Monica Najar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309003
- eISBN:
- 9780199867561
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309003.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Although many refer to the American South as the “Bible Belt”, the region was not always characterized by a powerful religious culture. In the 17th century and early 18th century, religion was ...
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Although many refer to the American South as the “Bible Belt”, the region was not always characterized by a powerful religious culture. In the 17th century and early 18th century, religion was virtually absent from southern culture. The late 18th century and early 19th century, however, witnessed the astonishingly rapid rise of evangelical religion in the Upper South. Within just a few years, evangelicals had spread their beliefs and their fervor, gaining converts and building churches throughout Virginia and North Carolina and into the western regions. This book argues that early evangelicals successfully negotiated the various challenges of the 18th-century landscape by creating churches that functioned as civil as well as religious bodies. As the era experienced substantial rifts in the relationship between church and state, the disestablishment of colonial churches paved the way for new formulations of church-state relations. The evangelical churches were well-positioned to provide guidance in uncertain times, and their multiple functions allowed them to reshape many of the central elements of authority in southern society. They assisted in reformulating the lines between the “religious” and “secular” realms, with significant consequences for both religion and the emerging nation-state.Less
Although many refer to the American South as the “Bible Belt”, the region was not always characterized by a powerful religious culture. In the 17th century and early 18th century, religion was virtually absent from southern culture. The late 18th century and early 19th century, however, witnessed the astonishingly rapid rise of evangelical religion in the Upper South. Within just a few years, evangelicals had spread their beliefs and their fervor, gaining converts and building churches throughout Virginia and North Carolina and into the western regions. This book argues that early evangelicals successfully negotiated the various challenges of the 18th-century landscape by creating churches that functioned as civil as well as religious bodies. As the era experienced substantial rifts in the relationship between church and state, the disestablishment of colonial churches paved the way for new formulations of church-state relations. The evangelical churches were well-positioned to provide guidance in uncertain times, and their multiple functions allowed them to reshape many of the central elements of authority in southern society. They assisted in reformulating the lines between the “religious” and “secular” realms, with significant consequences for both religion and the emerging nation-state.
Lacy K. Ford, Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195118094
- eISBN:
- 9780199870936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195118094.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter analyzes North Carolina's decision to disfranchise all free blacks at its 1835 state constitutional convention. The push for disfranchisement of free blacks in North Carolina was led not ...
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This chapter analyzes North Carolina's decision to disfranchise all free blacks at its 1835 state constitutional convention. The push for disfranchisement of free blacks in North Carolina was led not only by white egalitarians seeking ideological consistency but also by some conservatives eager to free their election districts from the influence of free black voters. These conservatives, who generally opposed constitutional reform, couched their public arguments against free black suffrage in terms of drawing a bright line between white citizens and black denizens much as egalitarians did, though conservatives also expressed the more elitist notion that black disfranchisement would free their election districts from the “corruption” and tendency to mobocracy they associated with free black voting.Less
This chapter analyzes North Carolina's decision to disfranchise all free blacks at its 1835 state constitutional convention. The push for disfranchisement of free blacks in North Carolina was led not only by white egalitarians seeking ideological consistency but also by some conservatives eager to free their election districts from the influence of free black voters. These conservatives, who generally opposed constitutional reform, couched their public arguments against free black suffrage in terms of drawing a bright line between white citizens and black denizens much as egalitarians did, though conservatives also expressed the more elitist notion that black disfranchisement would free their election districts from the “corruption” and tendency to mobocracy they associated with free black voting.
Craig L. Symonds (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823232864
- eISBN:
- 9780823240777
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823232864.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined ...
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Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined army–navy operations by Union forces. Presented in chronological order, each chapter illuminates an aspect of combined operations during a time of changing technology and doctrine. The chapters cover the war along the rebel coast, including the operations in the North Carolina Sounds in 1861, the Union thrusts up the York and James rivers during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862 and 1864, and the various Union efforts to seize rebel seaports from the Texas coast to Charleston and Wilmington in 1863–5. Concluding the volume are two chapters that evaluate the impact of Union combined operations on subsequent doctrine in both the United States and England.Less
Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined army–navy operations by Union forces. Presented in chronological order, each chapter illuminates an aspect of combined operations during a time of changing technology and doctrine. The chapters cover the war along the rebel coast, including the operations in the North Carolina Sounds in 1861, the Union thrusts up the York and James rivers during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862 and 1864, and the various Union efforts to seize rebel seaports from the Texas coast to Charleston and Wilmington in 1863–5. Concluding the volume are two chapters that evaluate the impact of Union combined operations on subsequent doctrine in both the United States and England.
Brandon K. Winford
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178257
- eISBN:
- 9780813178264
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178257.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
Chapter 3 examines how the legal phase of the civil rights movement came together as World War II ended. It highlights Wheeler’s postwar activism and involvement in the battle for black educational ...
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Chapter 3 examines how the legal phase of the civil rights movement came together as World War II ended. It highlights Wheeler’s postwar activism and involvement in the battle for black educational equality in North Carolina and the South more broadly. He believed education to be one of the most essential ingredients for achieving the expansion of economic rights. This chapter argues that it was during the postwar period that he articulated his economic vision of New South prosperity to bankers in the Tar Heel State. During the world conflict, M&F Bank purchased war bonds, loaned black farmers money for equipment to support the war effort, and then helped returning black war veterans take advantage of the GI Bill through providing home loans. His embrace of legal tactics helped challenge an unjust educational system that effectively stifled black schoolchildren from learning the skills needed to obtain jobs later. This chapter also explores how Wheeler and others argued for immediate school desegregation directly following the Brown decision.Less
Chapter 3 examines how the legal phase of the civil rights movement came together as World War II ended. It highlights Wheeler’s postwar activism and involvement in the battle for black educational equality in North Carolina and the South more broadly. He believed education to be one of the most essential ingredients for achieving the expansion of economic rights. This chapter argues that it was during the postwar period that he articulated his economic vision of New South prosperity to bankers in the Tar Heel State. During the world conflict, M&F Bank purchased war bonds, loaned black farmers money for equipment to support the war effort, and then helped returning black war veterans take advantage of the GI Bill through providing home loans. His embrace of legal tactics helped challenge an unjust educational system that effectively stifled black schoolchildren from learning the skills needed to obtain jobs later. This chapter also explores how Wheeler and others argued for immediate school desegregation directly following the Brown decision.
Paul Yandle
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125817
- eISBN:
- 9780813135533
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125817.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Thomas Dixon dedicated The Clansman, his fictionalized account of Klan Activity on the North–South Carolina border, to Leroy Mangum McAfee. McAfee's largest claim to fame today comes from Dixon's ...
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Thomas Dixon dedicated The Clansman, his fictionalized account of Klan Activity on the North–South Carolina border, to Leroy Mangum McAfee. McAfee's largest claim to fame today comes from Dixon's brief description of him, noted in several histories of the Reconstruction period. Fictionalizations of McAfee and his Klan coconspirators were once part of the prevalent view of Reconstruction in the early twentieth century because of the popularity of The Clansman and another Dixon novel, The Leopard's Spots. The Clansman and The Leopard's Spots both reveal that, to Dixon, the main preservers of American civilization during the Reconstruction came from the hills, not the piney woods or the flat, sandier tidewater soil usually associated with the plantation South.Less
Thomas Dixon dedicated The Clansman, his fictionalized account of Klan Activity on the North–South Carolina border, to Leroy Mangum McAfee. McAfee's largest claim to fame today comes from Dixon's brief description of him, noted in several histories of the Reconstruction period. Fictionalizations of McAfee and his Klan coconspirators were once part of the prevalent view of Reconstruction in the early twentieth century because of the popularity of The Clansman and another Dixon novel, The Leopard's Spots. The Clansman and The Leopard's Spots both reveal that, to Dixon, the main preservers of American civilization during the Reconstruction came from the hills, not the piney woods or the flat, sandier tidewater soil usually associated with the plantation South.
John A. Ragosta
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195388060
- eISBN:
- 9780199866779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388060.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
It is difficult to measure mobilization by denomination in the eighteenth century because enlistment records do not indicate recruits' denominations; nonetheless, evidence indicates that dissenters ...
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It is difficult to measure mobilization by denomination in the eighteenth century because enlistment records do not indicate recruits' denominations; nonetheless, evidence indicates that dissenters supplied the support sought as part of the negotiations for religious freedom. While Anglican ministers tended to hold more prestigious posts on Committees of Safety and more high‐ranking appointments to the military, dissenting ministers enlisted and preached mobilization at least as effectively. Indeed, many Baptist ministers who had been personally persecuted mobilized to support the patriot effort. Enlistment data by counties support the conclusion that dissenters mobilized at least as effectively as Anglicans. The situation in Virginia differed dramatically from substantial loyalism demonstrated by North Carolina and Maryland dissenters who had significantly less reason to oppose local patriot leaders; the lack of loyalism in Virginia relates, in part, to the efforts of the establishment leaders to engage dissenters in the political dialogue.Less
It is difficult to measure mobilization by denomination in the eighteenth century because enlistment records do not indicate recruits' denominations; nonetheless, evidence indicates that dissenters supplied the support sought as part of the negotiations for religious freedom. While Anglican ministers tended to hold more prestigious posts on Committees of Safety and more high‐ranking appointments to the military, dissenting ministers enlisted and preached mobilization at least as effectively. Indeed, many Baptist ministers who had been personally persecuted mobilized to support the patriot effort. Enlistment data by counties support the conclusion that dissenters mobilized at least as effectively as Anglicans. The situation in Virginia differed dramatically from substantial loyalism demonstrated by North Carolina and Maryland dissenters who had significantly less reason to oppose local patriot leaders; the lack of loyalism in Virginia relates, in part, to the efforts of the establishment leaders to engage dissenters in the political dialogue.
James A. Beeby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604730012
- eISBN:
- 9781604733242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604730012.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political ...
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During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political transformation, electoral reform, and new economic policies to aid poor and struggling farmers, the Populists and their coalition partners took power at all levels in the only southern state where Populists gained statewide office. For a brief four years, the Populists and Republicans gave an object lesson in progressive politics in which whites and African Americans worked together for the betterment of the state and the lives of the people. This book examines the complex history of the rise and fall of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century. It explores the causes behind the political insurgency of small farmers in the state. The book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth study of the movement, focusing on local activists as well as state leadership. It also elucidates the relationship between Populists and African Americans, the nature of cooperation between Republicans and Populists, and local dynamics and political campaigning in the Gilded Age. In a last-gasp attempt to return to power, the Democrats focused on the Populists’ weak point: race. The book closes with an analysis of the virulent campaign of white supremacy engineered by threatened Democrats, and the ultimate downfall of already quarreling Populists and Republicans. With the defeat of the Populist ticket, North Carolina joined other southern states by entering an era of segregation.Less
During the 1890s, North Carolina witnessed a political revolution as the newly formed Populist Party joined with the Republicans to throw out do-nothing, conservative Democrats. Focusing on political transformation, electoral reform, and new economic policies to aid poor and struggling farmers, the Populists and their coalition partners took power at all levels in the only southern state where Populists gained statewide office. For a brief four years, the Populists and Republicans gave an object lesson in progressive politics in which whites and African Americans worked together for the betterment of the state and the lives of the people. This book examines the complex history of the rise and fall of the Populist Party in the late nineteenth century. It explores the causes behind the political insurgency of small farmers in the state. The book offers the first comprehensive and in-depth study of the movement, focusing on local activists as well as state leadership. It also elucidates the relationship between Populists and African Americans, the nature of cooperation between Republicans and Populists, and local dynamics and political campaigning in the Gilded Age. In a last-gasp attempt to return to power, the Democrats focused on the Populists’ weak point: race. The book closes with an analysis of the virulent campaign of white supremacy engineered by threatened Democrats, and the ultimate downfall of already quarreling Populists and Republicans. With the defeat of the Populist ticket, North Carolina joined other southern states by entering an era of segregation.
Kevin Joel Berland
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469606934
- eISBN:
- 9781469608273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469606934.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This is a reproduction of William Byrd II' account of the surveying of the border between the U.S. states of North Carolina and Virginia in 1728. This account of the journey to survey the contentious ...
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This is a reproduction of William Byrd II' account of the surveying of the border between the U.S. states of North Carolina and Virginia in 1728. This account of the journey to survey the contentious border with chief surveyor William Mayo include details such as the origin of the name of “Matrimony Creek,” a name coined because of its observed choppy constitution. Surveyors and technicians for the team came from both colonies. William Byrd was the chief representative from Virginia, and Edward Moseley was the chief representative from North Carolina.Less
This is a reproduction of William Byrd II' account of the surveying of the border between the U.S. states of North Carolina and Virginia in 1728. This account of the journey to survey the contentious border with chief surveyor William Mayo include details such as the origin of the name of “Matrimony Creek,” a name coined because of its observed choppy constitution. Surveyors and technicians for the team came from both colonies. William Byrd was the chief representative from Virginia, and Edward Moseley was the chief representative from North Carolina.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199752027
- eISBN:
- 9780199979431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199752027.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Why did the KKK's “rebirth” emerge most fully in precisely the state whose progressive reputation presumably would best “counter” the Klan's militant appeals? To address that puzzle, this chapter ...
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Why did the KKK's “rebirth” emerge most fully in precisely the state whose progressive reputation presumably would best “counter” the Klan's militant appeals? To address that puzzle, this chapter focuses on the politics of KKK mobilization, in particular state officials' orientation to civil rights mandates and the policing of segregationist vigilante action. Through a detailed account of North Carolina's political development and extended comparisons to Mississippi and Florida, the chapter argues that a combination of racial moderation and laissez faire policing provided the KKK with considerable organizing latitude in the Tar Heel State, enabling the Carolina Klan's rapid growth and its significant influence on state politics.Less
Why did the KKK's “rebirth” emerge most fully in precisely the state whose progressive reputation presumably would best “counter” the Klan's militant appeals? To address that puzzle, this chapter focuses on the politics of KKK mobilization, in particular state officials' orientation to civil rights mandates and the policing of segregationist vigilante action. Through a detailed account of North Carolina's political development and extended comparisons to Mississippi and Florida, the chapter argues that a combination of racial moderation and laissez faire policing provided the KKK with considerable organizing latitude in the Tar Heel State, enabling the Carolina Klan's rapid growth and its significant influence on state politics.
M. V. Hood III, Quentin Kidd, and Irwin L. Morris
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199873821
- eISBN:
- 9780199980017
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873821.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter provides a test of relative advantage theory at the substate level. Specifically, the growth of Republican identification is analyzed at the parish level in Louisiana and the county ...
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This chapter provides a test of relative advantage theory at the substate level. Specifically, the growth of Republican identification is analyzed at the parish level in Louisiana and the county level in North Carolina annually from 1966 to 2008. The results indicate that black political mobilization is a statistically significant predictor of Republican registration rates in both post-Voting Rights Act (VRA) Louisiana and North Carolina. The findings in this chapter again provide empirical confirmation supporting the theory of relative advantage as a key explanation for the political transformation of the South over the last half-century. This chapter ends with a brief discussion of where the current politics of the region fits into U.S. national politics.Less
This chapter provides a test of relative advantage theory at the substate level. Specifically, the growth of Republican identification is analyzed at the parish level in Louisiana and the county level in North Carolina annually from 1966 to 2008. The results indicate that black political mobilization is a statistically significant predictor of Republican registration rates in both post-Voting Rights Act (VRA) Louisiana and North Carolina. The findings in this chapter again provide empirical confirmation supporting the theory of relative advantage as a key explanation for the political transformation of the South over the last half-century. This chapter ends with a brief discussion of where the current politics of the region fits into U.S. national politics.
Ashley Peles
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061559
- eISBN:
- 9780813051468
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061559.003.0003
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Historical Archaeology
Peles’s chapter considers whether the refuse of specific households of historic Native Americans of the North Carolina Piedmont can be identified from densely occupied village sites. She notes that ...
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Peles’s chapter considers whether the refuse of specific households of historic Native Americans of the North Carolina Piedmont can be identified from densely occupied village sites. She notes that on sites with well-documented histories, different occupations can be more easily identified than on sites with few to no associated historic records. Peles takes a community perspective on the concept of household, and while the features from which she draws her zooarchaeological and ethnobotanical data cannot necessarily be connected to individual households, a theoretical perspective ordered around households provides opportunity to look at village-wide data as a result of the collective decisions of households within the community. Using correspondence analysis, Peles looks to see if there are relationships between certain plants and animals among six village sites and if the assemblages are similar to each other. Peles finds that there are distinct differences in the foods different communities exploited during a period of growing uncertainty marked by pressure from European intrusions. She is able to show that study of food remains at multiple scales, coupled with firm contextualization of the deposits, supports exploration of and sound hypotheses about the agency of households and the individuals who compose them.Less
Peles’s chapter considers whether the refuse of specific households of historic Native Americans of the North Carolina Piedmont can be identified from densely occupied village sites. She notes that on sites with well-documented histories, different occupations can be more easily identified than on sites with few to no associated historic records. Peles takes a community perspective on the concept of household, and while the features from which she draws her zooarchaeological and ethnobotanical data cannot necessarily be connected to individual households, a theoretical perspective ordered around households provides opportunity to look at village-wide data as a result of the collective decisions of households within the community. Using correspondence analysis, Peles looks to see if there are relationships between certain plants and animals among six village sites and if the assemblages are similar to each other. Peles finds that there are distinct differences in the foods different communities exploited during a period of growing uncertainty marked by pressure from European intrusions. She is able to show that study of food remains at multiple scales, coupled with firm contextualization of the deposits, supports exploration of and sound hypotheses about the agency of households and the individuals who compose them.
Kirsten Fischer
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112436
- eISBN:
- 9780199854271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112436.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter examines European American's ideas about race in North Carolina's expanding of the slave society. The damaging rumors of illicit sex that European settlers circulated about each other ...
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This chapter examines European American's ideas about race in North Carolina's expanding of the slave society. The damaging rumors of illicit sex that European settlers circulated about each other reflected and reinforced the racial ideology by which they identified themselves as “white” and as distinct from African Americans. Slanderers who used allegations of interracial sex to malign their wealthier neighbors or to denigrate white women as “whores,” melded together notions of race, class, and gender, implicating each concept in the construction of the others. This chapter discusses in particular how demonstrations of insulting allegations of illicit sex through slander suits aided the construction of racialist thought among European Americans. In the context of North Carolina's growing slave economy, sexual slurs bolstered the racism that accompanied the entrenchment of slavery and this provides a window into the intertwined workings of racial, class, and gender hierarchies.Less
This chapter examines European American's ideas about race in North Carolina's expanding of the slave society. The damaging rumors of illicit sex that European settlers circulated about each other reflected and reinforced the racial ideology by which they identified themselves as “white” and as distinct from African Americans. Slanderers who used allegations of interracial sex to malign their wealthier neighbors or to denigrate white women as “whores,” melded together notions of race, class, and gender, implicating each concept in the construction of the others. This chapter discusses in particular how demonstrations of insulting allegations of illicit sex through slander suits aided the construction of racialist thought among European Americans. In the context of North Carolina's growing slave economy, sexual slurs bolstered the racism that accompanied the entrenchment of slavery and this provides a window into the intertwined workings of racial, class, and gender hierarchies.
Scott Douglas Gerber
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199765874
- eISBN:
- 9780199896875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199765874.003.0021
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in North Carolina. The North Carolina Constitution of 1776 contained all three of the central tenets of judicial independence: the judiciary ...
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This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in North Carolina. The North Carolina Constitution of 1776 contained all three of the central tenets of judicial independence: the judiciary was a separate institution of government; judges served for life during good behavior; and they received adequate salaries. It had come a long way from the days in which the lords proprietors were conferred “full and absolute power” by the crown—including judicial power—for the “good and happy government of the said province”.Less
This chapter traces the history of judicial independence in North Carolina. The North Carolina Constitution of 1776 contained all three of the central tenets of judicial independence: the judiciary was a separate institution of government; judges served for life during good behavior; and they received adequate salaries. It had come a long way from the days in which the lords proprietors were conferred “full and absolute power” by the crown—including judicial power—for the “good and happy government of the said province”.
Monica Najar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195309003
- eISBN:
- 9780199867561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195309003.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in ...
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This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.Less
This chapter explores the vital paradoxes in Baptists' understanding of the relationship between religious and political authority. It begins by examining the debates over church and state in Virginia. In North Carolina, disestablishment occurred relatively quickly and with much less public debate. In Virginia, however, the process of disestablishment involved a complicated negotiation among different civil and sectarian factions that carried on for years and ultimately resulted in a far-reaching statement for religious liberty. The chapter then turns to Baptists' involvement in political debates and political culture in the early republic.
Vanessa Northington Gamble
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195078893
- eISBN:
- 9780199853762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195078893.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Raising funds was one of the difficulties faced by hospital reformers in their aim to support black hospitals. Given the lack of financial capabilities of the patients and the increasing expense of ...
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Raising funds was one of the difficulties faced by hospital reformers in their aim to support black hospitals. Given the lack of financial capabilities of the patients and the increasing expense of operating these hospitals, black reformers recognized that no movement for the improvement of black hospitals could succeed without the white's cooperation and financial assistance. This chapter studies the activities of three white philanthropic foundations—the Duke Endowment, the Julius Rosenwald Fund, and the General Education Board—with regard to black hospital reform. In particular, this chapter illustrates how the Rosenwald Fund maintained a broad-based black health program that supported programs in professional education, public health, outpatient services, and hospital care; the Duke Endowment's substantial financing for the operation and construction of black hospitals in North and South Carolina; and the General Education Board's (GEB) donation of funds for educational programs at selected hospitals.Less
Raising funds was one of the difficulties faced by hospital reformers in their aim to support black hospitals. Given the lack of financial capabilities of the patients and the increasing expense of operating these hospitals, black reformers recognized that no movement for the improvement of black hospitals could succeed without the white's cooperation and financial assistance. This chapter studies the activities of three white philanthropic foundations—the Duke Endowment, the Julius Rosenwald Fund, and the General Education Board—with regard to black hospital reform. In particular, this chapter illustrates how the Rosenwald Fund maintained a broad-based black health program that supported programs in professional education, public health, outpatient services, and hospital care; the Duke Endowment's substantial financing for the operation and construction of black hospitals in North and South Carolina; and the General Education Board's (GEB) donation of funds for educational programs at selected hospitals.
Evan P. Bennett
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813060149
- eISBN:
- 9780813050591
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060149.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book explores the history of tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont region of Virginia and North Carolina since Emancipation in 1865. Focusing on the transformations in labor—the tasks of growing ...
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This book explores the history of tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont region of Virginia and North Carolina since Emancipation in 1865. Focusing on the transformations in labor—the tasks of growing tobacco; the arrangement of workers; and the cultural meaning of labor—the book argues that the predominance of family labor in tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont in the twentieth century was an accident of the arrangement of labor following emancipation that was then reified in federal policy. This reification, however, was not accidental, but a product of farm families’ advocacy of that particular model of tobacco agriculture. Their advocacy, in turn, was driven by a culture that esteemed small-scale, artisanal production over large-scale, industrial capitalist production. It concludes with the dissolution of this labor-centered culture and the growing prestige of large-scale, industrial agriculture as a result of political changes, technological modernization, and neoliberal market and labor ideologies.Less
This book explores the history of tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont region of Virginia and North Carolina since Emancipation in 1865. Focusing on the transformations in labor—the tasks of growing tobacco; the arrangement of workers; and the cultural meaning of labor—the book argues that the predominance of family labor in tobacco agriculture in the Piedmont in the twentieth century was an accident of the arrangement of labor following emancipation that was then reified in federal policy. This reification, however, was not accidental, but a product of farm families’ advocacy of that particular model of tobacco agriculture. Their advocacy, in turn, was driven by a culture that esteemed small-scale, artisanal production over large-scale, industrial capitalist production. It concludes with the dissolution of this labor-centered culture and the growing prestige of large-scale, industrial agriculture as a result of political changes, technological modernization, and neoliberal market and labor ideologies.
Patrick Huber
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832257
- eISBN:
- 9781469606217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807886786_huber.6
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
This chapter illustrates how, as early as 1924, the hard-drinking textile millhand Charlie Poole was already broadcasting his high-spirited, percussive dance music throughout the mountains of ...
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This chapter illustrates how, as early as 1924, the hard-drinking textile millhand Charlie Poole was already broadcasting his high-spirited, percussive dance music throughout the mountains of southwestern Virginia even before he appeared on radio or records. Besides performing for paying audiences at formal stage shows, the renowned five-string banjoist and his brother-in-law, fiddler Posey Rorer, often entertained in private homes for parties and dances around Franklin County, Virginia, where Rorer had been born and raised. Sometimes the duo “broadcast” using their host's hand-crank telephone, thereby sharing their music, via the telephone party line, with avid listeners in the community. During the mid- to late 1920s, even after he became one of Columbia's best-selling recording stars, Poole and his revolving ensemble of stringband musicians, the North Carolina Ramblers, regularly spent weeks playing the towns and villages of southwestern Virginia and southern West Virginia, sometimes for paying audiences but most often just for the sheer pleasure of making music.Less
This chapter illustrates how, as early as 1924, the hard-drinking textile millhand Charlie Poole was already broadcasting his high-spirited, percussive dance music throughout the mountains of southwestern Virginia even before he appeared on radio or records. Besides performing for paying audiences at formal stage shows, the renowned five-string banjoist and his brother-in-law, fiddler Posey Rorer, often entertained in private homes for parties and dances around Franklin County, Virginia, where Rorer had been born and raised. Sometimes the duo “broadcast” using their host's hand-crank telephone, thereby sharing their music, via the telephone party line, with avid listeners in the community. During the mid- to late 1920s, even after he became one of Columbia's best-selling recording stars, Poole and his revolving ensemble of stringband musicians, the North Carolina Ramblers, regularly spent weeks playing the towns and villages of southwestern Virginia and southern West Virginia, sometimes for paying audiences but most often just for the sheer pleasure of making music.
Michael L. Walden
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832219
- eISBN:
- 9781469605760
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807888742_walden.9
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines how North Carolina has responded to the Connected Age in one area where citizens can have a collective voice: government policies. Government's impact on the economy is realized ...
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This chapter examines how North Carolina has responded to the Connected Age in one area where citizens can have a collective voice: government policies. Government's impact on the economy is realized in two major ways. One is in how government collects public revenues, what mix of taxes and fees are used, and how both the total size of public revenues and the particular types of public charges affect private economic decision making. Second is how those revenues are spent, what programs are used, and the impacts of those programs on the functioning of the economy, and on the behavior and choices of households and businesses. Changes associated with the Connected Age have affected both of these public fiscal functions, while several fiscal changes have been enacted to attempt to alter the course of the Connected Age's trends.Less
This chapter examines how North Carolina has responded to the Connected Age in one area where citizens can have a collective voice: government policies. Government's impact on the economy is realized in two major ways. One is in how government collects public revenues, what mix of taxes and fees are used, and how both the total size of public revenues and the particular types of public charges affect private economic decision making. Second is how those revenues are spent, what programs are used, and the impacts of those programs on the functioning of the economy, and on the behavior and choices of households and businesses. Changes associated with the Connected Age have affected both of these public fiscal functions, while several fiscal changes have been enacted to attempt to alter the course of the Connected Age's trends.
Jon F. Sensbach
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195112436
- eISBN:
- 9780199854271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195112436.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter explores the story of Anna Maria Samuel, an African-American girl from Bethabara, North Carolina. She was immersed in a church (Morovian church) culture that exalted female spirituality ...
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This chapter explores the story of Anna Maria Samuel, an African-American girl from Bethabara, North Carolina. She was immersed in a church (Morovian church) culture that exalted female spirituality and rigorously protected, even policed, white and black women's persons and sexuality. Her life dramatizes some of the complexities creeping into southern life on a broader scale in the late 18th century. This demonstrates a time when black women were forming ties of spiritual kinship with white women; they were sheltered under the umbrella of the Gospel from the depredations of white masters; and white people hailed their spirituality as equal to their own. It appears that white women also came to resent the threat of spiritual parity with black women at the expense of their own social and religious stature. With fragile alliances crumbling, the South was launched on a frightening new day of resurrected racial and gender barriers.Less
This chapter explores the story of Anna Maria Samuel, an African-American girl from Bethabara, North Carolina. She was immersed in a church (Morovian church) culture that exalted female spirituality and rigorously protected, even policed, white and black women's persons and sexuality. Her life dramatizes some of the complexities creeping into southern life on a broader scale in the late 18th century. This demonstrates a time when black women were forming ties of spiritual kinship with white women; they were sheltered under the umbrella of the Gospel from the depredations of white masters; and white people hailed their spirituality as equal to their own. It appears that white women also came to resent the threat of spiritual parity with black women at the expense of their own social and religious stature. With fragile alliances crumbling, the South was launched on a frightening new day of resurrected racial and gender barriers.
Steven E. Nash
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626246
- eISBN:
- 9781469628080
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626246.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
Chapter 6 reveals how bipartisan support for internal improvements fractured the mountain Republicans and allowed the Democratic Party to open the region to economic development while confidently ...
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Chapter 6 reveals how bipartisan support for internal improvements fractured the mountain Republicans and allowed the Democratic Party to open the region to economic development while confidently retaining local control. While other sections of the South talked about agriculture as they courted an industrial New South, western Carolinians ultimately found their market commodity in staple crop production of tobacco. Local elites used the promise of tobacco’s profits to further argue for internal improvements— namely, railroads— to lure disillusioned Republicans to their cause. As white Republicans turned away from the struggle over civil rights, African Americans lost some of the political power they had wielded in the previous decade. With a renewed commitment to economic growth uniting white western Carolinians, the divisive issues of civil rights and loyalty faded into the background. When the railroad reached Asheville in 1880, it brought an end to Reconstruction in the Carolina mountains.Less
Chapter 6 reveals how bipartisan support for internal improvements fractured the mountain Republicans and allowed the Democratic Party to open the region to economic development while confidently retaining local control. While other sections of the South talked about agriculture as they courted an industrial New South, western Carolinians ultimately found their market commodity in staple crop production of tobacco. Local elites used the promise of tobacco’s profits to further argue for internal improvements— namely, railroads— to lure disillusioned Republicans to their cause. As white Republicans turned away from the struggle over civil rights, African Americans lost some of the political power they had wielded in the previous decade. With a renewed commitment to economic growth uniting white western Carolinians, the divisive issues of civil rights and loyalty faded into the background. When the railroad reached Asheville in 1880, it brought an end to Reconstruction in the Carolina mountains.
