Monica Najar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309003
- eISBN:
- 9780199867561
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309003.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Although many refer to the American South as the “Bible Belt”, the region was not always characterized by a powerful religious culture. In the 17th century and early 18th century, religion was ...
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Although many refer to the American South as the “Bible Belt”, the region was not always characterized by a powerful religious culture. In the 17th century and early 18th century, religion was virtually absent from southern culture. The late 18th century and early 19th century, however, witnessed the astonishingly rapid rise of evangelical religion in the Upper South. Within just a few years, evangelicals had spread their beliefs and their fervor, gaining converts and building churches throughout Virginia and North Carolina and into the western regions. This book argues that early evangelicals successfully negotiated the various challenges of the 18th-century landscape by creating churches that functioned as civil as well as religious bodies. As the era experienced substantial rifts in the relationship between church and state, the disestablishment of colonial churches paved the way for new formulations of church-state relations. The evangelical churches were well-positioned to provide guidance in uncertain times, and their multiple functions allowed them to reshape many of the central elements of authority in southern society. They assisted in reformulating the lines between the “religious” and “secular” realms, with significant consequences for both religion and the emerging nation-state.Less
Although many refer to the American South as the “Bible Belt”, the region was not always characterized by a powerful religious culture. In the 17th century and early 18th century, religion was virtually absent from southern culture. The late 18th century and early 19th century, however, witnessed the astonishingly rapid rise of evangelical religion in the Upper South. Within just a few years, evangelicals had spread their beliefs and their fervor, gaining converts and building churches throughout Virginia and North Carolina and into the western regions. This book argues that early evangelicals successfully negotiated the various challenges of the 18th-century landscape by creating churches that functioned as civil as well as religious bodies. As the era experienced substantial rifts in the relationship between church and state, the disestablishment of colonial churches paved the way for new formulations of church-state relations. The evangelical churches were well-positioned to provide guidance in uncertain times, and their multiple functions allowed them to reshape many of the central elements of authority in southern society. They assisted in reformulating the lines between the “religious” and “secular” realms, with significant consequences for both religion and the emerging nation-state.
Craig L. Symonds (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823232864
- eISBN:
- 9780823240777
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823232864.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined ...
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Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined army–navy operations by Union forces. Presented in chronological order, each chapter illuminates an aspect of combined operations during a time of changing technology and doctrine. The chapters cover the war along the rebel coast, including the operations in the North Carolina Sounds in 1861, the Union thrusts up the York and James rivers during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862 and 1864, and the various Union efforts to seize rebel seaports from the Texas coast to Charleston and Wilmington in 1863–5. Concluding the volume are two chapters that evaluate the impact of Union combined operations on subsequent doctrine in both the United States and England.Less
Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined army–navy operations by Union forces. Presented in chronological order, each chapter illuminates an aspect of combined operations during a time of changing technology and doctrine. The chapters cover the war along the rebel coast, including the operations in the North Carolina Sounds in 1861, the Union thrusts up the York and James rivers during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862 and 1864, and the various Union efforts to seize rebel seaports from the Texas coast to Charleston and Wilmington in 1863–5. Concluding the volume are two chapters that evaluate the impact of Union combined operations on subsequent doctrine in both the United States and England.
Lacy K. Ford, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195118094
- eISBN:
- 9780199870936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195118094.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter analyzes North Carolina's decision to disfranchise all free blacks at its 1835 state constitutional convention. The push for disfranchisement of free blacks in North Carolina was led not ...
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This chapter analyzes North Carolina's decision to disfranchise all free blacks at its 1835 state constitutional convention. The push for disfranchisement of free blacks in North Carolina was led not only by white egalitarians seeking ideological consistency but also by some conservatives eager to free their election districts from the influence of free black voters. These conservatives, who generally opposed constitutional reform, couched their public arguments against free black suffrage in terms of drawing a bright line between white citizens and black denizens much as egalitarians did, though conservatives also expressed the more elitist notion that black disfranchisement would free their election districts from the “corruption” and tendency to mobocracy they associated with free black voting.Less
This chapter analyzes North Carolina's decision to disfranchise all free blacks at its 1835 state constitutional convention. The push for disfranchisement of free blacks in North Carolina was led not only by white egalitarians seeking ideological consistency but also by some conservatives eager to free their election districts from the influence of free black voters. These conservatives, who generally opposed constitutional reform, couched their public arguments against free black suffrage in terms of drawing a bright line between white citizens and black denizens much as egalitarians did, though conservatives also expressed the more elitist notion that black disfranchisement would free their election districts from the “corruption” and tendency to mobocracy they associated with free black voting.
John A. Ragosta
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195388060
- eISBN:
- 9780199866779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388060.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
It is difficult to measure mobilization by denomination in the eighteenth century because enlistment records do not indicate recruits' denominations; nonetheless, evidence indicates that dissenters ...
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It is difficult to measure mobilization by denomination in the eighteenth century because enlistment records do not indicate recruits' denominations; nonetheless, evidence indicates that dissenters supplied the support sought as part of the negotiations for religious freedom. While Anglican ministers tended to hold more prestigious posts on Committees of Safety and more high‐ranking appointments to the military, dissenting ministers enlisted and preached mobilization at least as effectively. Indeed, many Baptist ministers who had been personally persecuted mobilized to support the patriot effort. Enlistment data by counties support the conclusion that dissenters mobilized at least as effectively as Anglicans. The situation in Virginia differed dramatically from substantial loyalism demonstrated by North Carolina and Maryland dissenters who had significantly less reason to oppose local patriot leaders; the lack of loyalism in Virginia relates, in part, to the efforts of the establishment leaders to engage dissenters in the political dialogue.Less
It is difficult to measure mobilization by denomination in the eighteenth century because enlistment records do not indicate recruits' denominations; nonetheless, evidence indicates that dissenters supplied the support sought as part of the negotiations for religious freedom. While Anglican ministers tended to hold more prestigious posts on Committees of Safety and more high‐ranking appointments to the military, dissenting ministers enlisted and preached mobilization at least as effectively. Indeed, many Baptist ministers who had been personally persecuted mobilized to support the patriot effort. Enlistment data by counties support the conclusion that dissenters mobilized at least as effectively as Anglicans. The situation in Virginia differed dramatically from substantial loyalism demonstrated by North Carolina and Maryland dissenters who had significantly less reason to oppose local patriot leaders; the lack of loyalism in Virginia relates, in part, to the efforts of the establishment leaders to engage dissenters in the political dialogue.
Paul Yandle
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125817
- eISBN:
- 9780813135533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125817.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Thomas Dixon dedicated The Clansman, his fictionalized account of Klan Activity on the North–South Carolina border, to Leroy Mangum McAfee. McAfee's largest claim to fame today comes from Dixon's ...
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Thomas Dixon dedicated The Clansman, his fictionalized account of Klan Activity on the North–South Carolina border, to Leroy Mangum McAfee. McAfee's largest claim to fame today comes from Dixon's brief description of him, noted in several histories of the Reconstruction period. Fictionalizations of McAfee and his Klan coconspirators were once part of the prevalent view of Reconstruction in the early twentieth century because of the popularity of The Clansman and another Dixon novel, The Leopard's Spots. The Clansman and The Leopard's Spots both reveal that, to Dixon, the main preservers of American civilization during the Reconstruction came from the hills, not the piney woods or the flat, sandier tidewater soil usually associated with the plantation South.Less
Thomas Dixon dedicated The Clansman, his fictionalized account of Klan Activity on the North–South Carolina border, to Leroy Mangum McAfee. McAfee's largest claim to fame today comes from Dixon's brief description of him, noted in several histories of the Reconstruction period. Fictionalizations of McAfee and his Klan coconspirators were once part of the prevalent view of Reconstruction in the early twentieth century because of the popularity of The Clansman and another Dixon novel, The Leopard's Spots. The Clansman and The Leopard's Spots both reveal that, to Dixon, the main preservers of American civilization during the Reconstruction came from the hills, not the piney woods or the flat, sandier tidewater soil usually associated with the plantation South.
James A. Beeby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604730012
- eISBN:
- 9781604733242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604730012.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political ...
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During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political transformation, electoral reform, and new economic policies to aid poor and struggling farmers, the Populists and their coalition partners took power at all levels in the only southern state where Populists gained statewide office. For a brief four years, the Populists and Republicans gave an object lesson in progressive politics in which whites and African Americans worked together for the betterment of the state and the lives of the people. This book examines the complex history of the rise and fall of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century. It explores the causes behind the political insurgency of small farmers in the state. The book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth study of the movement, focusing on local activists as well as state leadership. It also elucidates the relationship between Populists and African Americans, the nature of cooperation between Republicans and Populists, and local dynamics and political campaigning in the Gilded Age. In a last-gasp attempt to return to power, the Democrats focused on the Populists’ weak point: race. The book closes with an analysis of the virulent campaign of white supremacy engineered by threatened Democrats, and the ultimate downfall of already quarreling Populists and Republicans. With the defeat of the Populist ticket, North Carolina joined other southern states by entering an era of segregation.Less
During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political transformation, electoral reform, and new economic policies to aid poor and struggling farmers, the Populists and their coalition partners took power at all levels in the only southern state where Populists gained statewide office. For a brief four years, the Populists and Republicans gave an object lesson in progressive politics in which whites and African Americans worked together for the betterment of the state and the lives of the people. This book examines the complex history of the rise and fall of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century. It explores the causes behind the political insurgency of small farmers in the state. The book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth study of the movement, focusing on local activists as well as state leadership. It also elucidates the relationship between Populists and African Americans, the nature of cooperation between Republicans and Populists, and local dynamics and political campaigning in the Gilded Age. In a last-gasp attempt to return to power, the Democrats focused on the Populists’ weak point: race. The book closes with an analysis of the virulent campaign of white supremacy engineered by threatened Democrats, and the ultimate downfall of already quarreling Populists and Republicans. With the defeat of the Populist ticket, North Carolina joined other southern states by entering an era of segregation.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199752027
- eISBN:
- 9780199979431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199752027.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Why did the KKK's “rebirth” emerge most fully in precisely the state whose progressive reputation presumably would best “counter” the Klan's militant appeals? To address that puzzle, this chapter ...
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Why did the KKK's “rebirth” emerge most fully in precisely the state whose progressive reputation presumably would best “counter” the Klan's militant appeals? To address that puzzle, this chapter focuses on the politics of KKK mobilization, in particular state officials' orientation to civil rights mandates and the policing of segregationist vigilante action. Through a detailed account of North Carolina's political development and extended comparisons to Mississippi and Florida, the chapter argues that a combination of racial moderation and laissez faire policing provided the KKK with considerable organizing latitude in the Tar Heel State, enabling the Carolina Klan's rapid growth and its significant influence on state politics.Less
Why did the KKK's “rebirth” emerge most fully in precisely the state whose progressive reputation presumably would best “counter” the Klan's militant appeals? To address that puzzle, this chapter focuses on the politics of KKK mobilization, in particular state officials' orientation to civil rights mandates and the policing of segregationist vigilante action. Through a detailed account of North Carolina's political development and extended comparisons to Mississippi and Florida, the chapter argues that a combination of racial moderation and laissez faire policing provided the KKK with considerable organizing latitude in the Tar Heel State, enabling the Carolina Klan's rapid growth and its significant influence on state politics.
M. V. Hood III, Quentin Kidd, and Irwin L. Morris
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199873821
- eISBN:
- 9780199980017
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873821.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter provides a test of relative advantage theory at the substate level. Specifically, the growth of Republican identification is analyzed at the parish level in Louisiana and the county ...
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This chapter provides a test of relative advantage theory at the substate level. Specifically, the growth of Republican identification is analyzed at the parish level in Louisiana and the county level in North Carolina annually from 1966 to 2008. The results indicate that black political mobilization is a statistically significant predictor of Republican registration rates in both post-Voting Rights Act (VRA) Louisiana and North Carolina. The findings in this chapter again provide empirical confirmation supporting the theory of relative advantage as a key explanation for the political transformation of the South over the last half-century. This chapter ends with a brief discussion of where the current politics of the region fits into U.S. national politics.Less
This chapter provides a test of relative advantage theory at the substate level. Specifically, the growth of Republican identification is analyzed at the parish level in Louisiana and the county level in North Carolina annually from 1966 to 2008. The results indicate that black political mobilization is a statistically significant predictor of Republican registration rates in both post-Voting Rights Act (VRA) Louisiana and North Carolina. The findings in this chapter again provide empirical confirmation supporting the theory of relative advantage as a key explanation for the political transformation of the South over the last half-century. This chapter ends with a brief discussion of where the current politics of the region fits into U.S. national politics.
Ashley Peles
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061559
- eISBN:
- 9780813051468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061559.003.0003
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
Peles’s chapter considers whether the refuse of specific households of historic Native Americans of the North Carolina Piedmont can be identified from densely occupied village sites. She notes that ...
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Peles’s chapter considers whether the refuse of specific households of historic Native Americans of the North Carolina Piedmont can be identified from densely occupied village sites. She notes that on sites with well-documented histories, different occupations can be more easily identified than on sites with few to no associated historic records. Peles takes a community perspective on the concept of household, and while the features from which she draws her zooarchaeological and ethnobotanical data cannot necessarily be connected to individual households, a theoretical perspective ordered around households provides opportunity to look at village-wide data as a result of the collective decisions of households within the community. Using correspondence analysis, Peles looks to see if there are relationships between certain plants and animals among six village sites and if the assemblages are similar to each other. Peles finds that there are distinct differences in the foods different communities exploited during a period of growing uncertainty marked by pressure from European intrusions. She is able to show that study of food remains at multiple scales, coupled with firm contextualization of the deposits, supports exploration of and sound hypotheses about the agency of households and the individuals who compose them.Less
Peles’s chapter considers whether the refuse of specific households of historic Native Americans of the North Carolina Piedmont can be identified from densely occupied village sites. She notes that on sites with well-documented histories, different occupations can be more easily identified than on sites with few to no associated historic records. Peles takes a community perspective on the concept of household, and while the features from which she draws her zooarchaeological and ethnobotanical data cannot necessarily be connected to individual households, a theoretical perspective ordered around households provides opportunity to look at village-wide data as a result of the collective decisions of households within the community. Using correspondence analysis, Peles looks to see if there are relationships between certain plants and animals among six village sites and if the assemblages are similar to each other. Peles finds that there are distinct differences in the foods different communities exploited during a period of growing uncertainty marked by pressure from European intrusions. She is able to show that study of food remains at multiple scales, coupled with firm contextualization of the deposits, supports exploration of and sound hypotheses about the agency of households and the individuals who compose them.
Patrick Huber
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832257
- eISBN:
- 9781469606217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807886786_huber.6
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter illustrates how, as early as 1924, the hard-drinking textile millhand Charlie Poole was already broadcasting his high-spirited, percussive dance music throughout the mountains of ...
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This chapter illustrates how, as early as 1924, the hard-drinking textile millhand Charlie Poole was already broadcasting his high-spirited, percussive dance music throughout the mountains of southwestern Virginia even before he appeared on radio or records. Besides performing for paying audiences at formal stage shows, the renowned five-string banjoist and his brother-in-law, fiddler Posey Rorer, often entertained in private homes for parties and dances around Franklin County, Virginia, where Rorer had been born and raised. Sometimes the duo “broadcast” using their host's hand-crank telephone, thereby sharing their music, via the telephone party line, with avid listeners in the community. During the mid- to late 1920s, even after he became one of Columbia's best-selling recording stars, Poole and his revolving ensemble of stringband musicians, the North Carolina Ramblers, regularly spent weeks playing the towns and villages of southwestern Virginia and southern West Virginia, sometimes for paying audiences but most often just for the sheer pleasure of making music.Less
This chapter illustrates how, as early as 1924, the hard-drinking textile millhand Charlie Poole was already broadcasting his high-spirited, percussive dance music throughout the mountains of southwestern Virginia even before he appeared on radio or records. Besides performing for paying audiences at formal stage shows, the renowned five-string banjoist and his brother-in-law, fiddler Posey Rorer, often entertained in private homes for parties and dances around Franklin County, Virginia, where Rorer had been born and raised. Sometimes the duo “broadcast” using their host's hand-crank telephone, thereby sharing their music, via the telephone party line, with avid listeners in the community. During the mid- to late 1920s, even after he became one of Columbia's best-selling recording stars, Poole and his revolving ensemble of stringband musicians, the North Carolina Ramblers, regularly spent weeks playing the towns and villages of southwestern Virginia and southern West Virginia, sometimes for paying audiences but most often just for the sheer pleasure of making music.
Scott Douglas Gerber
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765874
- eISBN:
- 9780199896875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765874.003.0021
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in North Carolina. The North Carolina Constitution of 1776 contained all three of the central tenets of judicial independence: the judiciary ...
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This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in North Carolina. The North Carolina Constitution of 1776 contained all three of the central tenets of judicial independence: the judiciary was a separate institution of government; judges served for life during good behavior; and they received adequate salaries. It had come a long way from the days in which the lords proprietors were conferred “full and absolute power” by the crown—including judicial power—for the “good and happy government of the said province”.Less
This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in North Carolina. The North Carolina Constitution of 1776 contained all three of the central tenets of judicial independence: the judiciary was a separate institution of government; judges served for life during good behavior; and they received adequate salaries. It had come a long way from the days in which the lords proprietors were conferred “full and absolute power” by the crown—including judicial power—for the “good and happy government of the said province”.
Evan P. Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813060149
- eISBN:
- 9780813050591
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060149.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book explores the history of tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont region of Virginia and North Carolina since Emancipation in 1865. Focusing on the transformations in labor—the tasks of growing ...
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This book explores the history of tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont region of Virginia and North Carolina since Emancipation in 1865. Focusing on the transformations in labor—the tasks of growing tobacco; the arrangement of workers; and the cultural meaning of labor—the book argues that the predominance of family labor in tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont in the twentieth century was an accident of the arrangement of labor following emancipation that was then reified in federal policy. This reification, however, was not accidental, but a product of farm families’ advocacy of that particular model of tobacco agriculture. Their advocacy, in turn, was driven by a culture that esteemed small-scale, artisanal production over large-scale, industrial capitalist production. It concludes with the dissolution of this labor-centered culture and the growing prestige of large-scale, industrial agriculture as a result of political changes, technological modernization, and neoliberal market and labor ideologies.Less
This book explores the history of tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont region of Virginia and North Carolina since Emancipation in 1865. Focusing on the transformations in labor—the tasks of growing tobacco; the arrangement of workers; and the cultural meaning of labor—the book argues that the predominance of family labor in tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont in the twentieth century was an accident of the arrangement of labor following emancipation that was then reified in federal policy. This reification, however, was not accidental, but a product of farm families’ advocacy of that particular model of tobacco agriculture. Their advocacy, in turn, was driven by a culture that esteemed small-scale, artisanal production over large-scale, industrial capitalist production. It concludes with the dissolution of this labor-centered culture and the growing prestige of large-scale, industrial agriculture as a result of political changes, technological modernization, and neoliberal market and labor ideologies.
Kevin Joel Berland
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469606934
- eISBN:
- 9781469608273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469606934.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This is a reproduction of William Byrd II' account of the surveying of the border between the U.S. states of North Carolina and Virginia in 1728. This account of the journey to survey the contentious ...
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This is a reproduction of William Byrd II' account of the surveying of the border between the U.S. states of North Carolina and Virginia in 1728. This account of the journey to survey the contentious border with chief surveyor William Mayo include details such as the origin of the name of “Matrimony Creek,” a name coined because of its observed choppy constitution. Surveyors and technicians for the team came from both colonies. William Byrd was the chief representative from Virginia, and Edward Moseley was the chief representative from North Carolina.Less
This is a reproduction of William Byrd II' account of the surveying of the border between the U.S. states of North Carolina and Virginia in 1728. This account of the journey to survey the contentious border with chief surveyor William Mayo include details such as the origin of the name of “Matrimony Creek,” a name coined because of its observed choppy constitution. Surveyors and technicians for the team came from both colonies. William Byrd was the chief representative from Virginia, and Edward Moseley was the chief representative from North Carolina.
Monica Najar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309003
- eISBN:
- 9780199867561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in ...
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This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.Less
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199752027
- eISBN:
- 9780199979431
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199752027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
In the 1960s, on the heels of the Brown decision and in the midst of the Civil Rights Movement, Ku Klux Klan activity boomed, reaching an intensity not seen since the 1920s, when KKK membership ...
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In the 1960s, on the heels of the Brown decision and in the midst of the Civil Rights Movement, Ku Klux Klan activity boomed, reaching an intensity not seen since the 1920s, when KKK membership extended into the millions. Surprisingly, the state with the largest Klan membership—more than the rest of the South combined—was North Carolina, a supposed bastion of southern-style progressivism. Klansville, U.S.A. documents and explains the civil rights-era KKK's astounding rise and fall, by focusing on the under-explored case of the United Klans of America (UKA) in North Carolina. Like its contemporaries in the Deep South, the massive Carolina Klan engaged in secretive campaigns of terror and intimidation, but also developed a strong public presence, spreading its message and supporting its members at massive nightly rallies, afternoon street walks, weekend church services and turkey shoots, and through local radio shows and roadside billboards. The UKA's successes in the Tar Heel State provide a window into the complex appeal of the KKK as a whole, demonstrating how the Klan organized most successfully where whites perceived civil rights reforms to be a significant threat to their status, where mainstream outlets for segregationist resistance were lacking, and where the policing of the Klan's activities was lax. By connecting the KKK to the more mainstream segregationist and anti-communist groups across the South, this book offers new insight into southern conservatism, resistance to civil rights, and the region's subsequent dramatic shift to the Republican Party—shedding new light on organized racism and on how political extremism can intersect with mainstream institutions and ideals.Less
In the 1960s, on the heels of the Brown decision and in the midst of the Civil Rights Movement, Ku Klux Klan activity boomed, reaching an intensity not seen since the 1920s, when KKK membership extended into the millions. Surprisingly, the state with the largest Klan membership—more than the rest of the South combined—was North Carolina, a supposed bastion of southern-style progressivism. Klansville, U.S.A. documents and explains the civil rights-era KKK's astounding rise and fall, by focusing on the under-explored case of the United Klans of America (UKA) in North Carolina. Like its contemporaries in the Deep South, the massive Carolina Klan engaged in secretive campaigns of terror and intimidation, but also developed a strong public presence, spreading its message and supporting its members at massive nightly rallies, afternoon street walks, weekend church services and turkey shoots, and through local radio shows and roadside billboards. The UKA's successes in the Tar Heel State provide a window into the complex appeal of the KKK as a whole, demonstrating how the Klan organized most successfully where whites perceived civil rights reforms to be a significant threat to their status, where mainstream outlets for segregationist resistance were lacking, and where the policing of the Klan's activities was lax. By connecting the KKK to the more mainstream segregationist and anti-communist groups across the South, this book offers new insight into southern conservatism, resistance to civil rights, and the region's subsequent dramatic shift to the Republican Party—shedding new light on organized racism and on how political extremism can intersect with mainstream institutions and ideals.
Michael Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034706
- eISBN:
- 9780813038346
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034706.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book presents the compelling story of colonial manumission movements among North Carolina Quakers. Embedding complete primary documents within the context of a personal interpretive analysis, ...
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This book presents the compelling story of colonial manumission movements among North Carolina Quakers. Embedding complete primary documents within the context of a personal interpretive analysis, the book shows how the consequences of this group's antislavery activism radiated out from a few individuals to the region, the state, and, eventually, the nation. Readers will be able to draw their own insights from the important documents presented in this book, many of them obscure or recently discovered. Through diaries, petitions, legislative debates, and letters, well-known as well as unknown players in the struggle for manumission are allowed to tell their own stories in their own words. This approach has the effect of highlighting the personal motivation of figures both prominent and obscure in the movement.Less
This book presents the compelling story of colonial manumission movements among North Carolina Quakers. Embedding complete primary documents within the context of a personal interpretive analysis, the book shows how the consequences of this group's antislavery activism radiated out from a few individuals to the region, the state, and, eventually, the nation. Readers will be able to draw their own insights from the important documents presented in this book, many of them obscure or recently discovered. Through diaries, petitions, legislative debates, and letters, well-known as well as unknown players in the struggle for manumission are allowed to tell their own stories in their own words. This approach has the effect of highlighting the personal motivation of figures both prominent and obscure in the movement.
Kirsten Fischer
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112436
- eISBN:
- 9780199854271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112436.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines European American's ideas about race in North Carolina's expanding of the slave society. The damaging rumors of illicit sex that European settlers circulated about each other ...
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This chapter examines European American's ideas about race in North Carolina's expanding of the slave society. The damaging rumors of illicit sex that European settlers circulated about each other reflected and reinforced the racial ideology by which they identified themselves as “white” and as distinct from African Americans. Slanderers who used allegations of interracial sex to malign their wealthier neighbors or to denigrate white women as “whores,” melded together notions of race, class, and gender, implicating each concept in the construction of the others. This chapter discusses in particular how demonstrations of insulting allegations of illicit sex through slander suits aided the construction of racialist thought among European Americans. In the context of North Carolina's growing slave economy, sexual slurs bolstered the racism that accompanied the entrenchment of slavery and this provides a window into the intertwined workings of racial, class, and gender hierarchies.Less
This chapter examines European American's ideas about race in North Carolina's expanding of the slave society. The damaging rumors of illicit sex that European settlers circulated about each other reflected and reinforced the racial ideology by which they identified themselves as “white” and as distinct from African Americans. Slanderers who used allegations of interracial sex to malign their wealthier neighbors or to denigrate white women as “whores,” melded together notions of race, class, and gender, implicating each concept in the construction of the others. This chapter discusses in particular how demonstrations of insulting allegations of illicit sex through slander suits aided the construction of racialist thought among European Americans. In the context of North Carolina's growing slave economy, sexual slurs bolstered the racism that accompanied the entrenchment of slavery and this provides a window into the intertwined workings of racial, class, and gender hierarchies.
Bruce E. Stewart
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813130002
- eISBN:
- 9780813135670
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813130002.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The temperance movement in western North Carolina began taking root in the 1830s when a growing number of highlanders felt that alcohol impeded the region's economic and moral potential. However, ...
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The temperance movement in western North Carolina began taking root in the 1830s when a growing number of highlanders felt that alcohol impeded the region's economic and moral potential. However, some urbanites viewed these reformists as fanatics who were infringing on their right to drink and distill liquor. This conflict over alcohol reform ultimately suggests that the potential fault line in antebellum white society was not between elite slaveholders and the yeoman but between the parochial “plain folk” and the burgeoning urban middle class. Temperance became a badge of respectability, one that helped delineate differences between middle-class town residents and rural mountain whites. Methodist and Baptist preachers also took up the fight against intemperance, professing that personal salvation can be achieved only by refusing “worldly temptations.” However, there were many congregations that disapproved of the movement because they felt it broke tradition and weakened local authority. In addition, local politicians felt that liquor manufacturing was an important cottage industry and rejected anti-distillation legislation. It wasn't until the late nineteenth century, when the region began to feel the full impact of industrialization and urbanization, before reformers could gain the support of rural communities on this issue.Less
The temperance movement in western North Carolina began taking root in the 1830s when a growing number of highlanders felt that alcohol impeded the region's economic and moral potential. However, some urbanites viewed these reformists as fanatics who were infringing on their right to drink and distill liquor. This conflict over alcohol reform ultimately suggests that the potential fault line in antebellum white society was not between elite slaveholders and the yeoman but between the parochial “plain folk” and the burgeoning urban middle class. Temperance became a badge of respectability, one that helped delineate differences between middle-class town residents and rural mountain whites. Methodist and Baptist preachers also took up the fight against intemperance, professing that personal salvation can be achieved only by refusing “worldly temptations.” However, there were many congregations that disapproved of the movement because they felt it broke tradition and weakened local authority. In addition, local politicians felt that liquor manufacturing was an important cottage industry and rejected anti-distillation legislation. It wasn't until the late nineteenth century, when the region began to feel the full impact of industrialization and urbanization, before reformers could gain the support of rural communities on this issue.
Jerry Gershenhorn
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469638768
- eISBN:
- 9781469638775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638768.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
During the postwar decade leading up to the Brown v. Board of Education decision, Austin played a central role in increasing black voter registration, working with the Durham Committee on Negro ...
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During the postwar decade leading up to the Brown v. Board of Education decision, Austin played a central role in increasing black voter registration, working with the Durham Committee on Negro Affairs, leading to the election of the first black member of the Durham city council in 1953. He also made important efforts to integrate public facilities. He organized an integrated football game in Durham, between a white team and a black team, which was hailed as the first racially integrated football game in the South. Austin continued to prioritize the fight for equitable public education for African Americans in the postwar years. Austin pursued a dual strategy, pressing for integration, particularly in higher education, while fighting for equal funding for black schools and equal salaries for black teachers.Less
During the postwar decade leading up to the Brown v. Board of Education decision, Austin played a central role in increasing black voter registration, working with the Durham Committee on Negro Affairs, leading to the election of the first black member of the Durham city council in 1953. He also made important efforts to integrate public facilities. He organized an integrated football game in Durham, between a white team and a black team, which was hailed as the first racially integrated football game in the South. Austin continued to prioritize the fight for equitable public education for African Americans in the postwar years. Austin pursued a dual strategy, pressing for integration, particularly in higher education, while fighting for equal funding for black schools and equal salaries for black teachers.
Jon F. Sensbach
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112436
- eISBN:
- 9780199854271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112436.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter explores the story of Anna Maria Samuel, an African-American girl from Bethabara, North Carolina. She was immersed in a church (Morovian church) culture that exalted female spirituality ...
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This chapter explores the story of Anna Maria Samuel, an African-American girl from Bethabara, North Carolina. She was immersed in a church (Morovian church) culture that exalted female spirituality and rigorously protected, even policed, white and black women's persons and sexuality. Her life dramatizes some of the complexities creeping into southern life on a broader scale in the late 18th century. This demonstrates a time when black women were forming ties of spiritual kinship with white women; they were sheltered under the umbrella of the Gospel from the depredations of white masters; and white people hailed their spirituality as equal to their own. It appears that white women also came to resent the threat of spiritual parity with black women at the expense of their own social and religious stature. With fragile alliances crumbling, the South was launched on a frightening new day of resurrected racial and gender barriers.Less
This chapter explores the story of Anna Maria Samuel, an African-American girl from Bethabara, North Carolina. She was immersed in a church (Morovian church) culture that exalted female spirituality and rigorously protected, even policed, white and black women's persons and sexuality. Her life dramatizes some of the complexities creeping into southern life on a broader scale in the late 18th century. This demonstrates a time when black women were forming ties of spiritual kinship with white women; they were sheltered under the umbrella of the Gospel from the depredations of white masters; and white people hailed their spirituality as equal to their own. It appears that white women also came to resent the threat of spiritual parity with black women at the expense of their own social and religious stature. With fragile alliances crumbling, the South was launched on a frightening new day of resurrected racial and gender barriers.
