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Kennedy's Civil Defense Gap, 1960–1964

Dee Garrison

in Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never Worked

This chapter describes John F. Kennedy's time as president, during a period considered the height of government and media hyperbole in support of civil defense measures. Kennedy advised citizens to ... More

This chapter describes John F. Kennedy's time as president, during a period considered the height of government and media hyperbole in support of civil defense measures. Kennedy advised citizens to build and stock fallout shelters in their homes, creating his civil defense hype to counter the political appeal of his rival, New York governor Nelson Rockefeller, a devoted supporter of civil defense. Rockefeller failed in his effort to require fallout shelters for all citizens of New York, which was partially defeated by hundreds of marching female anti-civil defense protesters in Albany. Meanwhile, housewives, students, Catholic workers, and members of the War Resisters League turned the 1960 and 1961 New York City Operation Alert exercises into the largest mass peace actions since the 1930s. They revitalized the American peace movement, adopting the direct action style of American Gandhism and providing tactical inspiration for the larger revolts that shaped the 1960s.Less

The Billionaire’s Ambitions

Philip Mark Plotch

in Last Subway: The Long Wait for the Next Train in New York City

This chapter assesses the roles played by New York governor Nelson Rockefeller and New York City mayor John Lindsay, as well as William Ronan, in transforming the transportation system. Ronan, ... More

This chapter assesses the roles played by New York governor Nelson Rockefeller and New York City mayor John Lindsay, as well as William Ronan, in transforming the transportation system. Ronan, Rockefeller, and Lindsay all realized that improving public transportation was critical to strengthening the economy of the city and the region. They were also well aware of the benefits of a Second Avenue subway, since all three of them lived on the Upper East Side. After Lindsay failed to reorganize the transportation agencies, Rockefeller and Ronan developed their own grand vision for the region's transportation network, and in December of 1966, Ronan stepped down from his post as secretary to begin implementing their plan. At the beginning of the state's 1967 legislative session, Rockefeller and Ronan announced their two-pronged approach. First, they proposed integrating the New York City Transit Authority and the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority (TBTA) into the Metropolitan Commuter Transportation Authority (MCTA). In addition, Rockefeller and Ronan would seek voter approval to borrow $2.5 billion that would be dedicated for roadway and public transportation improvements across the state. In 1967, the governor and Ronan obtained the support they needed to transform the transportation network, a feat that Lindsay had not been able to accomplish.Less

Who’s in Charge?: Local Governments Collapse in the Face of Disaster

Timothy W. Kneeland

in Playing Politics with Natural Disaster: Hurricane Agnes, the 1972 Election, and the Origins of FEMA

This chapter discusses how, during the crisis spawned by Hurricane Agnes, the untrained, ill-prepared, and uncommunicative local officials were forced to make decisions and take action with only the ... More

This chapter discusses how, during the crisis spawned by Hurricane Agnes, the untrained, ill-prepared, and uncommunicative local officials were forced to make decisions and take action with only the limited resources they had at their disposal, often with tragic results. Their situation was the result of federalism, a political system which divides powers, responsibilities, and jurisdictions between the national and state governments. Natural disasters that threaten health and safety are ultimately the responsibility of local officials, who turned to state and federal authorities and to the private sector to assist them in reorganizing and rebuilding after the flooding from Agnes. State governments may have the resources to cope with the disaster, but due to political considerations, most elected officials want to maximize the amount of financial support from the federal government while minimizing the cost at the state level. Scholars have termed this response to disaster “the crying poor” syndrome, in which states exaggerate the cost of a disaster to demonstrate that they are not capable of paying for recovery. Moreover, in 1972, few state governments had kept pace with the changing nature of disasters. The chapter then looks at how Governor Milton Shapp, Governor Nelson Rockefeller, and state senator Bill Smith responded to the flooding.Less

Construction Begins and Construction Ends

Philip Mark Plotch

in Last Subway: The Long Wait for the Next Train in New York City

This chapter details the beginning of the construction of the Second Avenue subway. In October of 1972, Governor Nelson Rockefeller and Mayor John Lindsay presided over the Second Avenue subway's ... More

This chapter details the beginning of the construction of the Second Avenue subway. In October of 1972, Governor Nelson Rockefeller and Mayor John Lindsay presided over the Second Avenue subway's groundbreaking ceremony at Second Avenue and 103rd Street. However, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA) chair, William Ronan, was dishonest about both the timeline and the funding of the construction. While Ronan raised false expectations about the city's contribution, the governor misled people about the federal government's contribution. By 1973, the financial health of both the MTA and the city had become so dire that not only was the Second Avenue subway's future in jeopardy, but so was Ronan's entire expansion program. Meanwhile, New York City Comptroller Abe Beame was elected New York City's new mayor. After telling David Yunich—Ronan's successor at the MTA—that he planned to reallocate funds that had been designated for the Second Avenue subway, Beame set up a transportation policy committee consisting of his deputy mayors and senior officials. Beame's six-year transit construction program would not include any more funds for the Second Avenue subway.Less

Supermercado USA

Shane Hamilton

in Supermarket USA: Food and Power in the Cold War Farms Race

This chapter focuses on the first formal effort to use American-style supermarkets as anticommunist weapons. In 1947, Nelson A. Rockefeller launched a for-profit development corporation with the ... More

This chapter focuses on the first formal effort to use American-style supermarkets as anticommunist weapons. In 1947, Nelson A. Rockefeller launched a for-profit development corporation with the avowed purpose of raising living standards and dampening communist political leanings in Latin America. Rockefeller’s most ambitious—and most profitable—effort was a series of supermarkets opened in Venezuela beginning in 1947. The story of Rockefeller’s Venezuelan supermarkets is remarkable for several reasons. They were intentionally paired with a simultaneous (though unsuccessful) effort to industrialize Venezuelan agriculture. They were the first profitable international venture in American-style supermarketing with an avowed anticommunist purpose. They were also, as the chapter details, met on occasion with violent rebuke from Latin American citizens who refused to accept the notion that Yankee capitalism was morally superior to alternative economic systemsLess

The People’s Billionaire

Aram Goudsouzian

in The Men and the Moment: The Election of 1968 and the Rise of Partisan Politics in America

Chapter Four begins with Nelson Rockefeller’s March 1968 announcement that he would not run for president. The ultra-rich, larger-than-life governor of New York had supported George Romney as the ... More

Chapter Four begins with Nelson Rockefeller’s March 1968 announcement that he would not run for president. The ultra-rich, larger-than-life governor of New York had supported George Romney as the representative of the moderate Republicans, but the Michigan governor issued a disastrous remark that he had been “brainwashed” about the Vietnam War. In April, Rockefeller injected himself back into the fold. This chapter paints the progressive Republican’s energetic and popular campaign, even as most rank-and-file Republicans sought more conservative alternatives.Less

The Public versus the Pushers: Enacting New York’s Rockefeller Drug Laws

Julilly Kohler-Hausmann

in Getting Tough: Welfare and Imprisonment in 1970s America

This chapter examines how Nelson Rockefeller's 1973 “tough” proposal attempted to resolve the governing problems that arose from the therapeutic regime. It analyzes the ideological and political work ... More

This chapter examines how Nelson Rockefeller's 1973 “tough” proposal attempted to resolve the governing problems that arose from the therapeutic regime. It analyzes the ideological and political work accomplished by the proposal and the response by policymakers, opponents, drug users, and the diverse members of the general public. The drug laws were the result of the interaction between Rockefeller's personal political ambitions, diverse popular frustration with the period's social movements and political insurgency, and the persistence of heroin use and street crime in New York during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Rockefeller's dramatic and harsh proposal was built upon the premise that therapeutic programs failed to curtail drug use and street crime.Less

The Rockefeller Foundation and Latin American Music in the 1950s and 1960s

Eduardo Herrera

in Elite Art Worlds: Philanthropy, Latin Americanism, and Avant-garde Music

This chapter focuses on the dynamics and overlaps between the history of CLAEM and U.S. philanthropy, cultural diplomacy, and foreign policy during the 1950s and 1960s, decades shaped by the Cold War ... More

This chapter focuses on the dynamics and overlaps between the history of CLAEM and U.S. philanthropy, cultural diplomacy, and foreign policy during the 1950s and 1960s, decades shaped by the Cold War and the Cuban Revolution. By tracing the constitutive networks that led to the initial CLAEM grant, this chapter seeks to destabilize the concept of philanthropy as a preexisting third force between the public and private sectors. Instead, it argues for its examination as an emerging domain that results from complex entanglements, webs of relations and ideas, all being mediated and enacted as the result of human, institutional, discursive, and material actors. The chapter argues that CLAEM was one of the most successful projects in the arts supported by the Rockefeller Foundation during the 20th century and that few if any had such broad repercussions in the musical scene of a whole region.Less

The Rockefellers

Evan R. Ward

in Packaged Vacations: Tourism Development in the Spanish Caribbean

During the early 1940s and in the aftermath of World War II, the third generation of Rockefellers, particularly Nelson and Laurance, played a critical role in establishing paradigms for decentralized ... More

During the early 1940s and in the aftermath of World War II, the third generation of Rockefellers, particularly Nelson and Laurance, played a critical role in establishing paradigms for decentralized tourism. By 1943, Nelson Rockefeller was planning for the post-war economy and promoting partnerships between private interests in the United States and Latin America. Rockefeller noted that tourists would not only stimulate the growth of hotels, airport infrastructure, and commerce in Latin America, but would also serve as cultural ambassadors between North and South America. The Rockefeller brothers contributed to the stimulation of tourism and business travel through their funding of the Hotel Avila in Venezuela, beginning in 1940. Following World War II, Laurance Rockefeller used his influence to promote Eastern Airlines routes throughout the Caribbean, especially in Puerto Rico and Mexico. Accordingly, he organized a company, RockResorts, to carry out his new concept in decentralized, nature-centered resorts. The Rockefeller family sold off the RockResorts name and properties in 1986. Since that time, the properties and corporate name have been passed on to other companies.Less

Abbott’s Fall

Robert Sitton

in Lady in the Dark: Iris Barry and the Art of Film

This chapter describes the deterioration of Dick Abbott's health and his position at the Museum of Modern Art. As 1947 drew to a close Abbott missed work during the last half of the year and could ... More

This chapter describes the deterioration of Dick Abbott's health and his position at the Museum of Modern Art. As 1947 drew to a close Abbott missed work during the last half of the year and could not keep up the pretense that he was in charge, and he was “eased out.” On December 22, 1947, he wrote to Nelson Rockefeller resigning as Secretary of the Museum, effective on January first 1948. Abbott was later diagnosed with tuberculosis of the larynx and was confined to a facility on Saranac Lake where he was to keep “absolutely silent and take streptomycin daily.” By the spring of 1949 he was out of the Saranac facility but his ill health persisted. He also refused to follow his physician's advice to quit drinking. On February 7, 1952 Abbott died alone in a New York City hotel room, probably under the influence of alcohol.Less

Scientific Exchanges between the United States and Brazil in the Twentieth Century: Cultural Diplomacy and Transnational Movements

Olival Freire Jr. and Indianara Silva

in How Knowledge Moves: Writing the Transnational History of Science and Technology

This chapter deals with the transnational movement of scientists, mostly physicists, between Brazil and the United States that began in World War II and continued through the Cold War and the ... More

This chapter deals with the transnational movement of scientists, mostly physicists, between Brazil and the United States that began in World War II and continued through the Cold War and the Brazilian dictatorship. It tracks the intersection between scientific mobility and foreign policy, charting the tensions between the idealism of scientific internationalism and government restrictions on transnational movement in the name of national security. We begin when the OCIAA led by Nelson Rockefeller along with major foundations mobilized scientists and engineers (as well as film stars and movies) as cultural ambassadors for American democracy. Prominent in this story were cosmic-rays physicists Arthur Compton and Gleb Wataghin. Later, capitalizing on these networks, the physicist David Bohm could settle in Brazil, which provided a safe haven for his escape from McCarthyism. The Brazilian military dictatorship that took power in 1964 changed that. Notwithstanding an official American discourse favorable to democracy, successive US presidents covertly supported the new political system. However, American physicists welcomed Brazilian colleagues into the US and even lobbied successfully for their release from prison. This paper illustrates the importance of visas and passports as instruments used by the national security state to control the movement of scientists.Less

Getting Started: A Year of Study

Stephen G. Rabe

in Kissinger and Latin America: Intervention, Human Rights, and Diplomacy

This chapter outlines the state of inter-American relations in the middle of the Cold War. President Richard Nixon came to office in 1969 in the aftermath of the Alliance for Progress, the ambitious ... More

This chapter outlines the state of inter-American relations in the middle of the Cold War. President Richard Nixon came to office in 1969 in the aftermath of the Alliance for Progress, the ambitious ten-year, $20 billion economic aid program announced by President John F. Kennedy in March of 1961. Nixon had strong views about the shortcomings of the Alliance for Progress. Unlike Henry Kissinger, who had limited familiarity with Latin American thought, culture, and society, Nixon judged himself knowledgeable about Latin America. Nixon directed Kissinger to develop a comprehensive review of the U.S. policies toward Latin America. Kissinger then threw himself into the exercise with enthusiasm, perceiving the review of trade, investment, aid, and security issues as a learning experience. Nixon also dispatched his political rival and Kissinger's mentor, Governor Nelson Rockefeller (R-NY), on a fact-finding mission to Latin America.Less

Brotherly Love

Brad Edmondson

in A Wild Idea: How the Environmental Movement Tamed the Adirondacks

This chapter begins with detailing the argument of Peter S. Paine Jr. with Laurance S. Rockefeller, the younger brother and closest friend of New York State Governor Nelson Rockefeller. It presents ... More

This chapter begins with detailing the argument of Peter S. Paine Jr. with Laurance S. Rockefeller, the younger brother and closest friend of New York State Governor Nelson Rockefeller. It presents Paine's criticisms on a proposal Laurance made to turn the core of the Adirondack State Park into a national park. Both Paine Jr. and Laurance Rockefeller considered themselves environmentalists. But neither man belonged to the Association for the Protection of the Adirondack (AfPA). The chapter states that the Rockefeller family directed its giving toward several long-term goals, and one of them was improving public access to parks and open space. It then shifts to outline how Rockefeller's bond acts became major steps forward for the environmental movement and paved the way for federal legislation like the Land and Water Conservation Fund (passed in 1965), the Clean Air Act of 1970, and the Clean Water Act of 1972. Ultimately, the chapter investigates how Laurence persuaded his brother, Nelson to appoint a task force to study the future of the Adirondacks, modeled on the Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission (ORRRC), and see if they could maximize the “effective acres” of the Adirondacks through other means.Less

Mr. Rockefeller’s Office

Robert Sitton

in Lady in the Dark: Iris Barry and the Art of Film

This chapter details Nelson Rockefeller's appointment as the government's Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs at the outset of World War II. In its broadest aspects the Office of the Coordinator of ... More

This chapter details Nelson Rockefeller's appointment as the government's Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs at the outset of World War II. In its broadest aspects the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs envisioned multifaceted involvement in film production, distribution, and control during the war. The involvement of the Museum and the Rockefeller office was authorized by the founder of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), Colonel William Donovan, whose office was kept apprised of the library's work. The OSS later evolved into the Central Intelligence Agency. The OSS through the Rockefeller office used the Museum as a production facility to address the problem of declining enlistment; the Why We Fight series is widely regarded as among the most effective propaganda efforts ever made.Less

“Open Skies”

in Apocalypse Management: Eisenhower and the Discourse of National Insecurity

This chapter describes the “Open Skies” proposal. President Dwight Eisenhower and his advisors never considered “Open Skies” as a sign of an acceptable status quo or of accommodation with the enemy ... More

This chapter describes the “Open Skies” proposal. President Dwight Eisenhower and his advisors never considered “Open Skies” as a sign of an acceptable status quo or of accommodation with the enemy through disarmament—except when disarmament and eased tensions could be employed as weapons of cold war. Launching an efficient counterattack was believed to be the best way to maintain U.S. control. The goals of Nelson Rockefeller and the Quantico panel were not adopted by the president, who utilized the “Open Skies” proposal as a symbol of U.S. moral superiority, a way “to insist that the Soviets become more like the United States.” This proposal openly confessed a growing U.S. sense of vulnerability to nuclear weapons, and also produced an image of the global discursive stability that the president critically desired.Less

Going Rogue

Brad Edmondson

in A Wild Idea: How the Environmental Movement Tamed the Adirondacks

This chapter focuses on Harold Jerry, a state official who was recruiting staff for a new state commission on the future of the Adirondack Park, and New York governor Nelson Rockefeller. The chapter ... More

This chapter focuses on Harold Jerry, a state official who was recruiting staff for a new state commission on the future of the Adirondack Park, and New York governor Nelson Rockefeller. The chapter details the governor's agenda to draft a long-term plan for the Adirondacks. The management of one state park might have seemed trivial to a man like Rockefeller, but the Adirondacks is not just any park. It is an internationally famous nature reserve that is as big as Vermont. The chapter also addresses the concerns of the full-time residents of the Adirondacks who did not think of their home as an occasional vacation spot. Most of the Park is private land, and it is an important source of timber, minerals, and water. Their problem was not overdevelopment, but a lack of economic opportunity. After Rockefeller saw another chance to build his presidential resume, or at least burnish his legacy, by “saving” the Adirondacks, the chapter discusses the recommendations made by Jerry and a group of commissioners that were so uncompromising that Rockefeller was reluctant to endorse. It highlights the commissioners' use of political brinksmanship at least twice, making threats that forced the powerful governor to capitulate. Ultimately, the chapter examines how the recommendations of Harold Jerry and his team led to the success of the Temporary Study Commission on the Future of the Adirondacks (TSC), giving the “forever wilders” power over the North Country.Less

Order Must Be

Brad Edmondson

in A Wild Idea: How the Environmental Movement Tamed the Adirondacks

This chapter addresses the concerns of Harold Hochschild after he learned that Governor Nelson Rockefeller was planning to give responsibility for campgrounds and other public facilities in the ... More

This chapter addresses the concerns of Harold Hochschild after he learned that Governor Nelson Rockefeller was planning to give responsibility for campgrounds and other public facilities in the forest preserve to the new Office of Parks and Recreation, which was governed by a commission whose chair was Laurance Rockefeller. The chapter argues that the change was a mortal threat, according to Hochschild and Harold Jerry. Hochschild feared that if Laurance's people were allowed to operate public facilities in the forest preserve, he would use his influence to increase the number and size of those facilities. The chapter also discusses the commissioners' vision to protect the natural integrity of wild areas, promote quieter forms of recreation, shift the park's economy toward nature-oriented tourism, and tighten regulations on motorboats, snowmobiles, logging equipment, and other gasoline-powered machines. It highlights how a singular combination of political power and good timing persuaded the legislature to set up a new agency — Adirondack Park Agency (APA). The creation of the Adirondack Park Agency was one of three measures that Jerry considered essential to “saving” the Adirondacks. The other two were specifically focused on the large tracts of private land that defined the park's character.Less

Ike Day

David Haven Blake

in Liking Ike: Eisenhower, Advertising, and the Rise of Celebrity Politics

On October 13, 1956, three weeks before Election Day, CBS aired a half-hour television program to celebrate President Eisenhower’s sixty-sixth birthday. Hosted by Jimmy Stewart, and featuring ... More

On October 13, 1956, three weeks before Election Day, CBS aired a half-hour television program to celebrate President Eisenhower’s sixty-sixth birthday. Hosted by Jimmy Stewart, and featuring appearances by Helen Hayes, Irene Dunne, and Nat King Cole, the program was widely praised as a campaign event that had no political content. Indeed, with Stewart as its host, the production drew upon similar themes as the classic film Mr. Smith Goes to Washington. Long forgotten, the Ike Day broadcast reveals how Eisenhower’s advisers strategically used celebrities to wage politics by other means. “The spectacle,” Guy Debord wrote, “is capital accumulated to the point of image.” Using the archives of the Republican National Committee and the McCann-Erickson advertising agency, the chapter explores the production and financing of this nationwide event, tracing it to some of the most prominent families and businessmen in the United States, including Spencer Olin, Francis DuPont, and future vice president Nelson Rockefeller.Less

L’Affair Buñuel

Robert Sitton

in Lady in the Dark: Iris Barry and the Art of Film

Nelson Rockefeller's Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) sought to disseminate the Good Neighbor policy on Latin America through an exchange of films. Iris Barry was tasked with finding experts ... More

Nelson Rockefeller's Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) sought to disseminate the Good Neighbor policy on Latin America through an exchange of films. Iris Barry was tasked with finding experts capable of translating informational film soundtracks, which led her to be alert for filmmakers fluent in Spanish and Portuguese. This chapter focuses on the participants in this film project, including controversial filmmaker Luis Buñuel and other Spanish intellectuals in flight from the Franco regime. It describes how Buñuel, along with the Rockefeller project he worked for, suffered overwhelming animosity from the far right. Buñuel was later seen as a liability due to his alleged ties to Communism and attack of Catholicism.Less

Cashing the Chips

Brad Edmondson

in A Wild Idea: How the Environmental Movement Tamed the Adirondacks

This chapter looks at how the Land Use and Development Plan affect Tony D'Elia, the developer of Loon Lake Estates in the Adirondacks, the vacation-home development where he had invested his life's ... More

This chapter looks at how the Land Use and Development Plan affect Tony D'Elia, the developer of Loon Lake Estates in the Adirondacks, the vacation-home development where he had invested his life's savings. It examines the draft version of the Land Use and Development Plan and recounts the Adirondack Park Agency's (APA) public hearings. The chapter also emphasizes the agency's mission to enhance the quality of life for local people. The plan had three parts: the first part divided the park's private land into six categories, each allowing progressively less development, the second part described how the regulations on these six categories would be implemented, and the third was a grab-bag of topics like billboard regulations and tax policies. The chapter argues that parts two and three of the draft Land Use and Development Plan proposed a way for the APA to assist town planning boards as they drafted local zoning laws that met these standards. The basic idea was that once the localities had met the APA's standards, the agency would relinquish jurisdiction over all but the biggest projects. Ultimately, the chapter details the arguments of the opposition to the land use plan before it was signed by Nelson Rockefeller at a formal ceremony in the State Capitol building.Less