Raymond Plant
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281756
- eISBN:
- 9780191713040
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281756.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This book has two central aims. The first is to give a fair, comprehensive, and analytical account of the central features of the neo‐liberal view about the role and limits of the state in the modern ...
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This book has two central aims. The first is to give a fair, comprehensive, and analytical account of the central features of the neo‐liberal view about the role and limits of the state in the modern world. It considers important ideas such as the contrast between a state based on rules and the one based on outcomes, the implications of this contrast for the rule of law, for the ideas of freedom, social justice, and rights. It provides a full account of the neo‐liberal view of the relationship between the state and the economy and to civil society and voluntary organizations. It draws upon a wide range of works by neo‐liberal thinkers to build up the theoretical case for this conception of the role of government and politics. The thinkers at the heart of this part of the study are Hayek, Buchanan, Mises, Menger, as well as others who while not regarding themselves as neo‐liberals nevertheless have contributed to neo‐liberal ideas. These include Oakeshott, Nozick, and Rothbard. The study also looks at the public policy implications of neo‐liberal ideas in relation to the role of the welfare state and other forms of public sector provision. The second part of the book provides a detailed critical appraisal of some of the central neo‐liberal doctrines particularly in relation to the core ideas of freedom, justice, rights, the role of collective organizations in civil society, and the provision of welfare. The book argues that contrary to neo‐liberal arguments there is no coherent way of providing a sharp and categorical distinction between neo‐liberalism and Social Democracy on the one hand and libertarianism on the other.Less
This book has two central aims. The first is to give a fair, comprehensive, and analytical account of the central features of the neo‐liberal view about the role and limits of the state in the modern world. It considers important ideas such as the contrast between a state based on rules and the one based on outcomes, the implications of this contrast for the rule of law, for the ideas of freedom, social justice, and rights. It provides a full account of the neo‐liberal view of the relationship between the state and the economy and to civil society and voluntary organizations. It draws upon a wide range of works by neo‐liberal thinkers to build up the theoretical case for this conception of the role of government and politics. The thinkers at the heart of this part of the study are Hayek, Buchanan, Mises, Menger, as well as others who while not regarding themselves as neo‐liberals nevertheless have contributed to neo‐liberal ideas. These include Oakeshott, Nozick, and Rothbard. The study also looks at the public policy implications of neo‐liberal ideas in relation to the role of the welfare state and other forms of public sector provision. The second part of the book provides a detailed critical appraisal of some of the central neo‐liberal doctrines particularly in relation to the core ideas of freedom, justice, rights, the role of collective organizations in civil society, and the provision of welfare. The book argues that contrary to neo‐liberal arguments there is no coherent way of providing a sharp and categorical distinction between neo‐liberalism and Social Democracy on the one hand and libertarianism on the other.
Marc Mulholland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199653577
- eISBN:
- 9780191744594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199653577.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History, History of Ideas
America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by ...
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America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by militarism and ethical hypocrisy. The movements of 1968 rejected the shades of pre-war authoritarianism and intimations of neo-authoritarianism. In this, it was successful to a considerable degree. With the state partly de-legitimized, New Left and New Right ideas jostled for succession. As post-war capitalism entered into crisis, due to a squeeze on bourgeois income from a militant labour movement, Neo-Liberalism emerged as the bearer of libertarianism. Democratic revolution in the Mediterranean indicated that the threat of social revolution was now far more easily contained. Euro-Communism presaged a drawing of the claws of ‘proletarian democracy’.Less
America fought the Vietnam War as a warrant for its solidity as an anti-Communist ally. In so doing, it brought to the surface widespread concerns that consumerist capitalism was being corrupted by militarism and ethical hypocrisy. The movements of 1968 rejected the shades of pre-war authoritarianism and intimations of neo-authoritarianism. In this, it was successful to a considerable degree. With the state partly de-legitimized, New Left and New Right ideas jostled for succession. As post-war capitalism entered into crisis, due to a squeeze on bourgeois income from a militant labour movement, Neo-Liberalism emerged as the bearer of libertarianism. Democratic revolution in the Mediterranean indicated that the threat of social revolution was now far more easily contained. Euro-Communism presaged a drawing of the claws of ‘proletarian democracy’.
Peter Squires and John Lea (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9781447300014
- eISBN:
- 9781447307587
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447300014.001.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Crime and Justice
This book represents the first full-length critical and interdisciplinary assessment of Loïc Wacquant's work in English. Wacquant's challenging critique of the neo-liberal government of crime and the ...
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This book represents the first full-length critical and interdisciplinary assessment of Loïc Wacquant's work in English. Wacquant's challenging critique of the neo-liberal government of crime and the punitive culture has recently shaken mainstream criminology to its foundations. In a bold political analysis he describes how the US-led revolution in law and order has dismantled the welfare state, replacing it with a disciplinary and penal state. Wacquant's analysis details the spread of neo-liberal crime control measures and the underpinning ‘pornographic’ discourses of crime across the developed world, although critics have questioned the extent to which this model of criminal justice really is gaining the worldwide dominance alleged. Written by criminologists and policy analysts, the book offers a critical but constructive application of Wacquant's ideas. The contributors welcome the opportunity presented by Wacquant's work to re-engage with a radical politics of law and order, criminalisation and marginality, whilst raising issues of gender, resistance, conflict and history which, they argue, help to enrich and further develop Wacquant's analyses and the discipline of criminology itself. The book concludes with a chapter from Professor Wacquant responding to the commentaries upon his work. It fills an important gap in the existing literature and will be exciting reading for academics and students of criminology, social policy and the social sciences more broadly.Less
This book represents the first full-length critical and interdisciplinary assessment of Loïc Wacquant's work in English. Wacquant's challenging critique of the neo-liberal government of crime and the punitive culture has recently shaken mainstream criminology to its foundations. In a bold political analysis he describes how the US-led revolution in law and order has dismantled the welfare state, replacing it with a disciplinary and penal state. Wacquant's analysis details the spread of neo-liberal crime control measures and the underpinning ‘pornographic’ discourses of crime across the developed world, although critics have questioned the extent to which this model of criminal justice really is gaining the worldwide dominance alleged. Written by criminologists and policy analysts, the book offers a critical but constructive application of Wacquant's ideas. The contributors welcome the opportunity presented by Wacquant's work to re-engage with a radical politics of law and order, criminalisation and marginality, whilst raising issues of gender, resistance, conflict and history which, they argue, help to enrich and further develop Wacquant's analyses and the discipline of criminology itself. The book concludes with a chapter from Professor Wacquant responding to the commentaries upon his work. It fills an important gap in the existing literature and will be exciting reading for academics and students of criminology, social policy and the social sciences more broadly.
Mark Monaghan and Simon Prideaux
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781447316749
- eISBN:
- 9781447316770
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447316749.003.0009
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This final chapter pulls all of the varying strands together. The chapter acknowledges the gaps in criminological understanding of State crime but calls for a more holistic approach to be taken: an ...
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This final chapter pulls all of the varying strands together. The chapter acknowledges the gaps in criminological understanding of State crime but calls for a more holistic approach to be taken: an approach that synthesises the nature of the new global hegemony of neo-liberalism, profit, governmental alliances, contraventions of international law, political violence/terrorism and the devastating consequences of inflicting social harm. In this latter respect, it is argued that the lens of social harm brings all the elements of such behaviour together. Social harm has a longitudinal dimension that keeps criminal and moral behaviour under scrutiny well beyond the initial, more obvious violations of morality and/or criminal law. Indeed, the socio-economic, ecological and psychological aftereffects of war, invasion, torture, genocide and unnecessary unemployment can be measured as they affect communities, families, the ecosystem, social infrastructure and communal health and livelihood issues. With a sense of optimism, the chapter argues that an examination of the dubious actions by the State and powerful can spark a prolonged sense of moral outrage in the eyes of public well beyond the initial atrocity and thus hold rogue state actions and the corrupt acts of the powerful more accountable.Less
This final chapter pulls all of the varying strands together. The chapter acknowledges the gaps in criminological understanding of State crime but calls for a more holistic approach to be taken: an approach that synthesises the nature of the new global hegemony of neo-liberalism, profit, governmental alliances, contraventions of international law, political violence/terrorism and the devastating consequences of inflicting social harm. In this latter respect, it is argued that the lens of social harm brings all the elements of such behaviour together. Social harm has a longitudinal dimension that keeps criminal and moral behaviour under scrutiny well beyond the initial, more obvious violations of morality and/or criminal law. Indeed, the socio-economic, ecological and psychological aftereffects of war, invasion, torture, genocide and unnecessary unemployment can be measured as they affect communities, families, the ecosystem, social infrastructure and communal health and livelihood issues. With a sense of optimism, the chapter argues that an examination of the dubious actions by the State and powerful can spark a prolonged sense of moral outrage in the eyes of public well beyond the initial atrocity and thus hold rogue state actions and the corrupt acts of the powerful more accountable.
Elizabeth A. Wissinger
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814794180
- eISBN:
- 9780814794197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814794180.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
I explore in this chapter how, in recent decades, modeling work has come to require embodying the ideal of a malleable body, especially since the 1980s and 1990s, when digital technologies ...
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I explore in this chapter how, in recent decades, modeling work has come to require embodying the ideal of a malleable body, especially since the 1980s and 1990s, when digital technologies facilitated the desire to manipulate appearances, since digitization enabled an infinite malleability of appearance down to the tiniest pixel. Modeling work increasingly became the work to always be ready for, or in the process of, transformation, and in so doing, models glamorized this practice for the general public.Less
I explore in this chapter how, in recent decades, modeling work has come to require embodying the ideal of a malleable body, especially since the 1980s and 1990s, when digital technologies facilitated the desire to manipulate appearances, since digitization enabled an infinite malleability of appearance down to the tiniest pixel. Modeling work increasingly became the work to always be ready for, or in the process of, transformation, and in so doing, models glamorized this practice for the general public.
Ellen Mickiewicz
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199977833
- eISBN:
- 9780199397068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199977833.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Russian Politics
This chapter presents an overview of Russia in the world and Russia through the eyes of its future leaders. 108 high-level students met in 4 focus groups from each of the three universities and ...
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This chapter presents an overview of Russia in the world and Russia through the eyes of its future leaders. 108 high-level students met in 4 focus groups from each of the three universities and across a large variety of disciplines. The experienced Russian moderator never imposed, a “scenario” of questions. Although America is acknowledged to be the most important country in the world, Russians (average citizens and leaders alike) do not like America. Bombing Serbia and the Bush Doctrine of bombing and regime change are on their minds. Their interest in the United States is asymmetrical: Americans do not return it and its media often report news from Russia inaccurately, another sign read as careless disparagement. America has extraordinary inequities and unregulated selfishness that post-Soviet Russia exhibits on a more massive scale and without democratic institutions.Less
This chapter presents an overview of Russia in the world and Russia through the eyes of its future leaders. 108 high-level students met in 4 focus groups from each of the three universities and across a large variety of disciplines. The experienced Russian moderator never imposed, a “scenario” of questions. Although America is acknowledged to be the most important country in the world, Russians (average citizens and leaders alike) do not like America. Bombing Serbia and the Bush Doctrine of bombing and regime change are on their minds. Their interest in the United States is asymmetrical: Americans do not return it and its media often report news from Russia inaccurately, another sign read as careless disparagement. America has extraordinary inequities and unregulated selfishness that post-Soviet Russia exhibits on a more massive scale and without democratic institutions.
Ian M. Cook
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190078171
- eISBN:
- 9780190099589
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190078171.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
Cook examines the context and function of the ongoing moral and cultural policing of young people and minorities in Mangaluru by vigilante Hindu groups with government complicity. Based on long term ...
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Cook examines the context and function of the ongoing moral and cultural policing of young people and minorities in Mangaluru by vigilante Hindu groups with government complicity. Based on long term ethnographic fieldwork with the city’s burgeoning population of students and underemployed youth, Cook argues that the violence is fueled by the resentment against what is seen as the cultural pollution of ‘excessive’ freedom among middle class youth. Many of the vigilantes are underemployed youth, structurally shut out from gainful employment and prestigious education. Instead they assume positions as self-appointed guardians of Indian culture and putative ‘Hindu values’, as well as protectors of young women against the seductions of western immorality, and the imagined sexual predation by men from the minority community. Cook explains this as a contradiction within neo-liberalism: a tension between the ‘Western cultural values’ that are resented by the vigilantes, and their simultaneous celebration of a neo-liberal culture of economic freedom that they hope will deliver them into a life of success. Their failure in the latter seems to fuel their commitment to combat the former.Less
Cook examines the context and function of the ongoing moral and cultural policing of young people and minorities in Mangaluru by vigilante Hindu groups with government complicity. Based on long term ethnographic fieldwork with the city’s burgeoning population of students and underemployed youth, Cook argues that the violence is fueled by the resentment against what is seen as the cultural pollution of ‘excessive’ freedom among middle class youth. Many of the vigilantes are underemployed youth, structurally shut out from gainful employment and prestigious education. Instead they assume positions as self-appointed guardians of Indian culture and putative ‘Hindu values’, as well as protectors of young women against the seductions of western immorality, and the imagined sexual predation by men from the minority community. Cook explains this as a contradiction within neo-liberalism: a tension between the ‘Western cultural values’ that are resented by the vigilantes, and their simultaneous celebration of a neo-liberal culture of economic freedom that they hope will deliver them into a life of success. Their failure in the latter seems to fuel their commitment to combat the former.
