Jonathan Pattenden
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719089145
- eISBN:
- 9781526109583
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089145.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter argues that many civil society organisations in rural India have been neoliberalised. Rather than organisations seeking to redistribute power and resources towards labourers, NGOs have ...
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This chapter argues that many civil society organisations in rural India have been neoliberalised. Rather than organisations seeking to redistribute power and resources towards labourers, NGOs have become increasingly oriented around securing contracts from local government, while most community-based organisations reproduce or exacerbate existing inequalities. The argument is based on detailed analysis of civil society in a particular south Indian district, and focuses on women’s self-help groups, which are the most common form of community-based organisation in rural India.Less
This chapter argues that many civil society organisations in rural India have been neoliberalised. Rather than organisations seeking to redistribute power and resources towards labourers, NGOs have become increasingly oriented around securing contracts from local government, while most community-based organisations reproduce or exacerbate existing inequalities. The argument is based on detailed analysis of civil society in a particular south Indian district, and focuses on women’s self-help groups, which are the most common form of community-based organisation in rural India.
Jonathan S. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529210910
- eISBN:
- 9781529210958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529210910.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Theodore (2020: 2) argues that since the global financial crisis, “austerity has become the primary means for the further neoliberalisation of inherited arrangements”: neoliberalisation upon earlier ...
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Theodore (2020: 2) argues that since the global financial crisis, “austerity has become the primary means for the further neoliberalisation of inherited arrangements”: neoliberalisation upon earlier waves of neoliberalism. Chapter 2 delves into this proposition. It begins by exploring the impact of the GFC, and its aftermath, in the eight countries and cities studied. It proceeds to examine the interplay of key terms introduced in chapter 1: crisis, austerity and neoliberalisation. The chapter allocates the cities to three groups: those in which austerity is recognized as a central concept or challenge and a warrant for neoliberalisation (Athens, Dublin and Leicester), those in which it is concealed or re-signified within an otherwise vigorous neoliberalisation agenda (Baltimore and Montréal), and those positioning themselves critically or outside it (Barcelona, Dandenong and Nantes). The chapter concludes by discussing theoretical implications of convergence and divergence in the cross-cutting relationships between crisis, austerity and neoliberalisation.Less
Theodore (2020: 2) argues that since the global financial crisis, “austerity has become the primary means for the further neoliberalisation of inherited arrangements”: neoliberalisation upon earlier waves of neoliberalism. Chapter 2 delves into this proposition. It begins by exploring the impact of the GFC, and its aftermath, in the eight countries and cities studied. It proceeds to examine the interplay of key terms introduced in chapter 1: crisis, austerity and neoliberalisation. The chapter allocates the cities to three groups: those in which austerity is recognized as a central concept or challenge and a warrant for neoliberalisation (Athens, Dublin and Leicester), those in which it is concealed or re-signified within an otherwise vigorous neoliberalisation agenda (Baltimore and Montréal), and those positioning themselves critically or outside it (Barcelona, Dandenong and Nantes). The chapter concludes by discussing theoretical implications of convergence and divergence in the cross-cutting relationships between crisis, austerity and neoliberalisation.
Paul Watt
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781447329183
- eISBN:
- 9781447329206
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447329183.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter outlines and explains the expansion and contraction of London’s public housing from the late 19th century until the 2010s. It argues that public/council housing – the ‘wobbly pillar’ of ...
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This chapter outlines and explains the expansion and contraction of London’s public housing from the late 19th century until the 2010s. It argues that public/council housing – the ‘wobbly pillar’ of the welfare state – has been privatised, demunicipalised and now demolished under regeneration (Chapter 3). Two broad historical periods are delineated: an expansionary period from 1900-80, followed by a contractionary period from the 1980s. This periodisation is theoretically located within the development of the Keynesian welfare state, followed by the latter’s unravelling due to forty years of neoliberalisation. The expansionary period entailed substantial housing decommodification whereby council housing became a significant feature of the metropolitan welfare state, much of which occurred under Labour local governments (e.g. London County Council). Renting from the council became a normalised part of working-class Londoners’ post-War housing experiences (Chapter 5). Such decommodification began to be undermined during the 1960s-70s under Conservative local governments. From 1979, neoliberal policies under Conservative and New Labour central governments – such as the Right-to-Buy, lack of new-building, and stock transfers to housing associations – have resulted in housing recommodification. New Labour’s Decent Homes Programme is assessed; despite some housing quality improvements, it proved to be slow and partial especially in London (Chapter 9).Less
This chapter outlines and explains the expansion and contraction of London’s public housing from the late 19th century until the 2010s. It argues that public/council housing – the ‘wobbly pillar’ of the welfare state – has been privatised, demunicipalised and now demolished under regeneration (Chapter 3). Two broad historical periods are delineated: an expansionary period from 1900-80, followed by a contractionary period from the 1980s. This periodisation is theoretically located within the development of the Keynesian welfare state, followed by the latter’s unravelling due to forty years of neoliberalisation. The expansionary period entailed substantial housing decommodification whereby council housing became a significant feature of the metropolitan welfare state, much of which occurred under Labour local governments (e.g. London County Council). Renting from the council became a normalised part of working-class Londoners’ post-War housing experiences (Chapter 5). Such decommodification began to be undermined during the 1960s-70s under Conservative local governments. From 1979, neoliberal policies under Conservative and New Labour central governments – such as the Right-to-Buy, lack of new-building, and stock transfers to housing associations – have resulted in housing recommodification. New Labour’s Decent Homes Programme is assessed; despite some housing quality improvements, it proved to be slow and partial especially in London (Chapter 9).
Sarah Vickerstaff, Debra Street, Áine Ní Léime, and Clary Krekula
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447325116
- eISBN:
- 9781447325161
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447325116.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gerontology and Ageing
The conclusion briefly summarises the contributions of each of the individual country chapters; to highlight major cross-national similarities and differences; to emphasise topics where more research ...
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The conclusion briefly summarises the contributions of each of the individual country chapters; to highlight major cross-national similarities and differences; to emphasise topics where more research is needed to better understand the myriad implications of extended working lives, and to consider some policy directions that could improve prospects for extended working life by countering the increasing polarisation of later life opportunities which current policy trajectories will create. While not denying the materially better conditions in Sweden or the United States than, say, Portugal or Ireland, there is not as much variation across the countries covered as might otherwise have been expected when extended working life is considered through a gendered lens. If older women's disadvantage is to be minimised or addressed, it is certain that the private sector alone cannot accomplish that. Only governments can redistribute resources and life chances in ways that would give future women (and vulnerable men) a fighting chance at good employment in later life and adequate income in old age.Less
The conclusion briefly summarises the contributions of each of the individual country chapters; to highlight major cross-national similarities and differences; to emphasise topics where more research is needed to better understand the myriad implications of extended working lives, and to consider some policy directions that could improve prospects for extended working life by countering the increasing polarisation of later life opportunities which current policy trajectories will create. While not denying the materially better conditions in Sweden or the United States than, say, Portugal or Ireland, there is not as much variation across the countries covered as might otherwise have been expected when extended working life is considered through a gendered lens. If older women's disadvantage is to be minimised or addressed, it is certain that the private sector alone cannot accomplish that. Only governments can redistribute resources and life chances in ways that would give future women (and vulnerable men) a fighting chance at good employment in later life and adequate income in old age.