Ben Mathews
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199652501
- eISBN:
- 9780191739217
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199652501.003.0019
- Subject:
- Law, Family Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Significant numbers of children are severely abused and neglected by parents and caregivers. Infants and very young children are the most vulnerable and are unable to seek help. Many of these ...
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Significant numbers of children are severely abused and neglected by parents and caregivers. Infants and very young children are the most vulnerable and are unable to seek help. Many of these children experience both initial harm and enduring effects, at substantial cost to the individual and society. These situations present complex normative and practical questions. Should measures be taken to identify these situations? If so, what measures should be adopted? Once cases are identified, what responses should be implemented? This chapter is primarily concerned with aspects of the second question, of what measures should be adopted to detect cases of severe child maltreatment. It discusses the apparent effect of mandatory reporting laws on ‘overreporting’ by referring to Australian government data about reporting patterns and outcomes, with a particular focus on New South Wales. It demonstrates that raw descriptive data about report numbers and outcomes appear to show that reporting laws produce both desirable consequences (identification of severe cases) and problematic consequences (increased numbers of unsubstantiated reports).Less
Significant numbers of children are severely abused and neglected by parents and caregivers. Infants and very young children are the most vulnerable and are unable to seek help. Many of these children experience both initial harm and enduring effects, at substantial cost to the individual and society. These situations present complex normative and practical questions. Should measures be taken to identify these situations? If so, what measures should be adopted? Once cases are identified, what responses should be implemented? This chapter is primarily concerned with aspects of the second question, of what measures should be adopted to detect cases of severe child maltreatment. It discusses the apparent effect of mandatory reporting laws on ‘overreporting’ by referring to Australian government data about reporting patterns and outcomes, with a particular focus on New South Wales. It demonstrates that raw descriptive data about report numbers and outcomes appear to show that reporting laws produce both desirable consequences (identification of severe cases) and problematic consequences (increased numbers of unsubstantiated reports).
Martin Ruef
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162775
- eISBN:
- 9781400852642
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162775.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter assesses whether the class structure of the South changed in the postbellum era and whether different individual and locational attributes predicted who would come to occupy preferred ...
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This chapter assesses whether the class structure of the South changed in the postbellum era and whether different individual and locational attributes predicted who would come to occupy preferred social positions. It suggests another source of categorical uncertainty during Reconstruction and beyond. While many Southern journalists and politicians celebrated the expansion of an entrepreneurial middle class at the time, this class actually declined numerically in the proverbial New South. Moreover, the “decaying” planter class was remarkably persistent, both in its dominance of the top of the wealth distribution and its involvement in the postwar industrialization of the region. The social categories of planters and middling Southerners that were deployed in popular discourse—and within the “New South Creed”—thus had little in common with the reality of class structure following the Civil War.Less
This chapter assesses whether the class structure of the South changed in the postbellum era and whether different individual and locational attributes predicted who would come to occupy preferred social positions. It suggests another source of categorical uncertainty during Reconstruction and beyond. While many Southern journalists and politicians celebrated the expansion of an entrepreneurial middle class at the time, this class actually declined numerically in the proverbial New South. Moreover, the “decaying” planter class was remarkably persistent, both in its dominance of the top of the wealth distribution and its involvement in the postwar industrialization of the region. The social categories of planters and middling Southerners that were deployed in popular discourse—and within the “New South Creed”—thus had little in common with the reality of class structure following the Civil War.
Martin Ruef
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162775
- eISBN:
- 9781400852642
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162775.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the institutional transformation of the American South after the U.S. Civil War. Although the emancipation of former slaves and political upheavals ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the institutional transformation of the American South after the U.S. Civil War. Although the emancipation of former slaves and political upheavals of Radical Reconstruction are perhaps the most evident features of this institutional transformation, it touched upon almost every aspect of Southern society, ranging from urban life to class structure to the organizations that populated the region's agriculture and industry. The New South that resulted after Radical Reconstruction evidenced a more capitalist and market-driven society than its antebellum counterpart. Enduring uncertainty was a defining feature of this transition between precapitalist and capitalist institutions. The chapter then formulates a general theory regarding the evolution of uncertainty over the course of institutional transformation, and discusses the specific transitions toward capitalism that occurred in the economy of the U.S. South during the postbellum era.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the institutional transformation of the American South after the U.S. Civil War. Although the emancipation of former slaves and political upheavals of Radical Reconstruction are perhaps the most evident features of this institutional transformation, it touched upon almost every aspect of Southern society, ranging from urban life to class structure to the organizations that populated the region's agriculture and industry. The New South that resulted after Radical Reconstruction evidenced a more capitalist and market-driven society than its antebellum counterpart. Enduring uncertainty was a defining feature of this transition between precapitalist and capitalist institutions. The chapter then formulates a general theory regarding the evolution of uncertainty over the course of institutional transformation, and discusses the specific transitions toward capitalism that occurred in the economy of the U.S. South during the postbellum era.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter sketches Minnie Fisher Cunningham's early years in New Waverly (Walker County) in East Texas during the 1880s and 1890s, as the New South emerged from the economic devastation of the ...
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This chapter sketches Minnie Fisher Cunningham's early years in New Waverly (Walker County) in East Texas during the 1880s and 1890s, as the New South emerged from the economic devastation of the Civil War. The struggle of her once prosperous parents to make a living at cotton farming marked her deeply; she also witnessed the agrarian unrest that culminated in the Populist movement, and the conservative backlash that disfranchised African Americans and poor whites. Although frustrated in her desire to study medicine, Cunningham became one of her generation's most educated and independent New Women. She was one of the earliest female graduates (1901) of the new pharmacy program at the University of Texas Medical Branch at Galveston and practiced briefly until her marriage in 1902.Less
This chapter sketches Minnie Fisher Cunningham's early years in New Waverly (Walker County) in East Texas during the 1880s and 1890s, as the New South emerged from the economic devastation of the Civil War. The struggle of her once prosperous parents to make a living at cotton farming marked her deeply; she also witnessed the agrarian unrest that culminated in the Populist movement, and the conservative backlash that disfranchised African Americans and poor whites. Although frustrated in her desire to study medicine, Cunningham became one of her generation's most educated and independent New Women. She was one of the earliest female graduates (1901) of the new pharmacy program at the University of Texas Medical Branch at Galveston and practiced briefly until her marriage in 1902.
Martin Ruef
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691162775
- eISBN:
- 9781400852642
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691162775.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
At the center of the upheavals brought by emancipation in the American South was the economic and social transition from slavery to modern capitalism. This book examines how this institutional change ...
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At the center of the upheavals brought by emancipation in the American South was the economic and social transition from slavery to modern capitalism. This book examines how this institutional change affected individuals, organizations, and communities in the late nineteenth century, as blacks and whites alike learned to navigate the shoals between two different economic worlds. In the aftermath of the Civil War, uncertainty was a pervasive feature of life in the South, affecting the economic behavior and social status of former slaves, Freedmen's Bureau agents, planters, merchants, and politicians, among others. Emancipation brought fundamental questions: How should emancipated slaves be reimbursed in wage contracts? What occupations and class positions would be open to blacks and whites? What forms of agricultural tenure could persist? And what paths to economic growth would be viable? To understand the escalating uncertainty of the postbellum era, the book draws on a wide range of qualitative and quantitative data, including several thousand interviews with former slaves, letters, labor contracts, memoirs, survey responses, census records, and credit reports. The book identifies profound changes between the economic institutions of the Old and New South and sheds new light on how the legacy of emancipation continues to affect political discourse and race and class relations today.Less
At the center of the upheavals brought by emancipation in the American South was the economic and social transition from slavery to modern capitalism. This book examines how this institutional change affected individuals, organizations, and communities in the late nineteenth century, as blacks and whites alike learned to navigate the shoals between two different economic worlds. In the aftermath of the Civil War, uncertainty was a pervasive feature of life in the South, affecting the economic behavior and social status of former slaves, Freedmen's Bureau agents, planters, merchants, and politicians, among others. Emancipation brought fundamental questions: How should emancipated slaves be reimbursed in wage contracts? What occupations and class positions would be open to blacks and whites? What forms of agricultural tenure could persist? And what paths to economic growth would be viable? To understand the escalating uncertainty of the postbellum era, the book draws on a wide range of qualitative and quantitative data, including several thousand interviews with former slaves, letters, labor contracts, memoirs, survey responses, census records, and credit reports. The book identifies profound changes between the economic institutions of the Old and New South and sheds new light on how the legacy of emancipation continues to affect political discourse and race and class relations today.
Joe L. Coker
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124711
- eISBN:
- 9780813134727
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124711.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Beginning in 1890, southern evangelical prohibitionists began to realize that black voters were not as supportive of their cause as New Southites had hoped back in the 1880s. By the mid-1890s, it ...
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Beginning in 1890, southern evangelical prohibitionists began to realize that black voters were not as supportive of their cause as New Southites had hoped back in the 1880s. By the mid-1890s, it also became evident that white voters in the South would remain loyal to the Democratic Party as long as the threat of a black voting bloc existed. Evangelical prohibitionists soon embraced the neo-Sambo description that Southerners had of blacks as an irresponsible people unfit for the responsibilities of suffrage. After the turn of the century, evangelicals capitalized on the public fear of the black male, who had been depicted as a “black beast” that preyed on white women while intoxicated on cheap whiskey. Promoting prohibition as the cure for the region's racial woes, advocates successfully pushed for statewide prohibition throughout the South between 1907 and 1915.Less
Beginning in 1890, southern evangelical prohibitionists began to realize that black voters were not as supportive of their cause as New Southites had hoped back in the 1880s. By the mid-1890s, it also became evident that white voters in the South would remain loyal to the Democratic Party as long as the threat of a black voting bloc existed. Evangelical prohibitionists soon embraced the neo-Sambo description that Southerners had of blacks as an irresponsible people unfit for the responsibilities of suffrage. After the turn of the century, evangelicals capitalized on the public fear of the black male, who had been depicted as a “black beast” that preyed on white women while intoxicated on cheap whiskey. Promoting prohibition as the cure for the region's racial woes, advocates successfully pushed for statewide prohibition throughout the South between 1907 and 1915.
James Belich
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199297276
- eISBN:
- 9780191700842
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297276.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Marvellous Melbourne ruled Victoria, a colony as populous and rich in 1890 as the American state of California. Melbourne's empire extended much further. Victorian pastoralists owned large areas of ...
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Marvellous Melbourne ruled Victoria, a colony as populous and rich in 1890 as the American state of California. Melbourne's empire extended much further. Victorian pastoralists owned large areas of the Riverina and many stations in Queensland. Even if they were not Victorian-owned, sheep runs in southern New South Wales' Riverina had to export through Melbourne, which was also a prime market for coal from northern New South Wales, beef from Queensland, and timber from New Zealand. Victorian-controlled capital moved along with British capital to exploit other areas of Australia, including the new mining centre of Broken Hill. Melbourne was ‘the financial centre of Australia’. It was also the financial centre of Fiji, where its money founded sugar plantations, and New Zealand, whose West Coast was ‘an economic dependency of Victoria’. Melbourne's tentacles even stretched to New Guinea, part of which its client-ally, the colony of Queensland, tried to annex in 1883.Less
Marvellous Melbourne ruled Victoria, a colony as populous and rich in 1890 as the American state of California. Melbourne's empire extended much further. Victorian pastoralists owned large areas of the Riverina and many stations in Queensland. Even if they were not Victorian-owned, sheep runs in southern New South Wales' Riverina had to export through Melbourne, which was also a prime market for coal from northern New South Wales, beef from Queensland, and timber from New Zealand. Victorian-controlled capital moved along with British capital to exploit other areas of Australia, including the new mining centre of Broken Hill. Melbourne was ‘the financial centre of Australia’. It was also the financial centre of Fiji, where its money founded sugar plantations, and New Zealand, whose West Coast was ‘an economic dependency of Victoria’. Melbourne's tentacles even stretched to New Guinea, part of which its client-ally, the colony of Queensland, tried to annex in 1883.
Daniel S. Margolies
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124179
- eISBN:
- 9780813134970
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124179.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Henry Watterson (1840–1921), editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal from the 1860s through World War I, was one of the most important and widely read newspaper editors in American history. An ...
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Henry Watterson (1840–1921), editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal from the 1860s through World War I, was one of the most important and widely read newspaper editors in American history. An influential New South supporter of sectional reconciliation and economic development, Watterson was also the nation's premier advocate of free trade and globalization. Watterson's vision of a prosperous and independent South within an expanding American empire was unique among prominent Southerners and Democrats. He helped articulate the bipartisan embrace of globalization that accompanied America's rise to unmatched prosperity and world power. This book restores Watterson to his place at the heart of late nineteenth-century southern and American history by combining biographical narrative with an evaluation of Watterson's unique involvement in the politics of free trade and globalization.Less
Henry Watterson (1840–1921), editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal from the 1860s through World War I, was one of the most important and widely read newspaper editors in American history. An influential New South supporter of sectional reconciliation and economic development, Watterson was also the nation's premier advocate of free trade and globalization. Watterson's vision of a prosperous and independent South within an expanding American empire was unique among prominent Southerners and Democrats. He helped articulate the bipartisan embrace of globalization that accompanied America's rise to unmatched prosperity and world power. This book restores Watterson to his place at the heart of late nineteenth-century southern and American history by combining biographical narrative with an evaluation of Watterson's unique involvement in the politics of free trade and globalization.
John F. Kvach
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780813144207
- eISBN:
- 9780813144481
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144207.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Between 1846 and 1867 J. D. B. De Bow, the editor of De Bow’s Review, promoted agricultural reform, urbanization, industrialization, and commercial development in the nineteenth-century American ...
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Between 1846 and 1867 J. D. B. De Bow, the editor of De Bow’s Review, promoted agricultural reform, urbanization, industrialization, and commercial development in the nineteenth-century American South. His monthly journal appealed to thousands of antebellum southerners with similar interests in a modern market economy. His vision and his readers’ support of economic and social diversification predated the rhetoric of postbellum boosters who promised a “New South” after the Civil War. De Bow created an economic plan that resonated among urban, middle-class merchants and professionals, wealthy planters, and prominent industrialists. Like their postbellum counterparts, these antebellum innovators shared a similar message of hope for the future. De Bow successfully consolidated modern economic goals into a cohesive plan, and his reverence for past traditions helped legitimize the future transformation of the South. Although debates over slavery and sectionalism overwhelmed the original intent of the Review, he recovered his editorial balance after supporting secession and experiencing the misery of the Civil War. He rededicated himself to regional economic improvement and asked readers to help reintegrate the South back into the national economy. His comprehensive postwar plan for southern recovery came from his prewar editorial work. Although he died before the next generation of boosters began their public campaign for a New South, De Bow had made the first and most significant contribution to their New South Creed. His anticipation of a modern economy helped create hope for a New South long before the demise of the Old South.Less
Between 1846 and 1867 J. D. B. De Bow, the editor of De Bow’s Review, promoted agricultural reform, urbanization, industrialization, and commercial development in the nineteenth-century American South. His monthly journal appealed to thousands of antebellum southerners with similar interests in a modern market economy. His vision and his readers’ support of economic and social diversification predated the rhetoric of postbellum boosters who promised a “New South” after the Civil War. De Bow created an economic plan that resonated among urban, middle-class merchants and professionals, wealthy planters, and prominent industrialists. Like their postbellum counterparts, these antebellum innovators shared a similar message of hope for the future. De Bow successfully consolidated modern economic goals into a cohesive plan, and his reverence for past traditions helped legitimize the future transformation of the South. Although debates over slavery and sectionalism overwhelmed the original intent of the Review, he recovered his editorial balance after supporting secession and experiencing the misery of the Civil War. He rededicated himself to regional economic improvement and asked readers to help reintegrate the South back into the national economy. His comprehensive postwar plan for southern recovery came from his prewar editorial work. Although he died before the next generation of boosters began their public campaign for a New South, De Bow had made the first and most significant contribution to their New South Creed. His anticipation of a modern economy helped create hope for a New South long before the demise of the Old South.
Tim S. R. Boyd
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037653
- eISBN:
- 9780813042152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037653.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how the “New South” party system developed in Georgia and throughout the region. By the time Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976, the contours of party competition in ...
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This chapter describes how the “New South” party system developed in Georgia and throughout the region. By the time Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976, the contours of party competition in the South had been established for the next generation. Although some Republicans were successful in winning elections in the South using “white backlash” appeals, most who tried to do so were defeated. Rather than “backlash Republicans” dominating southern politics, it was Democrats who stressed racial accommodation (including open praise of desegregation), education, and economic growth who were the most potent force in southern politics from the 1970s onward.Less
This chapter describes how the “New South” party system developed in Georgia and throughout the region. By the time Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976, the contours of party competition in the South had been established for the next generation. Although some Republicans were successful in winning elections in the South using “white backlash” appeals, most who tried to do so were defeated. Rather than “backlash Republicans” dominating southern politics, it was Democrats who stressed racial accommodation (including open praise of desegregation), education, and economic growth who were the most potent force in southern politics from the 1970s onward.
Dell Upton
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300211757
- eISBN:
- 9780300216615
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300211757.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book explores the role of monuments to the civil rights movement in the creation of a New South. As the Southern monuments evolved, their makers continually confronted a central question: What ...
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This book explores the role of monuments to the civil rights movement in the creation of a New South. As the Southern monuments evolved, their makers continually confronted a central question: What can and can't be said in this medium? This book considers what it is possible to say using the inherited visual conventions of the Western monumental tradition preferred by most monument builders, and what is permitted to be said in contemporary American public discourse. It argues that the monuments are more about asserting the presence of African Americans in contemporary Southern society and politics, and less about remembering the civil rights movement. It shows that monument builders must contend not only with varied interpretations of African American history but also with the continuing dominance of white supremacy. The book chronicles the contentious origins and the context of the national memorial to Martin Luther King Jr. in Washington, DC, and of a number of memorials in the South.Less
This book explores the role of monuments to the civil rights movement in the creation of a New South. As the Southern monuments evolved, their makers continually confronted a central question: What can and can't be said in this medium? This book considers what it is possible to say using the inherited visual conventions of the Western monumental tradition preferred by most monument builders, and what is permitted to be said in contemporary American public discourse. It argues that the monuments are more about asserting the presence of African Americans in contemporary Southern society and politics, and less about remembering the civil rights movement. It shows that monument builders must contend not only with varied interpretations of African American history but also with the continuing dominance of white supremacy. The book chronicles the contentious origins and the context of the national memorial to Martin Luther King Jr. in Washington, DC, and of a number of memorials in the South.
Frank J. Byrne
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124049
- eISBN:
- 9780813134857
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124049.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book focuses on what historians have come to call the “middling sort”, the economic group falling between yeoman farmers and the planter class that dominated the antebellum South. At a time when ...
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This book focuses on what historians have come to call the “middling sort”, the economic group falling between yeoman farmers and the planter class that dominated the antebellum South. At a time when Southerners rarely traveled far from their homes, these merchants annually ventured forth on buying junkets to northern cities. The southern merchant community promoted the kind of aggressive business practices that proponents of the “New South” would later claim as their own. This book reveals the peculiar strains of modern liberal-capitalist and conservative thought that permeated the culture of southern merchants. By exploring the values men and women in merchant families espoused, the book not only offers new insight into southern history but also deepens our understanding of the mutable ties between regional identity and the marketplace in nineteenth-century America.Less
This book focuses on what historians have come to call the “middling sort”, the economic group falling between yeoman farmers and the planter class that dominated the antebellum South. At a time when Southerners rarely traveled far from their homes, these merchants annually ventured forth on buying junkets to northern cities. The southern merchant community promoted the kind of aggressive business practices that proponents of the “New South” would later claim as their own. This book reveals the peculiar strains of modern liberal-capitalist and conservative thought that permeated the culture of southern merchants. By exploring the values men and women in merchant families espoused, the book not only offers new insight into southern history but also deepens our understanding of the mutable ties between regional identity and the marketplace in nineteenth-century America.
Jennifer Temkin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198763550
- eISBN:
- 9780191710391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198763550.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
The hallmark of the radical reform of rape laws was the rejection of the existing legal framework in favour of the introduction of new offences with a different emphasis. The aim was not merely to ...
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The hallmark of the radical reform of rape laws was the rejection of the existing legal framework in favour of the introduction of new offences with a different emphasis. The aim was not merely to change the law’s approach so that it became more in tune with perceptions of sexual assault, but to address directly the problem of processing rape. This chapter examines legislation passed in Michigan, New South Wales, and Canada, and considers wither it fulfilled the expectations of radical reform.Less
The hallmark of the radical reform of rape laws was the rejection of the existing legal framework in favour of the introduction of new offences with a different emphasis. The aim was not merely to change the law’s approach so that it became more in tune with perceptions of sexual assault, but to address directly the problem of processing rape. This chapter examines legislation passed in Michigan, New South Wales, and Canada, and considers wither it fulfilled the expectations of radical reform.
Edward L. Ayers
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086898
- eISBN:
- 9780199854226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086898.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter discusses the political climate affecting the New South. Patronage was a constant and party loyalty was the basis on which everything else stood. This chapter also discusses the effects ...
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This chapter discusses the political climate affecting the New South. Patronage was a constant and party loyalty was the basis on which everything else stood. This chapter also discusses the effects of the redemption in politics particularly the dynamics between the Democrats and the Republicans. The tradition of black Southerners to vote only for Republicans is made evident in this chapter and the effect of this towards the political climate is likewise discussed. That is not to say that vote-buying did not exist as it did but not for money but more for the benefit it may have afforded the blacks. The battle over the prohibition of alcohol likewise had an impact in the ensuing political debates. The currency crisis that emerged during that time served to contribute to political conflict. Political life in the New South was complicated.Less
This chapter discusses the political climate affecting the New South. Patronage was a constant and party loyalty was the basis on which everything else stood. This chapter also discusses the effects of the redemption in politics particularly the dynamics between the Democrats and the Republicans. The tradition of black Southerners to vote only for Republicans is made evident in this chapter and the effect of this towards the political climate is likewise discussed. That is not to say that vote-buying did not exist as it did but not for money but more for the benefit it may have afforded the blacks. The battle over the prohibition of alcohol likewise had an impact in the ensuing political debates. The currency crisis that emerged during that time served to contribute to political conflict. Political life in the New South was complicated.
Edward L. Ayers
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086898
- eISBN:
- 9780199854226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086898.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The chapter discusses the norms of life in the New South particularly concerning women. The standards of clothing and fashion changed and bicycles became all the rage for Southern women. The idea of ...
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The chapter discusses the norms of life in the New South particularly concerning women. The standards of clothing and fashion changed and bicycles became all the rage for Southern women. The idea of women's right of suffrage was first tackled during these times. It was also during this time that education became the center of discussion and was seen as the ticket of the Southern blacks to a life of better treatment by the whites. This chapter also touches on the events in the Chicago World's Fair and the Negro Building, the latter being the only place within the fair that the Negroes could actually enter and buy goods. The chapter also discusses Booker T. Washington and his viewpoint and speeches regarding the relationship of blacks and whites.Less
The chapter discusses the norms of life in the New South particularly concerning women. The standards of clothing and fashion changed and bicycles became all the rage for Southern women. The idea of women's right of suffrage was first tackled during these times. It was also during this time that education became the center of discussion and was seen as the ticket of the Southern blacks to a life of better treatment by the whites. This chapter also touches on the events in the Chicago World's Fair and the Negro Building, the latter being the only place within the fair that the Negroes could actually enter and buy goods. The chapter also discusses Booker T. Washington and his viewpoint and speeches regarding the relationship of blacks and whites.
Daniel S. Margolies
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124179
- eISBN:
- 9780813134970
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124179.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This introductory chapter discusses Henry Watterson, who was also known as “Marse Henry”. He was the legendary editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal and served as a central voice of New South ...
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This introductory chapter discusses Henry Watterson, who was also known as “Marse Henry”. He was the legendary editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal and served as a central voice of New South iconoclasm from the Civil War through the Great War. The discussion highlights several of Watterson's achievements, recognition, and works. It also presents several editorial photos that depicted Watterson.Less
This introductory chapter discusses Henry Watterson, who was also known as “Marse Henry”. He was the legendary editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal and served as a central voice of New South iconoclasm from the Civil War through the Great War. The discussion highlights several of Watterson's achievements, recognition, and works. It also presents several editorial photos that depicted Watterson.
William A. Link
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226300177
- eISBN:
- 9780226300344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226300344.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
William T. Sherman's conquest of Atlanta in 1864 has long occupied a prominent position in the popular and scholarly understanding of the Civil War, how warfare affected civilians, how people ...
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William T. Sherman's conquest of Atlanta in 1864 has long occupied a prominent position in the popular and scholarly understanding of the Civil War, how warfare affected civilians, how people remember war, and how they imagine rejuvenation and rebuilding. Little of this literature has explored a ground-level understanding of how soldiers and civilians, during the war itself, represented destruction and devastation, how these perceptions shaped their attitudes toward the war, and how memories of destruction fed into postwar reconstruction. A large literature exists about how the Confederate defeat was remembered and how that memory shaped the definition of the postwar New South. This paper considers remembering in a different sense—how wartime destruction shaped the city's identity. In the emerging narrative about Atlanta, defeat also meant rebirth. The Phoenix in the early years of the war's aftermath meshed notions of destructions with reconstruction, with the end of the Old South replaced by the making of the New South.Less
William T. Sherman's conquest of Atlanta in 1864 has long occupied a prominent position in the popular and scholarly understanding of the Civil War, how warfare affected civilians, how people remember war, and how they imagine rejuvenation and rebuilding. Little of this literature has explored a ground-level understanding of how soldiers and civilians, during the war itself, represented destruction and devastation, how these perceptions shaped their attitudes toward the war, and how memories of destruction fed into postwar reconstruction. A large literature exists about how the Confederate defeat was remembered and how that memory shaped the definition of the postwar New South. This paper considers remembering in a different sense—how wartime destruction shaped the city's identity. In the emerging narrative about Atlanta, defeat also meant rebirth. The Phoenix in the early years of the war's aftermath meshed notions of destructions with reconstruction, with the end of the Old South replaced by the making of the New South.
Anya Jabour
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807831014
- eISBN:
- 9781469605166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807887646_jabour.13
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
In this Epilogue, disparate visions of young women in the antebellum South—conservative vs. progressive, reactionary vs. rebellious—are examined, along with the emergence of a conflicted image of ...
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In this Epilogue, disparate visions of young women in the antebellum South—conservative vs. progressive, reactionary vs. rebellious—are examined, along with the emergence of a conflicted image of southern women in place of the unified motif of the southern lady. Focusing on the United Daughters of the Confederacy, formed a generation after the end of the Civil War to preserve and praise a particular image of the Old South, the chapter considers the role of southern white women in maintaining white supremacy, bolstering male superiority, and preserving class privilege in the post-Civil War South. More specifically, it discusses the notion that southern women helped to rebuild the New South in the image of the Old.Less
In this Epilogue, disparate visions of young women in the antebellum South—conservative vs. progressive, reactionary vs. rebellious—are examined, along with the emergence of a conflicted image of southern women in place of the unified motif of the southern lady. Focusing on the United Daughters of the Confederacy, formed a generation after the end of the Civil War to preserve and praise a particular image of the Old South, the chapter considers the role of southern white women in maintaining white supremacy, bolstering male superiority, and preserving class privilege in the post-Civil War South. More specifically, it discusses the notion that southern women helped to rebuild the New South in the image of the Old.
Tim S. R. Boyd
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037653
- eISBN:
- 9780813042152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037653.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The book concludes with an overview of political developments in Georgia and the South from the 1970s to the 1990s. The continuity with the party divisions that were established after the 1960s civil ...
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The book concludes with an overview of political developments in Georgia and the South from the 1970s to the 1990s. The continuity with the party divisions that were established after the 1960s civil rights laws is demonstrated. Colorblind rhetoric remained the most effective way of dealing with the politics of race in the South. The conclusion ends with a discussion of contemporary Democratic Party weakness in the South.Less
The book concludes with an overview of political developments in Georgia and the South from the 1970s to the 1990s. The continuity with the party divisions that were established after the 1960s civil rights laws is demonstrated. Colorblind rhetoric remained the most effective way of dealing with the politics of race in the South. The conclusion ends with a discussion of contemporary Democratic Party weakness in the South.
Edward L. Ayers
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195086898
- eISBN:
- 9780199854226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195086898.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Religious faith and language permeated every aspect of life in the New South. From politics to courtship and even child-rearing, religion provided the backbone for dealing with the issues of life. ...
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Religious faith and language permeated every aspect of life in the New South. From politics to courtship and even child-rearing, religion provided the backbone for dealing with the issues of life. Southerners worshipped in a lot of ways. Some people were Southern Baptist and others were Southern Methodist. However, there also were Lutherans, Quakers, and even Jews. This chapter discusses the hardships experienced by churches during that time, mostly financial but sometimes social. The Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians were stricter in their beliefs while the Protestants were seen as more lax. However church membership dwindled as time went by as a result of disagreements between the members and other social factors such as population movement. Discipline inside the churches was also affected by a variety of factors such as stronger law enforcement or growing tolerance for the world among young members.Less
Religious faith and language permeated every aspect of life in the New South. From politics to courtship and even child-rearing, religion provided the backbone for dealing with the issues of life. Southerners worshipped in a lot of ways. Some people were Southern Baptist and others were Southern Methodist. However, there also were Lutherans, Quakers, and even Jews. This chapter discusses the hardships experienced by churches during that time, mostly financial but sometimes social. The Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians were stricter in their beliefs while the Protestants were seen as more lax. However church membership dwindled as time went by as a result of disagreements between the members and other social factors such as population movement. Discipline inside the churches was also affected by a variety of factors such as stronger law enforcement or growing tolerance for the world among young members.
