Beate Kutschke
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265390
- eISBN:
- 9780191760440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265390.003.0017
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as ...
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This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as Niels Frederic Hoffmann and Thomas Jahn, as well as the then-established composer Hans Werner Henze. It demonstrates that the creation of the collectively composed cantata must be traced back to the so-called ‘proletarian turn’: the turn, around 1970, from the New Left to the Old Left that affected not only the New Leftist activists, but also politicized musicians including those involved in the Mannesmann cantata. In light of the opposed objectives of the New Left and the new Old Left — the former fought for improving the living and working conditions of workers; the latter aimed at developing an anti-hierarchical youth culture and new lifestyles — the music reveals a remarkable stylistic split that reflects the ideological split between both Leftist camps.Less
This chapter investigates the socio-political background and music of the cantata Streik bei Mannesmann (1973) that was initiated by Wolfgang Florey and written by various young musicians such as Niels Frederic Hoffmann and Thomas Jahn, as well as the then-established composer Hans Werner Henze. It demonstrates that the creation of the collectively composed cantata must be traced back to the so-called ‘proletarian turn’: the turn, around 1970, from the New Left to the Old Left that affected not only the New Leftist activists, but also politicized musicians including those involved in the Mannesmann cantata. In light of the opposed objectives of the New Left and the new Old Left — the former fought for improving the living and working conditions of workers; the latter aimed at developing an anti-hierarchical youth culture and new lifestyles — the music reveals a remarkable stylistic split that reflects the ideological split between both Leftist camps.
Julia L. Mickenberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195152807
- eISBN:
- 9780199788903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152807.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
At the height of the Cold War, dozens of radical and progressive writers, illustrators, editors, librarians, booksellers, and teachers cooperated to create and disseminate children's books that ...
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At the height of the Cold War, dozens of radical and progressive writers, illustrators, editors, librarians, booksellers, and teachers cooperated to create and disseminate children's books that challenged the status quo. This book provides the first historic overview of their work. Spanning from the 1920s, when both children's book publishing and American Communism were becoming significant on the American scene, to the late 1960s, when youth who had been raised on many of the books in this study unequivocally rejected the values of the Cold War, this book shows how “radical” values and ideas that have now become mainstream (including cooperation, interracial friendship, critical thinking, the dignity of labor, feminism, and the history of marginalized people), were communicated to children in repressive times. A range of popular and critically acclaimed children's books, many by former teachers and others who had been blacklisted because of their political beliefs, made commonplace the ideas that McCarthyism tended to call “subversive”. These books, about history, science, and contemporary social conditions as well as imaginative works like Harold and the Purple Crayon, Danny and the Dinosaur, and Millions of Cats; science fiction such as the Danny Dunn books, and popular girls' mystery series like the Kathy Martin books were readily available to children: most could be found in public and school libraries, and some could even be purchased in classrooms through book clubs that catered to educational audiences. Drawing upon interviews, archival research, and hundreds of children's books published from the 1920s through the 1970s, the book offers a history of the children's book in light of the history of the Left, and a new perspective on the links between the Old Left of the 1930s and the New Left of the 1960s.Less
At the height of the Cold War, dozens of radical and progressive writers, illustrators, editors, librarians, booksellers, and teachers cooperated to create and disseminate children's books that challenged the status quo. This book provides the first historic overview of their work. Spanning from the 1920s, when both children's book publishing and American Communism were becoming significant on the American scene, to the late 1960s, when youth who had been raised on many of the books in this study unequivocally rejected the values of the Cold War, this book shows how “radical” values and ideas that have now become mainstream (including cooperation, interracial friendship, critical thinking, the dignity of labor, feminism, and the history of marginalized people), were communicated to children in repressive times. A range of popular and critically acclaimed children's books, many by former teachers and others who had been blacklisted because of their political beliefs, made commonplace the ideas that McCarthyism tended to call “subversive”. These books, about history, science, and contemporary social conditions as well as imaginative works like Harold and the Purple Crayon, Danny and the Dinosaur, and Millions of Cats; science fiction such as the Danny Dunn books, and popular girls' mystery series like the Kathy Martin books were readily available to children: most could be found in public and school libraries, and some could even be purchased in classrooms through book clubs that catered to educational audiences. Drawing upon interviews, archival research, and hundreds of children's books published from the 1920s through the 1970s, the book offers a history of the children's book in light of the history of the Left, and a new perspective on the links between the Old Left of the 1930s and the New Left of the 1960s.
Eli Zaretsky
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231172448
- eISBN:
- 9780231540148
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231172448.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
Chapter 5 concerns the Freud of the New Left and of radical feminism, arguably the last incarnation of political Freud. The chapter begins in cold war America, when Freudian thought was being ...
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Chapter 5 concerns the Freud of the New Left and of radical feminism, arguably the last incarnation of political Freud. The chapter begins in cold war America, when Freudian thought was being integrated into an anticommunist “maturity ethic,” a new Puritanism or Calvinism. This cold war version of Weber’s spirit of capitalism echoed its predecessor by condemning narcissism or self-love and so became a target of radical movements in the 1960s. 1970s feminists, drawing on the New Left precedent, substituted a sociological and political account of domination for the “individual explanations” characteristic of psychoanalysis. The eventual result was a new ethic of personal life that converged with the neoliberal critique of traditional, familial, and kinship-based authority and unwittingly facilitated the emergence of full-scale consumer capitalism. Bringing us full circle to the story begun in chapter 1, then, the cultural revolutions of the sixties and seventies completed the critique of the Protestant ethic that classical Freudianism had begun. As the restraints and inhibitions that once animated it seemed to crumble, Freudianism became “obsolete.” Less
Chapter 5 concerns the Freud of the New Left and of radical feminism, arguably the last incarnation of political Freud. The chapter begins in cold war America, when Freudian thought was being integrated into an anticommunist “maturity ethic,” a new Puritanism or Calvinism. This cold war version of Weber’s spirit of capitalism echoed its predecessor by condemning narcissism or self-love and so became a target of radical movements in the 1960s. 1970s feminists, drawing on the New Left precedent, substituted a sociological and political account of domination for the “individual explanations” characteristic of psychoanalysis. The eventual result was a new ethic of personal life that converged with the neoliberal critique of traditional, familial, and kinship-based authority and unwittingly facilitated the emergence of full-scale consumer capitalism. Bringing us full circle to the story begun in chapter 1, then, the cultural revolutions of the sixties and seventies completed the critique of the Protestant ethic that classical Freudianism had begun. As the restraints and inhibitions that once animated it seemed to crumble, Freudianism became “obsolete.”
Julia L. Mickenberg
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195152807
- eISBN:
- 9780199788903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195152807.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
The Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) was founded in the mid-1960s by a group of Old Left activists. The Council, whose members helped to make children's literature more genuinely ...
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The Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) was founded in the mid-1960s by a group of Old Left activists. The Council, whose members helped to make children's literature more genuinely representative of American life and cultural diversity, also helped to link the Old Left and the New Left, or the radical generations of the 1930s and the 1960s. Linking undertakings like Scholastic's Firebird Books program (a project of Lilian Moore, a founder of the CIBC) which highlighted the contributions of racial minorities to American life with the popular book, record, and television special, Free to Be You and Me, which challenged gender stereotyping the epilogue focuses on the new terrain of children's books in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond. The work of left-wingers in the children's book field throughout the most repressive years of the Cold War points to the counter-hegemonic impulses that may thrive even during periods that seem to foreclose dissent.Less
The Council on Interracial Books for Children (CIBC) was founded in the mid-1960s by a group of Old Left activists. The Council, whose members helped to make children's literature more genuinely representative of American life and cultural diversity, also helped to link the Old Left and the New Left, or the radical generations of the 1930s and the 1960s. Linking undertakings like Scholastic's Firebird Books program (a project of Lilian Moore, a founder of the CIBC) which highlighted the contributions of racial minorities to American life with the popular book, record, and television special, Free to Be You and Me, which challenged gender stereotyping the epilogue focuses on the new terrain of children's books in the 1960s, 1970s, and beyond. The work of left-wingers in the children's book field throughout the most repressive years of the Cold War points to the counter-hegemonic impulses that may thrive even during periods that seem to foreclose dissent.
Scott Hamilton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719084355
- eISBN:
- 9781781702338
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719084355.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
‘The Peculiarities of the English’ is perhaps the most celebrated of the four texts Edward Palmer Thompson collected in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. Through 1960, Thompson was kept busy ...
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‘The Peculiarities of the English’ is perhaps the most celebrated of the four texts Edward Palmer Thompson collected in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. Through 1960, Thompson was kept busy addressing Left Club meetings, writing for the New Left Review, and speaking at Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) demonstrations. Thompson begins ‘Where Are We Now?’ by interrogating the concept of ‘intellectual work’. Thompson contested Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn's portrait of the English bourgeoisie as a weak class mired in pre-capitalist ideology and he was fearful of confronting the remnants of the old feudal class. ‘The Peculiarities of the English’ rapidly became a classic, breeding a large and mostly admiring body of commentary. Thompson's engagement with the ‘New New Left’ only served to emphasise his alienation from a new generation of activists.Less
‘The Peculiarities of the English’ is perhaps the most celebrated of the four texts Edward Palmer Thompson collected in The Poverty of Theory and Other Essays. Through 1960, Thompson was kept busy addressing Left Club meetings, writing for the New Left Review, and speaking at Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) demonstrations. Thompson begins ‘Where Are We Now?’ by interrogating the concept of ‘intellectual work’. Thompson contested Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn's portrait of the English bourgeoisie as a weak class mired in pre-capitalist ideology and he was fearful of confronting the remnants of the old feudal class. ‘The Peculiarities of the English’ rapidly became a classic, breeding a large and mostly admiring body of commentary. Thompson's engagement with the ‘New New Left’ only served to emphasise his alienation from a new generation of activists.
Eli Zaretsky
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199744664
- eISBN:
- 9780199932863
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744664.003.0033
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
Eli Zaretsky makes the case that authoritarianism is relevant to understanding the role of psychoanalysis in democratic societies, suggesting it takes the form of the enhancement and manipulation of ...
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Eli Zaretsky makes the case that authoritarianism is relevant to understanding the role of psychoanalysis in democratic societies, suggesting it takes the form of the enhancement and manipulation of narcissism. The argument is expounded by examining three moments in U.S. history in detail. The first is the 1950s (termed postwar maturity) with an idealization of psychoanalysis as the guardian of a private, protected, domestic sphere. The second is characterized by the emergence of the New Left (1960s) during which psychoanalysis was transformed into a theory of revolution to overturn traditional ideals on the basis of a posttraditional vision of society. And the third moment was characterized by the subordination of psychoanalysis to a new politically correct, feminist, and gay worldview that emerged from the neoliberal society of the 1970s. Zaretsky argues that American debates over psychoanalysis transformed the notions of authority to maintain as well as to buttress the hegemony of the capitalist class. Simultaneously, those debates reflected changes in American character structure and values that have kept the radical tradition alive.Less
Eli Zaretsky makes the case that authoritarianism is relevant to understanding the role of psychoanalysis in democratic societies, suggesting it takes the form of the enhancement and manipulation of narcissism. The argument is expounded by examining three moments in U.S. history in detail. The first is the 1950s (termed postwar maturity) with an idealization of psychoanalysis as the guardian of a private, protected, domestic sphere. The second is characterized by the emergence of the New Left (1960s) during which psychoanalysis was transformed into a theory of revolution to overturn traditional ideals on the basis of a posttraditional vision of society. And the third moment was characterized by the subordination of psychoanalysis to a new politically correct, feminist, and gay worldview that emerged from the neoliberal society of the 1970s. Zaretsky argues that American debates over psychoanalysis transformed the notions of authority to maintain as well as to buttress the hegemony of the capitalist class. Simultaneously, those debates reflected changes in American character structure and values that have kept the radical tradition alive.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239975
- eISBN:
- 9780520939240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239975.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
COINTELPRO against so-called white hate groups is not as straightforward as many have assumed. This chapter takes up this topic and shows that a close examination of COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups ...
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COINTELPRO against so-called white hate groups is not as straightforward as many have assumed. This chapter takes up this topic and shows that a close examination of COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups reveals a remarkable similarity to Bureau efforts to repress left-wing targets in its other COINTEL programs. Cataloging the hundreds of actions initiated against various white-hate targets shows that the program against the Klan did not vary significantly in form or severity from the Bureau's parallel efforts against antiwar and other New Left targets. The differences that did exist are telling, however, as they reveal distinct overall strategies: an overarching effort to control the Klan's violent tendencies, alongside attempts to eliminate the New Left altogether.Less
COINTELPRO against so-called white hate groups is not as straightforward as many have assumed. This chapter takes up this topic and shows that a close examination of COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups reveals a remarkable similarity to Bureau efforts to repress left-wing targets in its other COINTEL programs. Cataloging the hundreds of actions initiated against various white-hate targets shows that the program against the Klan did not vary significantly in form or severity from the Bureau's parallel efforts against antiwar and other New Left targets. The differences that did exist are telling, however, as they reveal distinct overall strategies: an overarching effort to control the Klan's violent tendencies, alongside attempts to eliminate the New Left altogether.
Carol Giardina
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034560
- eISBN:
- 9780813039329
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034560.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter traces the help extended by the Left to weomen's liberation movements. The term “Old Left” is used for describing Marxist-inspired parties and individuals and the term “New Left” refers ...
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This chapter traces the help extended by the Left to weomen's liberation movements. The term “Old Left” is used for describing Marxist-inspired parties and individuals and the term “New Left” refers to the modernization of the group. The New Left gave much help and support to the Women's Liberation Movement. The women who commenced the Women's Liberation Movement were influenced by Old Left parties. The chapter brings together examples from lives of radical women and discusses how the Left parties affected their thought flow. The chapter also talks about the organizational help extended by the Old Left parties to the women's liberation movements. Next the chapter studies the presence of Women's Liberation pioneers in the New Left parties and the institutional help extended by the New Left to women liberation groups. Men on the Left front who extended their full support to women during the movement also get a mention in the chapter.Less
This chapter traces the help extended by the Left to weomen's liberation movements. The term “Old Left” is used for describing Marxist-inspired parties and individuals and the term “New Left” refers to the modernization of the group. The New Left gave much help and support to the Women's Liberation Movement. The women who commenced the Women's Liberation Movement were influenced by Old Left parties. The chapter brings together examples from lives of radical women and discusses how the Left parties affected their thought flow. The chapter also talks about the organizational help extended by the Old Left parties to the women's liberation movements. Next the chapter studies the presence of Women's Liberation pioneers in the New Left parties and the institutional help extended by the New Left to women liberation groups. Men on the Left front who extended their full support to women during the movement also get a mention in the chapter.
Gary Dorrien
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780300253764
- eISBN:
- 9780300262360
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300253764.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove ...
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The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove out the party’s Dixiecrat flank. They said the Democratic Party was becoming a labor party in disguise. Meanwhile the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society called for a New Left, lumping together communists and anticommunist socialists as the Old Left. The left broke apart in the 1960s over the exotic turmoil of the antiwar, wave two feminist, Black Power, and Third World revolutionary movements. Two new Socialist organizations arose in response: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement. In 1982 they merged to form Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).Less
The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove out the party’s Dixiecrat flank. They said the Democratic Party was becoming a labor party in disguise. Meanwhile the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society called for a New Left, lumping together communists and anticommunist socialists as the Old Left. The left broke apart in the 1960s over the exotic turmoil of the antiwar, wave two feminist, Black Power, and Third World revolutionary movements. Two new Socialist organizations arose in response: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement. In 1982 they merged to form Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).
Georgios Varouxakis
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594627
- eISBN:
- 9780191595738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594627.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Georgios Varouxakis starts the clock at Britain's first flirtation with EEC membership in 1961, outlining some reflections on the role that perceptions of British history have played in shaping the ...
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Georgios Varouxakis starts the clock at Britain's first flirtation with EEC membership in 1961, outlining some reflections on the role that perceptions of British history have played in shaping the peculiarities of attitudes towards Europe and Britain's relation to it in the twentieth century. He then goes on to analyse the nature and major characteristics of British intellectuals' debates on the EEC up to the time of the referendum that confirmed Britain's continued membership in 1975, including the virulent Euroscepticism of the “old‐guard New Left”. The rest of the chapter then focuses on contemporary intellectual debates on Europe, analysing the specific contributions of individual thinkers such as Tom Nairn and Perry Anderson and discussing the impact of postcolonialism and the Transatlantic relationship on attitudes to Europe. The picture that emerges as far as “intellectuals” are concerned is more complex than the traditional binary distinction between “pro‐Europe” and “Eurosceptic”.Less
Georgios Varouxakis starts the clock at Britain's first flirtation with EEC membership in 1961, outlining some reflections on the role that perceptions of British history have played in shaping the peculiarities of attitudes towards Europe and Britain's relation to it in the twentieth century. He then goes on to analyse the nature and major characteristics of British intellectuals' debates on the EEC up to the time of the referendum that confirmed Britain's continued membership in 1975, including the virulent Euroscepticism of the “old‐guard New Left”. The rest of the chapter then focuses on contemporary intellectual debates on Europe, analysing the specific contributions of individual thinkers such as Tom Nairn and Perry Anderson and discussing the impact of postcolonialism and the Transatlantic relationship on attitudes to Europe. The picture that emerges as far as “intellectuals” are concerned is more complex than the traditional binary distinction between “pro‐Europe” and “Eurosceptic”.
Marc Mulholland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199653577
- eISBN:
- 9780191744594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653577.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Ideas
America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by ...
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America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by militarism and ethical hypocrisy. The movements of 1968 rejected the shades of pre-war authoritarianism and intimations of neo-authoritarianism. In this, it was successful to a considerable degree. With the state partly de-legitimized, New Left and New Right ideas jostled for succession. As post-war capitalism entered into crisis, due to a squeeze on bourgeois income from a militant labour movement, Neo-Liberalism emerged as the bearer of libertarianism. Democratic revolution in the Mediterranean indicated that the threat of social revolution was now far more easily contained. Euro-Communism presaged a drawing of the claws of ‘proletarian democracy’.Less
America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by militarism and ethical hypocrisy. The movements of 1968 rejected the shades of pre-war authoritarianism and intimations of neo-authoritarianism. In this, it was successful to a considerable degree. With the state partly de-legitimized, New Left and New Right ideas jostled for succession. As post-war capitalism entered into crisis, due to a squeeze on bourgeois income from a militant labour movement, Neo-Liberalism emerged as the bearer of libertarianism. Democratic revolution in the Mediterranean indicated that the threat of social revolution was now far more easily contained. Euro-Communism presaged a drawing of the claws of ‘proletarian democracy’.
Gerd‐Rainer Horn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204496
- eISBN:
- 9780191708145
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204496.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two ...
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Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two and the immediate post‐liberation period witnessed pathbreaking experiences of radicalization above all in its adult working class organizations. The Mouvement Populaire des Familles (MPF) emerged out of concentrated efforts by Catholic social activists to provide much‐needed social services for working class families in the industrial centers of francophone Europe. Employing a variety of often controversial tactics, such as squatting to alleviate the housing crisis, the MPF served as a laboratory and training ground for fearless social movement activists. The MPF promoted experiments in radical united working class action, which on occasion challenged the French Communist Party from the left, side‐by‐side with early explorations of feminist ideals. The MPF eventually helped constitute the French New Left.Less
Whereas the interwar time period saw the most innovative developments within specialised Catholic Action taking place within its working class youth organizations, the closing years of World War Two and the immediate post‐liberation period witnessed pathbreaking experiences of radicalization above all in its adult working class organizations. The Mouvement Populaire des Familles (MPF) emerged out of concentrated efforts by Catholic social activists to provide much‐needed social services for working class families in the industrial centers of francophone Europe. Employing a variety of often controversial tactics, such as squatting to alleviate the housing crisis, the MPF served as a laboratory and training ground for fearless social movement activists. The MPF promoted experiments in radical united working class action, which on occasion challenged the French Communist Party from the left, side‐by‐side with early explorations of feminist ideals. The MPF eventually helped constitute the French New Left.
Beate Kutschke
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195336641
- eISBN:
- 9780199868551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195336641.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western, Popular
The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous ...
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The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous discussions and debates about the nature of political music, its perfection and failures, conducted by musicians and music writers with endless energy and engagement. This chapter throws light on one of these debates: the argument between Nikolaus A. Huber and Clytus Gottwald in 1971–72 about Huber's composition Harakiri. It investigates the terms of the debate, firstly with regard to the musical facts—and in particular a comparison made at the time between Huber's Harakiri and Hans Otte's contemporary piece, Zero—and secondly with regard to the ideas of Theodor W. Adorno, who provided the New Leftist avant‐gardists with politico‐aesthetical ideas.Less
The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous discussions and debates about the nature of political music, its perfection and failures, conducted by musicians and music writers with endless energy and engagement. This chapter throws light on one of these debates: the argument between Nikolaus A. Huber and Clytus Gottwald in 1971–72 about Huber's composition Harakiri. It investigates the terms of the debate, firstly with regard to the musical facts—and in particular a comparison made at the time between Huber's Harakiri and Hans Otte's contemporary piece, Zero—and secondly with regard to the ideas of Theodor W. Adorno, who provided the New Leftist avant‐gardists with politico‐aesthetical ideas.
Benjamin Looker
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226073989
- eISBN:
- 9780226290454
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226290454.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
The 1970s witnessed the rise of a radical and assertive drive for neighborhood sovereignty and self-government, a program that emerged in part from New Left activist and intellectual circles. United ...
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The 1970s witnessed the rise of a radical and assertive drive for neighborhood sovereignty and self-government, a program that emerged in part from New Left activist and intellectual circles. United only in their disdain for the centralizing tendencies of postwar liberalism, leftists, libertarians, counterculturalists, and alternative-technology proponents joined in unstable alliances, imagining the neighborhood as the basic unit of the nation's political life. Focusing on a constellation of little-known theorists, activists, and institutions—Milton Kotler, Karl Hess, the Alliance for Neighborhood Government, Washington's Adams-Morgan Organization, and others—chapter 8 explores the cultural and intellectual impulses undergirding this fractured movement. In the end, the chapter suggests, elements of the burgeoning New Right would find partial success in appropriating these ideals of neighborhood self-reliance and autonomy, harnessing them instead to a free-market ideological project.Less
The 1970s witnessed the rise of a radical and assertive drive for neighborhood sovereignty and self-government, a program that emerged in part from New Left activist and intellectual circles. United only in their disdain for the centralizing tendencies of postwar liberalism, leftists, libertarians, counterculturalists, and alternative-technology proponents joined in unstable alliances, imagining the neighborhood as the basic unit of the nation's political life. Focusing on a constellation of little-known theorists, activists, and institutions—Milton Kotler, Karl Hess, the Alliance for Neighborhood Government, Washington's Adams-Morgan Organization, and others—chapter 8 explores the cultural and intellectual impulses undergirding this fractured movement. In the end, the chapter suggests, elements of the burgeoning New Right would find partial success in appropriating these ideals of neighborhood self-reliance and autonomy, harnessing them instead to a free-market ideological project.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239975
- eISBN:
- 9780520939240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239975.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter introduces the movements that were the central targets of COINTELPRO–New Left and COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups, namely Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the United Klans of ...
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This chapter introduces the movements that were the central targets of COINTELPRO–New Left and COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups, namely Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the United Klans of America.Less
This chapter introduces the movements that were the central targets of COINTELPRO–New Left and COINTELPRO–White Hate Groups, namely Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the United Klans of America.
Doug Rossinow
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748698936
- eISBN:
- 9781474445160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748698936.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both ...
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1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both national and transnational contexts and delineating its regional variations and its turbulent shifts in emphasis. It takes 1968 as a hinge point in the New Left’s development, not as its end date, and examines each of the several paths that New Left radicals took after 1968. The chapter addresses the plural quality of the American New Left, its coherence as a movement, and its existence as part of a global upsurge of youth protest and its distinctively American qualities. It also examines the New Left’s legacy in American life fifty years after 1968.Less
1968 was a climactic year of the New Left’s struggle against the political establishment across a range of countries. This essay reconsiders the American New Left, locating its appearance in both national and transnational contexts and delineating its regional variations and its turbulent shifts in emphasis. It takes 1968 as a hinge point in the New Left’s development, not as its end date, and examines each of the several paths that New Left radicals took after 1968. The chapter addresses the plural quality of the American New Left, its coherence as a movement, and its existence as part of a global upsurge of youth protest and its distinctively American qualities. It also examines the New Left’s legacy in American life fifty years after 1968.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520239975
- eISBN:
- 9780520939240
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520239975.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Using over twelve-thousand previously classified documents made available through the Freedom of Information Act, this book uncovers the inside story of the FBI's attempts to neutralize political ...
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Using over twelve-thousand previously classified documents made available through the Freedom of Information Act, this book uncovers the inside story of the FBI's attempts to neutralize political targets on both the Right and the Left during the 1960s. Examining the FBI's infamous counterintelligence programs (COINTELPROs) against suspected communists, civil rights and black power advocates, Klan adherents, and antiwar activists, it questions whether such actions were aberrations or are evidence of the bureau's ongoing mission to restrict citizens' right to engage in legal forms of political dissent. At a time of heightened concerns about domestic security, with the FBI's license to spy on U.S. citizens expanded to a historic degree, the question becomes an urgent one. The book supplies readers with insights and information vital to a meaningful assessment of the current situation, and looks inside the FBI's COINTELPROs against white hate groups and the New Left to explore how agents dealt with the hundreds of individuals and organizations labeled as subversive threats. Rather than reducing these activities to a product of the idiosyncratic concerns of longtime director J. Edgar Hoover, it focuses on the complex organizational dynamics that generated literally thousands of COINTELPRO actions. The book's account shows how—and why—the inner workings of the programs led to outcomes that often seemed to lack any overriding logic; it also examines the impact the bureau's massive campaign of repression had on its targets. The lessons of this era have considerable relevance today, and the book extends his analysis to the FBI's often controversial recent actions to map the influence of the COINTELPRO legacy on contemporary debates over national security and civil liberties.Less
Using over twelve-thousand previously classified documents made available through the Freedom of Information Act, this book uncovers the inside story of the FBI's attempts to neutralize political targets on both the Right and the Left during the 1960s. Examining the FBI's infamous counterintelligence programs (COINTELPROs) against suspected communists, civil rights and black power advocates, Klan adherents, and antiwar activists, it questions whether such actions were aberrations or are evidence of the bureau's ongoing mission to restrict citizens' right to engage in legal forms of political dissent. At a time of heightened concerns about domestic security, with the FBI's license to spy on U.S. citizens expanded to a historic degree, the question becomes an urgent one. The book supplies readers with insights and information vital to a meaningful assessment of the current situation, and looks inside the FBI's COINTELPROs against white hate groups and the New Left to explore how agents dealt with the hundreds of individuals and organizations labeled as subversive threats. Rather than reducing these activities to a product of the idiosyncratic concerns of longtime director J. Edgar Hoover, it focuses on the complex organizational dynamics that generated literally thousands of COINTELPRO actions. The book's account shows how—and why—the inner workings of the programs led to outcomes that often seemed to lack any overriding logic; it also examines the impact the bureau's massive campaign of repression had on its targets. The lessons of this era have considerable relevance today, and the book extends his analysis to the FBI's often controversial recent actions to map the influence of the COINTELPRO legacy on contemporary debates over national security and civil liberties.
Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780748668878
- eISBN:
- 9780748695218
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748668878.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The New Left and its conservative opponents agree that the New Left caused American withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and, although there were other causes, there is some truth in the contention. The ...
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The New Left and its conservative opponents agree that the New Left caused American withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and, although there were other causes, there is some truth in the contention. The chapter looks at the New Left’s provenance, its rejection of Marxism and organized labor, and its embrace of radical students. It reviews other left manifestations in the 1960s, such as Michael Harrington’s attack on poverty, Martin Luther King’s commitment, as a declared socialist, to the same cause, and the feminist epistle Feminine Mystique (1963), whose author Betty Friedan eradicated all signs of her socialist past in order to soften the appeal of the feminist cause. There was sympathy for some left-wing goals in Lyndon B. Johnson’s White House and even in Richard Nixon’s, but the Southeast Asian war sucked away the necessary funds.Less
The New Left and its conservative opponents agree that the New Left caused American withdrawal from the Vietnam War, and, although there were other causes, there is some truth in the contention. The chapter looks at the New Left’s provenance, its rejection of Marxism and organized labor, and its embrace of radical students. It reviews other left manifestations in the 1960s, such as Michael Harrington’s attack on poverty, Martin Luther King’s commitment, as a declared socialist, to the same cause, and the feminist epistle Feminine Mystique (1963), whose author Betty Friedan eradicated all signs of her socialist past in order to soften the appeal of the feminist cause. There was sympathy for some left-wing goals in Lyndon B. Johnson’s White House and even in Richard Nixon’s, but the Southeast Asian war sucked away the necessary funds.
Michelle Chase
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469625003
- eISBN:
- 9781469625027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469625003.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter recovers the rise and demise of the new pro-revolutionary women’s groups that emerged in the aftermath of revolutionary triumph. These groups had roots in both the New, insurrectionary ...
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This chapter recovers the rise and demise of the new pro-revolutionary women’s groups that emerged in the aftermath of revolutionary triumph. These groups had roots in both the New, insurrectionary Left, and the Old, Marxist Left (the Partido Socialista Popular, PSP). This chapter argues that, while often at odds with one another over ideology and geopolitics, these women’s groups collectively pushed women’s issues—including gender equity—onto the revolutionary leadership’s horizon for the first time. Despite their importance, these groups were forcibly disbanded in mid-1960 when the revolutionary government established a single mass organization for women, the Federation of Cuban Women (Federación de Mujeres Cubanas, FMC). The chapter thus reverses standard assumptions about women’s liberation from above in the revolution, showing that women in fact pushed for inclusion and equality.Less
This chapter recovers the rise and demise of the new pro-revolutionary women’s groups that emerged in the aftermath of revolutionary triumph. These groups had roots in both the New, insurrectionary Left, and the Old, Marxist Left (the Partido Socialista Popular, PSP). This chapter argues that, while often at odds with one another over ideology and geopolitics, these women’s groups collectively pushed women’s issues—including gender equity—onto the revolutionary leadership’s horizon for the first time. Despite their importance, these groups were forcibly disbanded in mid-1960 when the revolutionary government established a single mass organization for women, the Federation of Cuban Women (Federación de Mujeres Cubanas, FMC). The chapter thus reverses standard assumptions about women’s liberation from above in the revolution, showing that women in fact pushed for inclusion and equality.
Rebecca Klatch
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520217133
- eISBN:
- 9780520922341
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520217133.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
The 1960s was not just an era of civil rights, anti-war protest, women's liberation, hippies, marijuana, and rock festivals. The untold story of the 1960s is in fact about the New Right. For young ...
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The 1960s was not just an era of civil rights, anti-war protest, women's liberation, hippies, marijuana, and rock festivals. The untold story of the 1960s is in fact about the New Right. For young conservatives the decade was about Barry Goldwater, Ayn Rand, an important war in the fight against communism, and Young Americans for Freedom (YAF). This book examines the generation that came into political consciousness during the 1960s, telling the story of both the New Right and the New Left, and including the voices of women as well as men. The result is a narrative that explains how politics became central to the identities of a generation of people, and how changes in the political landscape of the 1980s and 1990s affected this identity.Less
The 1960s was not just an era of civil rights, anti-war protest, women's liberation, hippies, marijuana, and rock festivals. The untold story of the 1960s is in fact about the New Right. For young conservatives the decade was about Barry Goldwater, Ayn Rand, an important war in the fight against communism, and Young Americans for Freedom (YAF). This book examines the generation that came into political consciousness during the 1960s, telling the story of both the New Right and the New Left, and including the voices of women as well as men. The result is a narrative that explains how politics became central to the identities of a generation of people, and how changes in the political landscape of the 1980s and 1990s affected this identity.
