Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0029
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses Nazi Germany's comprehensive plan for aggression, conquest, and domination in Europe and beyond. It first explains the role of the National Socialist German Workers' Party ...
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This chapter discusses Nazi Germany's comprehensive plan for aggression, conquest, and domination in Europe and beyond. It first explains the role of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), or Nazi Party, in the Nazi plan for domination before analyzing the stages in which the plan would be executed: to overthrow the Weimar Republic, which was founded on parliamentary democracy, and to fight for the establishment of a Nazi dictatorship led by Adolf Hitler; to eliminate all opposition and establish totalitarian control over Germany; rearmament and preparation for the war of aggression. The chapter also considers the concepts of Lebensraum and Grossraumordnung on which the Nazi occupation policy was based and concludes with an assessment of the unlawful elements of the policy.Less
This chapter discusses Nazi Germany's comprehensive plan for aggression, conquest, and domination in Europe and beyond. It first explains the role of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), or Nazi Party, in the Nazi plan for domination before analyzing the stages in which the plan would be executed: to overthrow the Weimar Republic, which was founded on parliamentary democracy, and to fight for the establishment of a Nazi dictatorship led by Adolf Hitler; to eliminate all opposition and establish totalitarian control over Germany; rearmament and preparation for the war of aggression. The chapter also considers the concepts of Lebensraum and Grossraumordnung on which the Nazi occupation policy was based and concludes with an assessment of the unlawful elements of the policy.
Zachary Shore
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195154597
- eISBN:
- 9780199868780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154597.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how governmental officials reached decisions on foreign policy under the stresses and strains of a violent dictatorship. It considers both the regime's domestic political environment, and its control of information. The book shows how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision-making in Nazi Germany, and is a portrait of how a dictator's seeming strength can actually be his weakest link.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the ominous situation faced by Hitler's diplomats in Nazi Germany. It then discusses the purpose of the book, which is to examine how governmental officials reached decisions on foreign policy under the stresses and strains of a violent dictatorship. It considers both the regime's domestic political environment, and its control of information. The book shows how the control of knowledge—or information—affected decision-making in Nazi Germany, and is a portrait of how a dictator's seeming strength can actually be his weakest link.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the evolution of the views held by Britain’s key decision makers, including Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, about Nazi Germany’s ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of the views held by Britain’s key decision makers, including Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, about Nazi Germany’s intentions, the indicators they used to make inferences about the nature and scope of Adolf Hitler’s intentions, and the policies they advocated that reflected their assessments. Drawing on documents in the British National Archives, the chapter provides evidence that strongly supports the selective attention thesis along with the vividness and subjective credibility hypotheses, adequately supports the behavior thesis’ current actions hypotheses, and only weakly supports the capabilities and strategic military doctrine theses. While Hitler’s costly actions played a relatively important role in the intentions assessments of some decision makers, indicators associated with the capabilities thesis or strategic military doctrine thesis and Germany’s past actions were less central to the process of inferring Hitler’s political intentions.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of the views held by Britain’s key decision makers, including Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, about Nazi Germany’s intentions, the indicators they used to make inferences about the nature and scope of Adolf Hitler’s intentions, and the policies they advocated that reflected their assessments. Drawing on documents in the British National Archives, the chapter provides evidence that strongly supports the selective attention thesis along with the vividness and subjective credibility hypotheses, adequately supports the behavior thesis’ current actions hypotheses, and only weakly supports the capabilities and strategic military doctrine theses. While Hitler’s costly actions played a relatively important role in the intentions assessments of some decision makers, indicators associated with the capabilities thesis or strategic military doctrine thesis and Germany’s past actions were less central to the process of inferring Hitler’s political intentions.
Zachary Shore
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195154597
- eISBN:
- 9780199868780
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154597.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This is a fascinating study of how the climate of fear in Nazi Germany affected Hitler's advisers, and shaped the decision-making process. It explores the key foreign policy decisions from the Nazi ...
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This is a fascinating study of how the climate of fear in Nazi Germany affected Hitler's advisers, and shaped the decision-making process. It explores the key foreign policy decisions from the Nazi seizure of power up to the hours before the outbreak of World War II. The author argues persuasively that the tense environment led the diplomats to a nearly obsessive control over the “information arsenal” in a desperate battle to defend their positions and to safeguard their lives. Unlike previous studies, this book draws the reader into the diplomats' darker world, and illustrates how Hitler's power to make informed decisions was limited by the very system he created. The result, the author concludes, was a chaotic flow of information between Hitler and his advisers that may have accelerated the march toward war.Less
This is a fascinating study of how the climate of fear in Nazi Germany affected Hitler's advisers, and shaped the decision-making process. It explores the key foreign policy decisions from the Nazi seizure of power up to the hours before the outbreak of World War II. The author argues persuasively that the tense environment led the diplomats to a nearly obsessive control over the “information arsenal” in a desperate battle to defend their positions and to safeguard their lives. Unlike previous studies, this book draws the reader into the diplomats' darker world, and illustrates how Hitler's power to make informed decisions was limited by the very system he created. The result, the author concludes, was a chaotic flow of information between Hitler and his advisers that may have accelerated the march toward war.
Marion A. Kaplan
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195130928
- eISBN:
- 9780199854486
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195130928.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book draws on the extraordinary memoirs, diaries, interviews, and letters of Jewish women and men to give us the first intimate portrait of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. The book tells the story ...
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This book draws on the extraordinary memoirs, diaries, interviews, and letters of Jewish women and men to give us the first intimate portrait of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. The book tells the story of Jews in Germany not from the hindsight of the Holocaust, nor from the vantage of the persecutors, but from the bewildered and ambiguous perspective of Jews trying to navigate their daily lives in a world that was becoming more and more insane. Answering the charge that Jews should have left earlier, the book shows that far from seeming inevitable, the Holocaust was impossible to foresee precisely because Nazi repression occurred in irregular and unpredictable steps until the massive violence of November 1938. Then the flow of emigration turned into a torrent, only to be stopped by the war. By that time Jews had been evicted from their homes, robbed of their possessions and their livelihoods, shunned by their former friends, persecuted by their neighbors, and driven into forced labor. For those trapped in Germany, mere survival became a nightmare of increasingly desperate options. Many took their own lives to retain at least some dignity in death; many others went underground and endured the terrors of nightly bombings and the even greater fear of being discovered by the Nazis. Most were murdered. All were pressed to the limit of human endurance and human loneliness. Focusing on the fate of families and particularly women's experience, this book takes us into the neighborhoods, into the kitchens, shops, and schools, to give us the shape and texture, the very feel of what it was like to be a Jew in Nazi Germany.Less
This book draws on the extraordinary memoirs, diaries, interviews, and letters of Jewish women and men to give us the first intimate portrait of Jewish life in Nazi Germany. The book tells the story of Jews in Germany not from the hindsight of the Holocaust, nor from the vantage of the persecutors, but from the bewildered and ambiguous perspective of Jews trying to navigate their daily lives in a world that was becoming more and more insane. Answering the charge that Jews should have left earlier, the book shows that far from seeming inevitable, the Holocaust was impossible to foresee precisely because Nazi repression occurred in irregular and unpredictable steps until the massive violence of November 1938. Then the flow of emigration turned into a torrent, only to be stopped by the war. By that time Jews had been evicted from their homes, robbed of their possessions and their livelihoods, shunned by their former friends, persecuted by their neighbors, and driven into forced labor. For those trapped in Germany, mere survival became a nightmare of increasingly desperate options. Many took their own lives to retain at least some dignity in death; many others went underground and endured the terrors of nightly bombings and the even greater fear of being discovered by the Nazis. Most were murdered. All were pressed to the limit of human endurance and human loneliness. Focusing on the fate of families and particularly women's experience, this book takes us into the neighborhoods, into the kitchens, shops, and schools, to give us the shape and texture, the very feel of what it was like to be a Jew in Nazi Germany.
Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, Otto Kircheimer, and Raymond Geuss
Raffaele Laudani (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This introduction discusses the Frankfurt School's contribution to the United States' World War II effort. In particular, it examines the role played by three German scholars and prominent members of ...
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This introduction discusses the Frankfurt School's contribution to the United States' World War II effort. In particular, it examines the role played by three German scholars and prominent members of the Frankfurt School: Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer. As political analysts at the Research and Analysis Branch of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the first American intelligence agency, Neumann, Marcuse, and Kirchheimer prepared intelligence reports on Nazi Germany. The chapter considers how, by adapting Critical Theory to the American cultural and bureaucratic machine, the Frankfurt group was rapidly able to impose their own “intellectual guidance” on the Central European Section, a Research and Analysis Branch subdivision charged with analyzing and studying Nazi Germany (as well as Austria and the other Central European countries).Less
This introduction discusses the Frankfurt School's contribution to the United States' World War II effort. In particular, it examines the role played by three German scholars and prominent members of the Frankfurt School: Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Otto Kirchheimer. As political analysts at the Research and Analysis Branch of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the first American intelligence agency, Neumann, Marcuse, and Kirchheimer prepared intelligence reports on Nazi Germany. The chapter considers how, by adapting Critical Theory to the American cultural and bureaucratic machine, the Frankfurt group was rapidly able to impose their own “intellectual guidance” on the Central European Section, a Research and Analysis Branch subdivision charged with analyzing and studying Nazi Germany (as well as Austria and the other Central European countries).
Otto Kircheimer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0030
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses the criminal responsibility of the Nazis for their violations of German domestic law, including the suppression of labor organizations and political parties. It first considers ...
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This chapter discusses the criminal responsibility of the Nazis for their violations of German domestic law, including the suppression of labor organizations and political parties. It first considers the expected plea by the Nazi Defense that the war crimes of which the prisoners are accused were in fact authorized by the laws of the Third Reich. It then shows how—and under what pretexts—the Nazis went about the organization of their system of terror. In particular, it emphasizes the role of the police as an instrument of repression and notes that the opposition parties were driven underground, the elections were rigged, and the trade unions were taken over. The chapter examines two types of agencies employed by Nazi Germany: the “legal terror,” which operated by way of the courts and the application of Nazi laws, and the police and organizational terror, which applied force directly.Less
This chapter discusses the criminal responsibility of the Nazis for their violations of German domestic law, including the suppression of labor organizations and political parties. It first considers the expected plea by the Nazi Defense that the war crimes of which the prisoners are accused were in fact authorized by the laws of the Third Reich. It then shows how—and under what pretexts—the Nazis went about the organization of their system of terror. In particular, it emphasizes the role of the police as an instrument of repression and notes that the opposition parties were driven underground, the elections were rigged, and the trade unions were taken over. The chapter examines two types of agencies employed by Nazi Germany: the “legal terror,” which operated by way of the courts and the application of Nazi laws, and the police and organizational terror, which applied force directly.
Christian Goeschel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199532568
- eISBN:
- 9780191701030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199532568.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
Under the Weimar Republic, Adolf Hitler and the Nazis had conflated cases of suicide with Germany's defeat in 1918, the Versailles Treaty, and the Weimar ‘system’. Between 1918 and 1933, 214,409 ...
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Under the Weimar Republic, Adolf Hitler and the Nazis had conflated cases of suicide with Germany's defeat in 1918, the Versailles Treaty, and the Weimar ‘system’. Between 1918 and 1933, 214,409 suicides had been officially recorded in Germany. Hitler thought that most suicides were due to social and political despair caused by the Versailles Treaty and implicitly by the lack of living space. The economic misery caused by reparations allegedly increased suicide rates, while the Nazis' ostensible ending of unemployment reduced them. The problem of suicide concerned many other Nazi leaders, including Heinrich Himmler who saw it as a threat to the survival of the Germanic race. Many racial scientists and medical doctors constructed the argument that Jews, as a particularly ‘inferior’ race characterized by ‘excesses and degeneration’, were more prone to suicide than others. Unsurprisingly perhaps, suicide methods in the Third Reich were generally the same as they had been in the Weimar Republic. Nazi politics had a direct impact on some suicides.Less
Under the Weimar Republic, Adolf Hitler and the Nazis had conflated cases of suicide with Germany's defeat in 1918, the Versailles Treaty, and the Weimar ‘system’. Between 1918 and 1933, 214,409 suicides had been officially recorded in Germany. Hitler thought that most suicides were due to social and political despair caused by the Versailles Treaty and implicitly by the lack of living space. The economic misery caused by reparations allegedly increased suicide rates, while the Nazis' ostensible ending of unemployment reduced them. The problem of suicide concerned many other Nazi leaders, including Heinrich Himmler who saw it as a threat to the survival of the Germanic race. Many racial scientists and medical doctors constructed the argument that Jews, as a particularly ‘inferior’ race characterized by ‘excesses and degeneration’, were more prone to suicide than others. Unsurprisingly perhaps, suicide methods in the Third Reich were generally the same as they had been in the Weimar Republic. Nazi politics had a direct impact on some suicides.
Keren Yarhi-Milo
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159157
- eISBN:
- 9781400850419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159157.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on British assessments of Nazi Germany’s intentions during the interwar period (1934–1939). It outlines the predictions generated by each of the four explanations about perceived ...
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This chapter focuses on British assessments of Nazi Germany’s intentions during the interwar period (1934–1939). It outlines the predictions generated by each of the four explanations about perceived intentions and examines changes in German military capabilities, doctrine, and actions during this period. The chapter first considers the hypothetical arguments of the selective attention thesis and highlights its predictions for this case, focusing on the vividness hypothesis, the subjective credibility hypothesis, and the organizational expertise hypothesis. It then derives predictions for each of the competing theses, namely: capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. The findings suggest that Britain’s perceptions of Germany from 1934 to 1939 were shaped by costly actions that had been undertaken by the latter well before Adolf Hitler rose to power in January 1933.Less
This chapter focuses on British assessments of Nazi Germany’s intentions during the interwar period (1934–1939). It outlines the predictions generated by each of the four explanations about perceived intentions and examines changes in German military capabilities, doctrine, and actions during this period. The chapter first considers the hypothetical arguments of the selective attention thesis and highlights its predictions for this case, focusing on the vividness hypothesis, the subjective credibility hypothesis, and the organizational expertise hypothesis. It then derives predictions for each of the competing theses, namely: capabilities thesis, strategic military doctrine thesis, and behavior thesis. The findings suggest that Britain’s perceptions of Germany from 1934 to 1939 were shaped by costly actions that had been undertaken by the latter well before Adolf Hitler rose to power in January 1933.
P. J. Marshall (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264249
- eISBN:
- 9780191734045
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264249.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This series features distinguished works in the humanities and social sciences. This volume of the Proceedings of the British Academy contains fifteen lectures delivered at the British Academy in ...
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This series features distinguished works in the humanities and social sciences. This volume of the Proceedings of the British Academy contains fifteen lectures delivered at the British Academy in 2006. Subjects covered range from consideration of Einstein, to discussions of coercion and consent in Nazi Germany, and judicial independence.Less
This series features distinguished works in the humanities and social sciences. This volume of the Proceedings of the British Academy contains fifteen lectures delivered at the British Academy in 2006. Subjects covered range from consideration of Einstein, to discussions of coercion and consent in Nazi Germany, and judicial independence.
Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses social stratification in Nazi Germany. Since the abolition of all popular representation, the political decisions in Germany were reached by compromises between the leadership ...
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This chapter discusses social stratification in Nazi Germany. Since the abolition of all popular representation, the political decisions in Germany were reached by compromises between the leadership of the Nazi Party, the Army, the ministerial bureaucracy, and the representatives of certain powerful business groups. The economic groups usually kept in the background, although their voice in the fundamental decisions of policy-making was just as strong as, and perhaps even stronger than, that of the government (state and Party). The chapter provides an overview of five ruling groups in Nazi Germany: the leadership of the Nazi Party and affiliated organizations; the top strata of the governmental and political bureaucracy; the High Command of the Armed Forces and its representatives; the leadership of big business; and the landed aristocracy. It also looks at the ruled social groups, which include artisans, civil servants, and peasants.Less
This chapter discusses social stratification in Nazi Germany. Since the abolition of all popular representation, the political decisions in Germany were reached by compromises between the leadership of the Nazi Party, the Army, the ministerial bureaucracy, and the representatives of certain powerful business groups. The economic groups usually kept in the background, although their voice in the fundamental decisions of policy-making was just as strong as, and perhaps even stronger than, that of the government (state and Party). The chapter provides an overview of five ruling groups in Nazi Germany: the leadership of the Nazi Party and affiliated organizations; the top strata of the governmental and political bureaucracy; the High Command of the Armed Forces and its representatives; the leadership of big business; and the landed aristocracy. It also looks at the ruled social groups, which include artisans, civil servants, and peasants.
Franz Neumann, Herbert Marcuse, and Felix Gilbert
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter considers the prospects facing Nazi Germany amid World War II by reviewing the patterns of German collapse in 1918. The breakdown of resistance in World War I was in the first instance a ...
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This chapter considers the prospects facing Nazi Germany amid World War II by reviewing the patterns of German collapse in 1918. The breakdown of resistance in World War I was in the first instance a military phenomenon, though its course and outcome were determined by the social, economic, and political structure of the German nation as a whole. The high command recognized as early as August 13 that the war was definitely lost. Before discussing possible patterns of German collapse in 1944, the chapter examines the differences between 1918 and today. It then describes alternative courses that will remain open if the United Nations remain united—that is, if Germany's political warfare aimed at splitting them and at concluding a negotiated peace with either Russia or the Western Powers is unsuccessful. One scenario when the United Nations are split is for the Nazis to establish a shadow government to deal with Russia.Less
This chapter considers the prospects facing Nazi Germany amid World War II by reviewing the patterns of German collapse in 1918. The breakdown of resistance in World War I was in the first instance a military phenomenon, though its course and outcome were determined by the social, economic, and political structure of the German nation as a whole. The high command recognized as early as August 13 that the war was definitely lost. Before discussing possible patterns of German collapse in 1944, the chapter examines the differences between 1918 and today. It then describes alternative courses that will remain open if the United Nations remain united—that is, if Germany's political warfare aimed at splitting them and at concluding a negotiated peace with either Russia or the Western Powers is unsuccessful. One scenario when the United Nations are split is for the Nazis to establish a shadow government to deal with Russia.
Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter focuses on the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or SPD) of Germany. The report states that among the German political parties that may be revived after ...
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This chapter focuses on the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or SPD) of Germany. The report states that among the German political parties that may be revived after the destruction of the Nazi regime, the SPD is likely to play an important role. Dating from the earliest years of the German empire, the SPD has maintained a tradition as the strongest, and prior to 1917 the only, labor party in Germany. Nazi Germany has not succeeded in destroying the allegiance of much of the old social democratic membership. The chapter first provides a background on the origin, composition, and strength of the SPD before discussing its policies, including political policy, economic policy, and foreign policy. It then considers the exiled leadership of the SPD, along with developments in the party since the occupation of Germany. It also assesses the SPD's prospects in the postwar period.Less
This chapter focuses on the Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands or SPD) of Germany. The report states that among the German political parties that may be revived after the destruction of the Nazi regime, the SPD is likely to play an important role. Dating from the earliest years of the German empire, the SPD has maintained a tradition as the strongest, and prior to 1917 the only, labor party in Germany. Nazi Germany has not succeeded in destroying the allegiance of much of the old social democratic membership. The chapter first provides a background on the origin, composition, and strength of the SPD before discussing its policies, including political policy, economic policy, and foreign policy. It then considers the exiled leadership of the SPD, along with developments in the party since the occupation of Germany. It also assesses the SPD's prospects in the postwar period.
Zachary Shore
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195154597
- eISBN:
- 9780199868780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154597.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The first chapter asks how Germany came to form an agreement with its hated rival, Poland, and why the men in the Foreign Ministry supported it. Most of Hitler's advisers within the Foreign Ministry ...
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The first chapter asks how Germany came to form an agreement with its hated rival, Poland, and why the men in the Foreign Ministry supported it. Most of Hitler's advisers within the Foreign Ministry likely recognized what the chancellor intended for Poland. Their decision to support the realignment of relations reflected both their growing fear of encirclement, and the increasingly tense environment under which they had to function.Less
The first chapter asks how Germany came to form an agreement with its hated rival, Poland, and why the men in the Foreign Ministry supported it. Most of Hitler's advisers within the Foreign Ministry likely recognized what the chancellor intended for Poland. Their decision to support the realignment of relations reflected both their growing fear of encirclement, and the increasingly tense environment under which they had to function.
Christian Goeschel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199532568
- eISBN:
- 9780191701030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199532568.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Social History
World War II began on September 1, 1939, when Nazi Germany invaded Poland in a bloody campaign. The suicide rate closely mirrored Germany's fortunes in the war. When Germany's military fortunes ...
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World War II began on September 1, 1939, when Nazi Germany invaded Poland in a bloody campaign. The suicide rate closely mirrored Germany's fortunes in the war. When Germany's military fortunes turned in 1942, and Germans were increasingly subject to Allied bombings, more people committed suicide. The increasing difficulty of everyday life in this situation clearly played a role. In a sense, economic hardship was coming back into play. People were bombed out, their family and friends killed, their menfolk dead, missing, or captured in increasing numbers. Rations became tighter and food more difficult to obtain. But this was not all. The policies of the Nazi regime also played a role. This chapter tells the familiar story of the Third Reich at war from a different, individual perspective. Powerful, individual cases of suicide emphasize the significant role of legal terror, implemented largely by the Gestapo, in keeping the German population at bay.Less
World War II began on September 1, 1939, when Nazi Germany invaded Poland in a bloody campaign. The suicide rate closely mirrored Germany's fortunes in the war. When Germany's military fortunes turned in 1942, and Germans were increasingly subject to Allied bombings, more people committed suicide. The increasing difficulty of everyday life in this situation clearly played a role. In a sense, economic hardship was coming back into play. People were bombed out, their family and friends killed, their menfolk dead, missing, or captured in increasing numbers. Rations became tighter and food more difficult to obtain. But this was not all. The policies of the Nazi regime also played a role. This chapter tells the familiar story of the Third Reich at war from a different, individual perspective. Powerful, individual cases of suicide emphasize the significant role of legal terror, implemented largely by the Gestapo, in keeping the German population at bay.
Barry Stephenson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199732753
- eISBN:
- 9780199777310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732753.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Religion and Society
This chapter examines Luther festivity past and present through the perspective of civil religion. The process by which Luther was fashioned into a national hero in the nineteenth-century, through ...
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This chapter examines Luther festivity past and present through the perspective of civil religion. The process by which Luther was fashioned into a national hero in the nineteenth-century, through liturgy, processions, and architecture, is detailed, as is the criticism of Luther that took place in the aftermath of the Second World War. The chapter argues that contemporary Luther festivity struggles to make sense of the dual nature of the remembered Luther. On one hand, Luther is a culture hero, one of the founding fathers of not just the Lutheran Church but the German nation and even modern western culture; on the other hand, Luther is an emblem of German anti-Semitism and imperialism. Using Luther as a cultural resource to revitalize the local economy and social life is a doubled-edged sword, and invites protest and reaction.Less
This chapter examines Luther festivity past and present through the perspective of civil religion. The process by which Luther was fashioned into a national hero in the nineteenth-century, through liturgy, processions, and architecture, is detailed, as is the criticism of Luther that took place in the aftermath of the Second World War. The chapter argues that contemporary Luther festivity struggles to make sense of the dual nature of the remembered Luther. On one hand, Luther is a culture hero, one of the founding fathers of not just the Lutheran Church but the German nation and even modern western culture; on the other hand, Luther is an emblem of German anti-Semitism and imperialism. Using Luther as a cultural resource to revitalize the local economy and social life is a doubled-edged sword, and invites protest and reaction.
Stefan J. Link
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691177540
- eISBN:
- 9780691207988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691177540.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter investigates Nazi Germany's efforts to acquire American mass production technology in order to create their own version of Fordism in the Thirties. Unlike the Soviet Union, Germany ...
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This chapter investigates Nazi Germany's efforts to acquire American mass production technology in order to create their own version of Fordism in the Thirties. Unlike the Soviet Union, Germany boasted a highly developed industrial base in its own right, centered around classic producer goods, such as coal, steel, machine tools, and instruments. Though Germany's machine tool builders were a proud and venerable branch with considerable export clout, they were unequipped to supply mass production factories. Acquiring automotive mass production was of neuralgic significance: it not only harbored the potential of a growth-generating consumer and export sector, but it was also — more immediately urgent to the Nazi regime — of primary military-strategic significance. Accordingly, the Nazi regime did not purchase bulk machinery and entire technological systems wholesale, Soviet-style. Instead, it resorted to targeted industrial reconnaissance and the recruitment of American specialists — that is, to Detroit missions such as those of Ferdinand Porsche, Otto Dyckhoff, and William Werner. The Nazi regime ensnared the American multinationals operating in Germany in a web of political pressure and economic incentives, and in doing so found ways to appropriate the Americans' technology without spending significant amounts of US dollars.Less
This chapter investigates Nazi Germany's efforts to acquire American mass production technology in order to create their own version of Fordism in the Thirties. Unlike the Soviet Union, Germany boasted a highly developed industrial base in its own right, centered around classic producer goods, such as coal, steel, machine tools, and instruments. Though Germany's machine tool builders were a proud and venerable branch with considerable export clout, they were unequipped to supply mass production factories. Acquiring automotive mass production was of neuralgic significance: it not only harbored the potential of a growth-generating consumer and export sector, but it was also — more immediately urgent to the Nazi regime — of primary military-strategic significance. Accordingly, the Nazi regime did not purchase bulk machinery and entire technological systems wholesale, Soviet-style. Instead, it resorted to targeted industrial reconnaissance and the recruitment of American specialists — that is, to Detroit missions such as those of Ferdinand Porsche, Otto Dyckhoff, and William Werner. The Nazi regime ensnared the American multinationals operating in Germany in a web of political pressure and economic incentives, and in doing so found ways to appropriate the Americans' technology without spending significant amounts of US dollars.
Robert Gellately
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205609
- eISBN:
- 9780191676697
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205609.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the activities of the Nazi police. By the end of the pre-war era, if not before, the Nazi police (especially the Gestapo and Kripo) began to take very seriously their new ...
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This chapter discusses the activities of the Nazi police. By the end of the pre-war era, if not before, the Nazi police (especially the Gestapo and Kripo) began to take very seriously their new mission to cleanse the body politic of ‘harmful’, or ‘degenerative elements’ in society. In that sense they took on wholly unprecedented, racist-informed, preventive tasks as they moved into the field of social biology. The vision the police adopted was of a conflict-free society from which would be eliminated all social and biological carriers of ‘harmful’ behaviour. These changing missions were not merely worked out behind the scenes, and put into practice in secret, but by and large they were explained in the German press to win support for the dictatorship.Less
This chapter discusses the activities of the Nazi police. By the end of the pre-war era, if not before, the Nazi police (especially the Gestapo and Kripo) began to take very seriously their new mission to cleanse the body politic of ‘harmful’, or ‘degenerative elements’ in society. In that sense they took on wholly unprecedented, racist-informed, preventive tasks as they moved into the field of social biology. The vision the police adopted was of a conflict-free society from which would be eliminated all social and biological carriers of ‘harmful’ behaviour. These changing missions were not merely worked out behind the scenes, and put into practice in secret, but by and large they were explained in the German press to win support for the dictatorship.
Lewis A. Erenberg
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195177749
- eISBN:
- 9780199788729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195177749.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter discusses the renaissance of boxing in the United States and Germany during the Great Depression. On the evening of June 25, 1935, less than a year after his professional debut, Joe ...
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This chapter discusses the renaissance of boxing in the United States and Germany during the Great Depression. On the evening of June 25, 1935, less than a year after his professional debut, Joe Louis fought ex-champion Primo Carnera in the Yankee Stadium in a non-title bout that transformed Louis into a black hero and heralded the revival of bigtime boxing in the United States. German boxing experienced a similar revival, as a seemingly washed-up Max Schmeling began to show his old form. He fought himself back into heavyweight title contention in 1934 and 1935 just as the Nazi Party took over Germany and turned its attention to boxing as an arena where Germany could shine in international competition.Less
This chapter discusses the renaissance of boxing in the United States and Germany during the Great Depression. On the evening of June 25, 1935, less than a year after his professional debut, Joe Louis fought ex-champion Primo Carnera in the Yankee Stadium in a non-title bout that transformed Louis into a black hero and heralded the revival of bigtime boxing in the United States. German boxing experienced a similar revival, as a seemingly washed-up Max Schmeling began to show his old form. He fought himself back into heavyweight title contention in 1934 and 1935 just as the Nazi Party took over Germany and turned its attention to boxing as an arena where Germany could shine in international competition.
Herbert Marcuse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter considers the possibility that there would be political changes in Nazi Germany in the near future. The report states that it was not certain that the German ruling groups had come to ...
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This chapter considers the possibility that there would be political changes in Nazi Germany in the near future. The report states that it was not certain that the German ruling groups had come to realize that World War II was militarily lost. If military measures did not offer an escape from certain military defeat, the only hope of Germany was in the field of politics. The chapter continues that it may not be an exaggeration to maintain that the political aspects of the war will henceforth lead to overshadow military operations, which would lead inexorably to the ultimate destruction of the German military machine. The problem is therefore what political activities the German government would pursue in order to avoid utter political and military defeat. The chapter examines the possible appointment of a triumvirate—composed of Wilhelm Keitel, Karl Doenitz and Hermann Göring—as a first step toward future political changes in Nazi Germany.Less
This chapter considers the possibility that there would be political changes in Nazi Germany in the near future. The report states that it was not certain that the German ruling groups had come to realize that World War II was militarily lost. If military measures did not offer an escape from certain military defeat, the only hope of Germany was in the field of politics. The chapter continues that it may not be an exaggeration to maintain that the political aspects of the war will henceforth lead to overshadow military operations, which would lead inexorably to the ultimate destruction of the German military machine. The problem is therefore what political activities the German government would pursue in order to avoid utter political and military defeat. The chapter examines the possible appointment of a triumvirate—composed of Wilhelm Keitel, Karl Doenitz and Hermann Göring—as a first step toward future political changes in Nazi Germany.
