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Dealing with Domestic Opposition

David G. Marr

in Vietnam: State, War, and Revolution (1945–1946)

With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents ... More

With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.Less

The Compliment of Imitation: The Rise of National-Socialist Legal Organizations

Grunwald Henning

in Courtroom to Revolutionary Stage: Performance and Ideology in Weimar Political Trials

Even though the Communist Party legal organization attracted the wrath of its political opponents, these same opponents also grudgingly admired its success. Nationalist attempts at imitating it are ... More

Even though the Communist Party legal organization attracted the wrath of its political opponents, these same opponents also grudgingly admired its success. Nationalist attempts at imitating it are discussed in Chapter Four. From 1922 onwards, right-wing organizations from the German Nationalist People's Party to the Patriotic Prisoners Aid (Vaterländische Gefangenenhilfe) tried to adapt the KPD's formula of combining legal aid and trial-based propaganda in cases like the so-called Feme murders. By and large, however, such attempts at imitation were unsuccessful until Hans Frank founded the Association of National Socialist German Lawyers in 1928. By 1930, more than 200 lawyers had joined Frank's organization, a success that prompted rival NS legal organizations to challenge Frank's exclusive claim to legally represent Hitler and the NSDAP, as the case of the ‘Potempa Five’ illustrates.Less

The Diplomatic Battle between the Two Chinas

Taomo Zhou

in Migration in the Time of Revolution: China, Indonesia, and the Cold War

This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having ... More

This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, Jakarta nevertheless allowed the Chinese Nationalist Party apparatus to continue its activities until 1958. Jakarta's ambiguous attitude induced a battle for influence between the two rival Chinese governments. As a regime in exile, the Chinese Nationalist government adjusted its past policies to fit the new circumstances resulting from its retreat to Taiwan. Having lost formal diplomatic representation, the Nationalists forged clandestine alliances with the Indonesian right-wing forces through the personal networks of the remaining Chinese Nationalist loyalists. In contrast with Taipei, Beijing prioritized state-to-state diplomacy over its connections to the overseas Chinese. By suspending the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) among the overseas Chinese and signing the Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing attempted to ease Jakarta's concern that the ethnic Chinese could be used as a Communist fifth column.Less

Political Opinions, Observations, and Activities

BONNIE S. McDOUGALL

in Love-Letters and Privacy in Modern China: The Intimate Lives of Lu Xun and Xu Guangping

This chapter discusses Lu Xun and Xu Guangping's political beliefs, activities, and observations. Lu Xun's animus against colleagues such as Gu Jiegang appeared to have political overtones. It was ... More

This chapter discusses Lu Xun and Xu Guangping's political beliefs, activities, and observations. Lu Xun's animus against colleagues such as Gu Jiegang appeared to have political overtones. It was often difficult to distinguish between his personal and political opinions. Xu Guangping was more directly involved in political action and intrigued by political gossip. The range of their observations was noticeably much wider in 1926 than in 1925 or 1929. The deletions covered a wide range of political observations and views, ranging from remarks about the warlord government in Peking, the Nationalist Party and government in Canton, the Communist Party and its activities and the involvement of people they knew. The volume of deletions and recensions was significantly greater in Xu Guangping's letters, while most of the additions were to Lu Xun's letters.Less

National Unity: radicalism and renewal, 1959–64

Christopher Norton

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932-1970: Between grievance and reconciliation

This chapter considers the responses of liberal nationalist opinion to the debacle of the 1959 Westminster election. It looks at the establishment of National Unity and its attempts to promote ... More

This chapter considers the responses of liberal nationalist opinion to the debacle of the 1959 Westminster election. It looks at the establishment of National Unity and its attempts to promote nationalism as a broader progressive secular movement which would reach out to Protestants. The clash between these reformers and the Nationalist Party orthodoxy is examined. The chapter also discusses the changed political context of the 1960s, both in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which gave grounds for National Unity’s increased optimism that a new era of political modernisation was possible. It argues that despite the novelty of the moderate language of the respective premiers North and South (Capt Terrence O’Neill and Sean Lemass) the potential to displace the more traditionally entrenched and regressive positions of Irish Nationalism and Ulster Unionism was less likely than it appeared. It concludes that by the mid-1960s the Nationalist Party was faced with a rising tide of disillusioned young Catholic professionals who were increasingly vocal in their criticism of the Party’s failed and dated strategies.Less

Introduction

Janet Y. Chen

in Guilty of Indigence: The Urban Poor in China, 1900-1953

This introductory chapter briefly illustrates what life was like for the urban poor in Republican-era China. It also traces the changes in attitudes about “poverty” and the policies enacted for its ... More

This introductory chapter briefly illustrates what life was like for the urban poor in Republican-era China. It also traces the changes in attitudes about “poverty” and the policies enacted for its alleviation, which took place in the early decades of the twentieth century in China, a critical historical juncture when new possibilities emerged for imagining the relationship between government authority and the people. The chapter reveals new insights into the lives of the urban destitute and discusses the various sources used in the course of research. Its analysis illuminates how people detained under these circumstances responded to the disciplinary project of making them into “citizens,” and how they coped with destitution in a period of deep social dislocation. Finally, the chapter concludes with a brief overview of the entire volume.Less

The Diminishing Politics of Sectarianism: How Class Politics Displaced Identity Politics

Keith Daniel Roberts

in Liverpool Sectarianism: The Rise and Demise

Chapter five assesses the interplay between the religious and political divide. It asserts that to rival the Tory-Orange-Protestant caucus, the Liberals would also play on sectarianism to gain votes, ... More

Chapter five assesses the interplay between the religious and political divide. It asserts that to rival the Tory-Orange-Protestant caucus, the Liberals would also play on sectarianism to gain votes, often labelling themselves the ‘home rule’ party. The Protestant Party, Irish Nationalist Party, and Labour’s connection with Catholicism are also considered. The chapter describes how politicians on both sides used animosity for electoral success, and also demonstrates how Liverpool’s Labour Party became increasingly secular as the twentieth century progressed. The growth of more ‘normal’, class-based politics and the striving for better economic conditions (in difficult circumstances) became more powerful motivators than religion. This chapter explains how and why.Less

The Sinn Féin challenge and the birth of the Nationalist Party, 1955–59

Christopher Norton

in The politics of constitutional nationalism in Northern Ireland, 1932-1970: Between grievance and reconciliation

This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the ... More

This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the nationalist vote. The decision by the IALP not to contest the nationalist held seats of Mid Ulster and Fermanagh & South Tyrone and to leave Sinn Féin as the only anti-partition challengers is shown to have been a major political and tactical blunder. The chapter argues that while Sinn Féin’s success in taking the seats led some within the IALP to retreated to traditional positions other liberal-left and moderate elements within constitutional nationalism took the opportunity to push for a renewed and united nationalist party. The failure of the new Nationalist Party to integrate the existing left-nationalist parties, its failure to take on board the significance of the revived electoral fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1958, and the decision to again concede winnable Westminster parliamentary seats to Sinn Féin in 1959, are all identified as being symptomatic of a party whose strategy was becoming increasingly redundant.Less

Communal Award and After

Jagannath Prasad Misra

in Madan Mohan Malaviya and the Indian Freedom Movement

This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s disagreement with the Indian National Congress over the Communal Award. Discussions with Congress leaders in the early months of 1934 convinced Mahatma ... More

This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s disagreement with the Indian National Congress over the Communal Award. Discussions with Congress leaders in the early months of 1934 convinced Mahatma Gandhi that the country was fatigued and in no mood to continue the civil disobedience movement. According to his advice, the Congress Working Committee suspended the Civil Disobedience campaign in 1934. This chapter considers the revival of the Swaraj Party, Malaviya’s decision to form the Congress Nationalist Party, and the party’s relations with the Indian National Congress. It also explores Malaviya’s links with the Hindu Mahasabha, his ouster from the management of the English newspaper Hindustan Times, and his estrangement from the Hindu Mahasabha.Less

Falling Short

Ernest P. Young

in Ecclesiastical Colony: China's Catholic Church and the French Religious Protectorate

During the radicalism of the mid-1920s in China, Costantini advocated an accommodation of the church with Chinese nationalism. As a new national government was formed in 1928 by the Nationalist Party ... More

During the radicalism of the mid-1920s in China, Costantini advocated an accommodation of the church with Chinese nationalism. As a new national government was formed in 1928 by the Nationalist Party (Guomindang), Costantini established cordial relations with it. However, the opposition of the French government and substantial numbers of missionary bishops to the new policies continued. As support from Rome weakened, Costantini left China in 1933 feeling his goals had not been achieved. Lebbe, who had returned to China in 1927 to serve under a Chinese bishop, joined the war effort against Japan in the 1930s. He was detained for a few weeks by Communist forces in 1940, just before his death from illness. After the war, France negotiated the end of its unequal treaties with China. The French Religious Protectorate formally ended in 1946. The Vatican stepped in to reorganize its church in China, but the time was too short and the steps too hesitant to effect indigenization before the Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949.Less

Between Laicism and Islam?: Religious Party Supporters in Turkey

in Beyond Sacred and Secular: Politics of Religion in Israel and Turkey

This chapter examines the supporters of religious parties in Turkey. It highlights the inconsistency of voters' characteristics with models which assume that religious parties can be understood as ... More

This chapter examines the supporters of religious parties in Turkey. It highlights the inconsistency of voters' characteristics with models which assume that religious parties can be understood as battlegrounds of a secular-religious conflict. The chapter explains that the supporters of the Nationalist Action Party, the National View Party, and the Justice and Development Party do not universally support political projects derived from Islam, and do not tightly cluster around certain religious values.Less

The Genesis of a Taiwanese Entrepreneurship as a Contingent Product of the Chinese Civil War

Françoise Mengin

in Fragments of an Unfinished War: Taiwanese Entrepreneurs and the Partition of China

This chapter examines the specificity of the partition of China and the conditions surrounding the birth of a Taiwanese entrepreneurship in the early years of the Republic of China’s exile on the ... More

This chapter examines the specificity of the partition of China and the conditions surrounding the birth of a Taiwanese entrepreneurship in the early years of the Republic of China’s exile on the island. The Taiwanese post-1949 trajectory is understood in terms of a Nationalist and anti-capitalist counter-revolution. Continued confrontation with the Communist rival led to the establishment of both a war economy and a colonial regime with the monopolization by the state of most of the island’s resources. This resulted in a double fragmentation of the productive sector with, on the one hand, private enterprise being made dependent on the state sector and, on the other, a second split between a rentier sector monopolizing the domestic market and an unprotected sector forced to confront the world market. The rentier sector was reserved for the minority of “settlers” – the mainland industrialists who had fled to Taiwan – and to a few Taiwanese collaborators co-opted by the government, while the unprotected sector was filled by the managers of small businesses from the island. Ultimately, Taiwanese entrepreneurship was the contingent product of an openly anti-capitalist ideology.Less

In the Name of “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity”

Hy V. Luong

in Tradition, Revolution, and Market Economy in a North Vietnamese Village, 1925-2006

This chapter analyzes the French response to anticolonial movements. The French undertook quick and strong repressive measures in the aftermath of the Vietnamese Nationalist Party uprising in ... More

This chapter analyzes the French response to anticolonial movements. The French undertook quick and strong repressive measures in the aftermath of the Vietnamese Nationalist Party uprising in February 1930. In Yên-Báy French troops maintained a careful check on the population. They prohibited the movement of wood rafts down the Red River from the highlands and hindered other normal economic activities. As a collective punishment, the defensive bamboo hedges of Son-Duong and many other villages were leveled, exposing the internal landscape, “shamefully” in native perception, to the entire outside world. On a personal level, the repression temporarily traumatized countless villagers and further radicalized many political activists. On the national scale, the Vietnamese Nationalist Party was virtually destroyed within the country; the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) subsequently emerged as an even more powerful anticolonial force and eventually led the indigenous northern population in a violent and successful resistance to colonialism.Less

Lipstick Revolutionaries: Dolores “Lolita” Lebrón Sotomayor and the Site of Rican Death

Sandra Ruiz

in Ricanness: Enduring Time in Anticolonial Performance

Chapter 1 begins with Dolores “Lolita” Lebrón Sotomayor and fellow members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party staging an armed assault against the US Congress in 1954. The author analyzes Lebrón’s ... More

Chapter 1 begins with Dolores “Lolita” Lebrón Sotomayor and fellow members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party staging an armed assault against the US Congress in 1954. The author analyzes Lebrón’s actions to expose how she offers death as a way to access subjectivity. She highlights the resilience of the subject who refuses the call to suicide, and instead offers us a recitation for Being. In paying attention to Lebrón’s bodily endurance as evidence of her desire to offer death for the independence of Puerto Rico, the author asserts that as a colonial subject the only thing that she owns upon entry into the world is her death. An understanding of her death drive is linked to Lebrón’s presentation of self, challenging the androgynous view of a female revolutionary. The important aesthetic details of her performance are not antithetical to other markers that claim and seek to trivialize her: beauty queen, mother of the nation, femme fatale, beautiful convoy, and hysterical, suicidal depressive. Lebrón is more than a sacrificing mother, a pathological terrorist, or an accomplice to male leaders; she stages a site through which to dismantle Rican patriarchy and restage death, both imposed and re-created by colonialism.Less