in the international order on the Northern Ireland conflict. Its central argument is that while globalization and European integration have done little to transform Northern Ireland's rival identities in the way that some integrationists hope or claim, the internationalisation of Northern Ireland's conflict has had important and positive effects on conflict management.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory ...
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Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory board, investigate the characteristics, roles, similarities, and differences of P/CROs in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine in the last third of the twentieth century. Comparative research of this sort throws up definitional, conceptual, and methodological difficulties. A historical overview of the three conflicts reveals shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race. In South Africa, P/CROs engaged in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research, and with other antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations and the mass‐based resistance movements formed a “multiorganizational field.” In Israel, P/CRO activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments, but received little credit for any contributions they made to the peace process. Palestinian P/CROs were few and weakly developed as a result of Palestine's sociopolitical culture, although they performed human rights advocacy, international diplomacy, and domestic consciousness raising. Northern Ireland's voluntary sector was large, and included many P/CROs, which tended to focus on the symptoms of the conflict rather than the cause, and had little impact on the peace process beyond bringing an “inclusivist” philosophy to the political arena, fostering political debate, and providing some progressive leadership. Across the three regions, some P/CRO similarities emerged: foreign funding was crucial; charismatic leadership was important; almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and most P/CROs employed the same sorts of tactics, with some variation according to political context, but framed their conflicts differently. In general, it seems P/CRO impact was minimal: they played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts but made indirect contributions.Less
Peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) are civil society organizations dedicated to resolving protracted conflicts. Teams of local researchers coordinated by an international advisory board, investigate the characteristics, roles, similarities, and differences of P/CROs in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine in the last third of the twentieth century. Comparative research of this sort throws up definitional, conceptual, and methodological difficulties. A historical overview of the three conflicts reveals shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race. In South Africa, P/CROs engaged in antimilitarization activities, mediation, promoting contact between white and black communities, encouraging dialog between elites, and research, and with other antiapartheid nongovernmental organizations and the mass‐based resistance movements formed a “multiorganizational field.” In Israel, P/CRO activities included consciousness raising and protest, dialog promotion, some professional service provision, and the articulation of propeace arguments, but received little credit for any contributions they made to the peace process. Palestinian P/CROs were few and weakly developed as a result of Palestine's sociopolitical culture, although they performed human rights advocacy, international diplomacy, and domestic consciousness raising. Northern Ireland's voluntary sector was large, and included many P/CROs, which tended to focus on the symptoms of the conflict rather than the cause, and had little impact on the peace process beyond bringing an “inclusivist” philosophy to the political arena, fostering political debate, and providing some progressive leadership. Across the three regions, some P/CRO similarities emerged: foreign funding was crucial; charismatic leadership was important; almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and most P/CROs employed the same sorts of tactics, with some variation according to political context, but framed their conflicts differently. In general, it seems P/CRO impact was minimal: they played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts but made indirect contributions.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter offers a comparative evaluation of Northern Ireland's Agreement and the one reached in South Africa, and underlines the differences between them. It argues that the analogy between ...
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The chapter offers a comparative evaluation of Northern Ireland's Agreement and the one reached in South Africa, and underlines the differences between them. It argues that the analogy between Northern Ireland and South Africa should be read in different ways than it is by nationalist and unionist integrationists, and by social transformationists. It explains that the Northern Ireland conflict has important exogenous dimensions that are missing in South Africa, This is illustrated by two central points: (i) while South Africans reached agreement because of endogenous factors, cooperation by the British and Irish governments was essential to the attainment of agreement in Northern Ireland; (ii) while South Africa's settlement required new political institutions internal to the country, a vital part of Northern Ireland's agreement involved the construction of trans-border political institutions linking Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland.Less
The chapter offers a comparative evaluation of Northern Ireland's Agreement and the one reached in South Africa, and underlines the differences between them. It argues that the analogy between Northern Ireland and South Africa should be read in different ways than it is by nationalist and unionist integrationists, and by social transformationists. It explains that the Northern Ireland conflict has important exogenous dimensions that are missing in South Africa, This is illustrated by two central points: (i) while South Africans reached agreement because of endogenous factors, cooperation by the British and Irish governments was essential to the attainment of agreement in Northern Ireland; (ii) while South Africa's settlement required new political institutions internal to the country, a vital part of Northern Ireland's agreement involved the construction of trans-border political institutions linking Northern Ireland with the Republic of Ireland.
Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246465
- eISBN:
- 9780191600135
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246467.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Reviews the political processes that led to the multi‐party and intergovernmental agreement reached in Belfast on 10 April 1998 (the ‘Good Friday Agreement’), and to the subsequent British–Irish ...
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Reviews the political processes that led to the multi‐party and intergovernmental agreement reached in Belfast on 10 April 1998 (the ‘Good Friday Agreement’), and to the subsequent British–Irish Agreement of 1999. It then examines the details of the understandings arrived at. The story raises some interesting political science questions for formal theorists and comparative analysts regarding the nature of coalition government, the bargaining processes for allocating ministerial portfolios, and variations in consociational executive practice around the world.Less
Reviews the political processes that led to the multi‐party and intergovernmental agreement reached in Belfast on 10 April 1998 (the ‘Good Friday Agreement’), and to the subsequent British–Irish Agreement of 1999. It then examines the details of the understandings arrived at. The story raises some interesting political science questions for formal theorists and comparative analysts regarding the nature of coalition government, the bargaining processes for allocating ministerial portfolios, and variations in consociational executive practice around the world.
Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking ...
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The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking Ireland with Britain, and argues that both the internal and external dimensions were necessary parts of a durable settlement given the identities and aspirations of nationalists and unionists. The chapter stresses, in contrast to positions taken by Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, the advantages of the particular proportional electoral system used in Northern Ireland. It also points to the dangers that Britain's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty poses to stable agreements between Britain and Ireland. Northern Ireland, the author argues, could and should have become a federacy as well as having consociational governance.Less
The chapter defends the Northern Ireland Agreement's consociational institutions. It notes that the Agreement also contains federal and confederal institutions covering all of Ireland and linking Ireland with Britain, and argues that both the internal and external dimensions were necessary parts of a durable settlement given the identities and aspirations of nationalists and unionists. The chapter stresses, in contrast to positions taken by Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, the advantages of the particular proportional electoral system used in Northern Ireland. It also points to the dangers that Britain's tradition of parliamentary sovereignty poses to stable agreements between Britain and Ireland. Northern Ireland, the author argues, could and should have become a federacy as well as having consociational governance.
Feargal Cochrane and Seamus Dunn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse ...
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The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse collection of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CROs in Northern Ireland were founded to deal with the symptoms of the conflict, not its real or perceived causes, and member characteristics were largely determined by which symptoms P/CROs focused on; however, most members were broadly left leaning. Some P/CROs targeted specific communities, some sought to influence a broader audience, and others did both. While smaller, less formal P/CROS needed little income, larger groups required more funding, and sometimes had to professionalize in order to secure it, although relationships with funders tended to be relaxed. While P/CROs clearly had no direct impact on the peace process, they did introduce an “inclusivist” philosophy into the political arena, encouraged political debate, and provided an extra tier of progressive leadership.Less
The “democratic deficit” and significant British and European financial support for civil society have led to the growth of a large voluntary sector in Northern Ireland, including a diverse collection of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CROs in Northern Ireland were founded to deal with the symptoms of the conflict, not its real or perceived causes, and member characteristics were largely determined by which symptoms P/CROs focused on; however, most members were broadly left leaning. Some P/CROs targeted specific communities, some sought to influence a broader audience, and others did both. While smaller, less formal P/CROS needed little income, larger groups required more funding, and sometimes had to professionalize in order to secure it, although relationships with funders tended to be relaxed. While P/CROs clearly had no direct impact on the peace process, they did introduce an “inclusivist” philosophy into the political arena, encouraged political debate, and provided an extra tier of progressive leadership.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to prevent. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which primordial Unionism, that is, the belief that the Union is good in and for itself, survives. But even so, primordialism runs in different streams — military, religious, intellectual — whose waters scarcely mix.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of unionism in Northern Ireland since it unexpectedly and paradoxically found itself under Home Rule, which its leading politicians had raised a private army to prevent. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK in which primordial Unionism, that is, the belief that the Union is good in and for itself, survives. But even so, primordialism runs in different streams — military, religious, intellectual — whose waters scarcely mix.
Sammy Smooha
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Smooha argues that Jews have settled in Palestine – Land of Israel in sufficient strength to establish a strong independent state in part of the area (pre‐1967 Israel), although their attempt to ...
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Smooha argues that Jews have settled in Palestine – Land of Israel in sufficient strength to establish a strong independent state in part of the area (pre‐1967 Israel), although their attempt to incorporate the rest (the West Bank and Gaza) by settlement has failed. As a result, partition has become the most feasible way to resolve the Jewish–Palestinian conflict. In Ireland, by contrast, the position of British settlers (Protestants) is said to be much weaker than their Jewish counterparts. The Protestants are weak demographically, lack international legitimacy, are not supported by Britain, and are faced with a confident Irish nationalism. As a consequence, the historical trend points to Britain's withdrawal and an end to the partition of Ireland as the most likely form of conflict resolution.Less
Smooha argues that Jews have settled in Palestine – Land of Israel in sufficient strength to establish a strong independent state in part of the area (pre‐1967 Israel), although their attempt to incorporate the rest (the West Bank and Gaza) by settlement has failed. As a result, partition has become the most feasible way to resolve the Jewish–Palestinian conflict. In Ireland, by contrast, the position of British settlers (Protestants) is said to be much weaker than their Jewish counterparts. The Protestants are weak demographically, lack international legitimacy, are not supported by Britain, and are faced with a confident Irish nationalism. As a consequence, the historical trend points to Britain's withdrawal and an end to the partition of Ireland as the most likely form of conflict resolution.
Rupert Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Taylor delivers a sustained critique of the consociational institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement from an integrationist (social transformationist) perspective. He argues that a stable peace ...
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Taylor delivers a sustained critique of the consociational institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement from an integrationist (social transformationist) perspective. He argues that a stable peace requires the rejection of the top‐down approach taken in the Agreement and, instead, the construction from the bottom‐up of a common society through integrated schools, residences, and workplaces, and through the organization of groups in civil society that are dedicated to eroding ethno‐national divisions. He favours a ‘non‐sectarian democratic society in a united ‘New Ireland’.Less
Taylor delivers a sustained critique of the consociational institutions in Northern Ireland's Agreement from an integrationist (social transformationist) perspective. He argues that a stable peace requires the rejection of the top‐down approach taken in the Agreement and, instead, the construction from the bottom‐up of a common society through integrated schools, residences, and workplaces, and through the organization of groups in civil society that are dedicated to eroding ethno‐national divisions. He favours a ‘non‐sectarian democratic society in a united ‘New Ireland’.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland with Western Europe's other hot spot, the Basque Country. It links both regions with the process of European integration. Keating's view is that, as this promotes a move ...
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Compares Northern Ireland with Western Europe's other hot spot, the Basque Country. It links both regions with the process of European integration. Keating's view is that, as this promotes a move away from the traditional notion of single identities and sovereign nation‐states towards more complex multiple identities and forms of shared sovereignty; it offers a potential way out of both conflicts.Less
Compares Northern Ireland with Western Europe's other hot spot, the Basque Country. It links both regions with the process of European integration. Keating's view is that, as this promotes a move away from the traditional notion of single identities and sovereign nation‐states towards more complex multiple identities and forms of shared sovereignty; it offers a potential way out of both conflicts.
Padraig O'Malley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's ...
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Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.Less
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Despite employing a variety of strategies to maintain white supremacy, the South African government could not prevent the rise of a black resistance movement or of predominantly white nongovernmental ...
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Despite employing a variety of strategies to maintain white supremacy, the South African government could not prevent the rise of a black resistance movement or of predominantly white nongovernmental organizations that opposed apartheid. Such challenges to apartheid, economic difficulties, international pressure, and behind‐the‐scenes negotiations led to regime change and democratic elections in 1994. In Northern Ireland, Catholic–Protestant antagonism has roots in many centuries of English colonialism, aggravated by mutual distrust and segregation, limited citizen control over government, intermittent economic stagnation, and sectarian prejudices, but only in the late 1960s did violence become a part of everyday life. Although bloodshed continued, progress toward a solution began in the 1980s and continued into the 1990s. When Israel was founded in 1948, Arab–Jewish hostility already existed, and grew in the following decades, which saw five wars between Israel and Arab states, as well as political organizations, sometimes leading to violence, by Palestinian Arabs living. Domestic pressure for reform in the late 1970s and intense Palestinian resistance in the late 1980s forced Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians, although prospects for peace remained bleak. All three conflicts shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race.Less
Despite employing a variety of strategies to maintain white supremacy, the South African government could not prevent the rise of a black resistance movement or of predominantly white nongovernmental organizations that opposed apartheid. Such challenges to apartheid, economic difficulties, international pressure, and behind‐the‐scenes negotiations led to regime change and democratic elections in 1994. In Northern Ireland, Catholic–Protestant antagonism has roots in many centuries of English colonialism, aggravated by mutual distrust and segregation, limited citizen control over government, intermittent economic stagnation, and sectarian prejudices, but only in the late 1960s did violence become a part of everyday life. Although bloodshed continued, progress toward a solution began in the 1980s and continued into the 1990s. When Israel was founded in 1948, Arab–Jewish hostility already existed, and grew in the following decades, which saw five wars between Israel and Arab states, as well as political organizations, sometimes leading to violence, by Palestinian Arabs living. Domestic pressure for reform in the late 1970s and intense Palestinian resistance in the late 1980s forced Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians, although prospects for peace remained bleak. All three conflicts shared features: disputes over land; forced settlements; ethnonational divisions; and the intersection of class and race.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter criticizes five popular arguments central to the thinking of liberal integrationists: (i) extremist political and religious elites are responsible for conflicts; (ii) conflicts have ...
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This chapter criticizes five popular arguments central to the thinking of liberal integrationists: (i) extremist political and religious elites are responsible for conflicts; (ii) conflicts have fundamental economic and material foundations; (iii) conflicts flow from archaic religious and non-religious political cultures; (iv) segregation is the key social and structural cause of conflict; and (v) individual discrimination is the primary motor of conflict. The authors insist instead on the ethno-national nature of the conflict and the need for appropriate political means to address this.Less
This chapter criticizes five popular arguments central to the thinking of liberal integrationists: (i) extremist political and religious elites are responsible for conflicts; (ii) conflicts have fundamental economic and material foundations; (iii) conflicts flow from archaic religious and non-religious political cultures; (iv) segregation is the key social and structural cause of conflict; and (v) individual discrimination is the primary motor of conflict. The authors insist instead on the ethno-national nature of the conflict and the need for appropriate political means to address this.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Devolution to Scotland since 1707. Church patronage 1707–1874. The Disruption 1843. The Jacobite risings. The Scottish Enlightenment. Revival of devolution since the 1960s. The shotgun conversion of ...
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Devolution to Scotland since 1707. Church patronage 1707–1874. The Disruption 1843. The Jacobite risings. The Scottish Enlightenment. Revival of devolution since the 1960s. The shotgun conversion of Scottish Labour 1974. Failure 1974–9; success 1989–99. The Claim of Right (1689 and) 1989. Devolution to Northern Ireland since 1920. A Protestant Parliament in a Protestant state. The Troubles. The Good Friday Agreement. Constitutional framework. Devolution to Wales since 1964. ‘And to a lesser extent Wales.’ The weakest territorial department: Aberfan. Constitutional issues arising out of devolution. The Barnett Formula. The West Lothian Question, true and false. ‘English votes on English laws.’ Authority of subordinate parliaments. Formal (but empty) Diceyanism of the devolution statues. The Sewel Convention.Less
Devolution to Scotland since 1707. Church patronage 1707–1874. The Disruption 1843. The Jacobite risings. The Scottish Enlightenment. Revival of devolution since the 1960s. The shotgun conversion of Scottish Labour 1974. Failure 1974–9; success 1989–99. The Claim of Right (1689 and) 1989. Devolution to Northern Ireland since 1920. A Protestant Parliament in a Protestant state. The Troubles. The Good Friday Agreement. Constitutional framework. Devolution to Wales since 1964. ‘And to a lesser extent Wales.’ The weakest territorial department: Aberfan. Constitutional issues arising out of devolution. The Barnett Formula. The West Lothian Question, true and false. ‘English votes on English laws.’ Authority of subordinate parliaments. Formal (but empty) Diceyanism of the devolution statues. The Sewel Convention.
Brigid Hadfield
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263198
- eISBN:
- 9780191734755
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263198.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the changes in the conception of the United Kingdom as a territorial state. It discusses the two major territorial questions relevant to the United Kingdom: the question ...
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This chapter examines the changes in the conception of the United Kingdom as a territorial state. It discusses the two major territorial questions relevant to the United Kingdom: the question concerning Ireland and Northern Ireland; and the relationships between the component parts of the United Kingdom, specifically Great Britain. The chapter explains the key aspects of the evolution of the twentieth-century constitution of the United Kingdom.Less
This chapter examines the changes in the conception of the United Kingdom as a territorial state. It discusses the two major territorial questions relevant to the United Kingdom: the question concerning Ireland and Northern Ireland; and the relationships between the component parts of the United Kingdom, specifically Great Britain. The chapter explains the key aspects of the evolution of the twentieth-century constitution of the United Kingdom.
John McGarry (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post‐Agreement Northern Ireland from a comparative perspective. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is ‘a place ...
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Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post‐Agreement Northern Ireland from a comparative perspective. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is ‘a place apart’ – its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. The book is divided into two sections. The first includes theoretical chapters that centre on the concepts of consociationalism, social transformation, and integrationism. The second involves the case‐study approach, with Northern Ireland being compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland islands, the Basque country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol, and Sri Lanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how to consolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.Less
Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post‐Agreement Northern Ireland from a comparative perspective. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is ‘a place apart’ – its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. The book is divided into two sections. The first includes theoretical chapters that centre on the concepts of consociationalism, social transformation, and integrationism. The second involves the case‐study approach, with Northern Ireland being compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland islands, the Basque country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol, and Sri Lanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how to consolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.
Brice Dickson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199571383
- eISBN:
- 9780191721854
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571383.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Article 6 of the European Convention, which protects the right to a fair hearing, is the most frequently invoked Convention article, not just in the United Kingdom but in Strasbourg too. Not ...
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Article 6 of the European Convention, which protects the right to a fair hearing, is the most frequently invoked Convention article, not just in the United Kingdom but in Strasbourg too. Not surprisingly, it has featured prominently in some cases arising out of the conflict in Northern Ireland. This chapter discusses the issues that raise the risk that Article 6 was being breached, whether pre-trial or at the trial. It shows that despite alterations to the trial process being at the heart of the government's strategy for dealing with terrorist violence in Northern Ireland, the European Convention on Human Rights played a very small role in regulating those alterations.Less
Article 6 of the European Convention, which protects the right to a fair hearing, is the most frequently invoked Convention article, not just in the United Kingdom but in Strasbourg too. Not surprisingly, it has featured prominently in some cases arising out of the conflict in Northern Ireland. This chapter discusses the issues that raise the risk that Article 6 was being breached, whether pre-trial or at the trial. It shows that despite alterations to the trial process being at the heart of the government's strategy for dealing with terrorist violence in Northern Ireland, the European Convention on Human Rights played a very small role in regulating those alterations.
