David G. Marr
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780520274150
- eISBN:
- 9780520954977
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274150.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents ...
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With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.Less
With the background of the internal sedition of a government coming into its own, Marr's insights turn to issues of domestic conflict in reaction to the repurposed nation. This chapter documents civil, government, and media treatment of traitors and reactionaries. Those convicted by the military courts were taken into the DRV's incarceration system, with the Hanoi Central Prison in the foreground; those tried as traitors in rapidly proliferating “people's courts” faced the radical penalties of civilian justice. Tensions arose between the DRV cabinet and the government in light of the latter's failure to fulfill national judicial policies, as further divides began to form within the nation. Political parties within the nation were not immunized from this swelling pattern of schisms. As the DRV began to fragmentize in anticipation of wartime, the Vietnamese public continued to try the strength of its stitching.
Grunwald Henning
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199609048
- eISBN:
- 9780191744280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199609048.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
Even though the Communist Party legal organization attracted the wrath of its political opponents, these same opponents also grudgingly admired its success. Nationalist attempts at imitating it are ...
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Even though the Communist Party legal organization attracted the wrath of its political opponents, these same opponents also grudgingly admired its success. Nationalist attempts at imitating it are discussed in Chapter Four. From 1922 onwards, right-wing organizations from the German Nationalist People's Party to the Patriotic Prisoners Aid (Vaterländische Gefangenenhilfe) tried to adapt the KPD's formula of combining legal aid and trial-based propaganda in cases like the so-called Feme murders. By and large, however, such attempts at imitation were unsuccessful until Hans Frank founded the Association of National Socialist German Lawyers in 1928. By 1930, more than 200 lawyers had joined Frank's organization, a success that prompted rival NS legal organizations to challenge Frank's exclusive claim to legally represent Hitler and the NSDAP, as the case of the ‘Potempa Five’ illustrates.Less
Even though the Communist Party legal organization attracted the wrath of its political opponents, these same opponents also grudgingly admired its success. Nationalist attempts at imitating it are discussed in Chapter Four. From 1922 onwards, right-wing organizations from the German Nationalist People's Party to the Patriotic Prisoners Aid (Vaterländische Gefangenenhilfe) tried to adapt the KPD's formula of combining legal aid and trial-based propaganda in cases like the so-called Feme murders. By and large, however, such attempts at imitation were unsuccessful until Hans Frank founded the Association of National Socialist German Lawyers in 1928. By 1930, more than 200 lawyers had joined Frank's organization, a success that prompted rival NS legal organizations to challenge Frank's exclusive claim to legally represent Hitler and the NSDAP, as the case of the ‘Potempa Five’ illustrates.
Andrew Morris
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520262799
- eISBN:
- 9780520947603
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520262799.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This cultural history of baseball in Taiwan traces the game's social, ethnic, political, and cultural significance since its introduction on the island more than one hundred years ago. Introduced by ...
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This cultural history of baseball in Taiwan traces the game's social, ethnic, political, and cultural significance since its introduction on the island more than one hundred years ago. Introduced by the Japanese colonial government at the turn of the century, baseball was expected to “civilize” and modernize Taiwan's Han Chinese and Austronesian Aborigine populations. After World War II, the game was tolerated as a remnant of Japanese culture and then strategically employed by the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), even as it was also enthroned by Taiwanese politicians, cultural producers, and citizens as their national game. In considering baseball's cultural and historical implications, the book addresses a number of societal themes crucial to understanding modern Taiwan, the question of Chinese “reunification,” and East Asia as a whole.Less
This cultural history of baseball in Taiwan traces the game's social, ethnic, political, and cultural significance since its introduction on the island more than one hundred years ago. Introduced by the Japanese colonial government at the turn of the century, baseball was expected to “civilize” and modernize Taiwan's Han Chinese and Austronesian Aborigine populations. After World War II, the game was tolerated as a remnant of Japanese culture and then strategically employed by the ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), even as it was also enthroned by Taiwanese politicians, cultural producers, and citizens as their national game. In considering baseball's cultural and historical implications, the book addresses a number of societal themes crucial to understanding modern Taiwan, the question of Chinese “reunification,” and East Asia as a whole.
Taomo Zhou
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501739934
- eISBN:
- 9781501739941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501739934.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having ...
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This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, Jakarta nevertheless allowed the Chinese Nationalist Party apparatus to continue its activities until 1958. Jakarta's ambiguous attitude induced a battle for influence between the two rival Chinese governments. As a regime in exile, the Chinese Nationalist government adjusted its past policies to fit the new circumstances resulting from its retreat to Taiwan. Having lost formal diplomatic representation, the Nationalists forged clandestine alliances with the Indonesian right-wing forces through the personal networks of the remaining Chinese Nationalist loyalists. In contrast with Taipei, Beijing prioritized state-to-state diplomacy over its connections to the overseas Chinese. By suspending the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) among the overseas Chinese and signing the Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing attempted to ease Jakarta's concern that the ethnic Chinese could be used as a Communist fifth column.Less
This chapter details how, with the People's Republic of China winning Mainland China and the diplomatic recognition of Indonesia, the positions of the Nationalists and Communists reversed. Having switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, Jakarta nevertheless allowed the Chinese Nationalist Party apparatus to continue its activities until 1958. Jakarta's ambiguous attitude induced a battle for influence between the two rival Chinese governments. As a regime in exile, the Chinese Nationalist government adjusted its past policies to fit the new circumstances resulting from its retreat to Taiwan. Having lost formal diplomatic representation, the Nationalists forged clandestine alliances with the Indonesian right-wing forces through the personal networks of the remaining Chinese Nationalist loyalists. In contrast with Taipei, Beijing prioritized state-to-state diplomacy over its connections to the overseas Chinese. By suspending the activities of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) among the overseas Chinese and signing the Sino-Indonesian Dual Nationality Treaty, Beijing attempted to ease Jakarta's concern that the ethnic Chinese could be used as a Communist fifth column.
BONNIE S. McDOUGALL
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199256792
- eISBN:
- 9780191698378
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199256792.003.0019
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter discusses Lu Xun and Xu Guangping's political beliefs, activities, and observations. Lu Xun's animus against colleagues such as Gu Jiegang appeared to have political overtones. It was ...
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This chapter discusses Lu Xun and Xu Guangping's political beliefs, activities, and observations. Lu Xun's animus against colleagues such as Gu Jiegang appeared to have political overtones. It was often difficult to distinguish between his personal and political opinions. Xu Guangping was more directly involved in political action and intrigued by political gossip. The range of their observations was noticeably much wider in 1926 than in 1925 or 1929. The deletions covered a wide range of political observations and views, ranging from remarks about the warlord government in Peking, the Nationalist Party and government in Canton, the Communist Party and its activities and the involvement of people they knew. The volume of deletions and recensions was significantly greater in Xu Guangping's letters, while most of the additions were to Lu Xun's letters.Less
This chapter discusses Lu Xun and Xu Guangping's political beliefs, activities, and observations. Lu Xun's animus against colleagues such as Gu Jiegang appeared to have political overtones. It was often difficult to distinguish between his personal and political opinions. Xu Guangping was more directly involved in political action and intrigued by political gossip. The range of their observations was noticeably much wider in 1926 than in 1925 or 1929. The deletions covered a wide range of political observations and views, ranging from remarks about the warlord government in Peking, the Nationalist Party and government in Canton, the Communist Party and its activities and the involvement of people they knew. The volume of deletions and recensions was significantly greater in Xu Guangping's letters, while most of the additions were to Lu Xun's letters.
Christopher Norton
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719059032
- eISBN:
- 9781781706763
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719059032.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter considers the responses of liberal nationalist opinion to the debacle of the 1959 Westminster election. It looks at the establishment of National Unity and its attempts to promote ...
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This chapter considers the responses of liberal nationalist opinion to the debacle of the 1959 Westminster election. It looks at the establishment of National Unity and its attempts to promote nationalism as a broader progressive secular movement which would reach out to Protestants. The clash between these reformers and the Nationalist Party orthodoxy is examined. The chapter also discusses the changed political context of the 1960s, both in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which gave grounds for National Unity’s increased optimism that a new era of political modernisation was possible. It argues that despite the novelty of the moderate language of the respective premiers North and South (Capt Terrence O’Neill and Sean Lemass) the potential to displace the more traditionally entrenched and regressive positions of Irish Nationalism and Ulster Unionism was less likely than it appeared. It concludes that by the mid-1960s the Nationalist Party was faced with a rising tide of disillusioned young Catholic professionals who were increasingly vocal in their criticism of the Party’s failed and dated strategies.Less
This chapter considers the responses of liberal nationalist opinion to the debacle of the 1959 Westminster election. It looks at the establishment of National Unity and its attempts to promote nationalism as a broader progressive secular movement which would reach out to Protestants. The clash between these reformers and the Nationalist Party orthodoxy is examined. The chapter also discusses the changed political context of the 1960s, both in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, which gave grounds for National Unity’s increased optimism that a new era of political modernisation was possible. It argues that despite the novelty of the moderate language of the respective premiers North and South (Capt Terrence O’Neill and Sean Lemass) the potential to displace the more traditionally entrenched and regressive positions of Irish Nationalism and Ulster Unionism was less likely than it appeared. It concludes that by the mid-1960s the Nationalist Party was faced with a rising tide of disillusioned young Catholic professionals who were increasingly vocal in their criticism of the Party’s failed and dated strategies.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Nationalist Party took office in 1948 with attention focused squarely on the attendant dilemmas and dangers of African urbanisation. Throughout the 1950s, the prospect of reconciling economic ...
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The Nationalist Party took office in 1948 with attention focused squarely on the attendant dilemmas and dangers of African urbanisation. Throughout the 1950s, the prospect of reconciling economic integration and political segregation remained a source of division and controversy within the Nationalist ranks. This chapter discusses the Native Affairs Department's conception of Apartheid which emerged within the design of state policy during the 1950s, and then it explains the influx control strategy which issued from it.Less
The Nationalist Party took office in 1948 with attention focused squarely on the attendant dilemmas and dangers of African urbanisation. Throughout the 1950s, the prospect of reconciling economic integration and political segregation remained a source of division and controversy within the Nationalist ranks. This chapter discusses the Native Affairs Department's conception of Apartheid which emerged within the design of state policy during the 1950s, and then it explains the influx control strategy which issued from it.
Janet Y. Chen
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152103
- eISBN:
- 9781400839988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152103.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This introductory chapter briefly illustrates what life was like for the urban poor in Republican-era China. It also traces the changes in attitudes about “poverty” and the policies enacted for its ...
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This introductory chapter briefly illustrates what life was like for the urban poor in Republican-era China. It also traces the changes in attitudes about “poverty” and the policies enacted for its alleviation, which took place in the early decades of the twentieth century in China, a critical historical juncture when new possibilities emerged for imagining the relationship between government authority and the people. The chapter reveals new insights into the lives of the urban destitute and discusses the various sources used in the course of research. Its analysis illuminates how people detained under these circumstances responded to the disciplinary project of making them into “citizens,” and how they coped with destitution in a period of deep social dislocation. Finally, the chapter concludes with a brief overview of the entire volume.Less
This introductory chapter briefly illustrates what life was like for the urban poor in Republican-era China. It also traces the changes in attitudes about “poverty” and the policies enacted for its alleviation, which took place in the early decades of the twentieth century in China, a critical historical juncture when new possibilities emerged for imagining the relationship between government authority and the people. The chapter reveals new insights into the lives of the urban destitute and discusses the various sources used in the course of research. Its analysis illuminates how people detained under these circumstances responded to the disciplinary project of making them into “citizens,” and how they coped with destitution in a period of deep social dislocation. Finally, the chapter concludes with a brief overview of the entire volume.
Keith Daniel Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781786940100
- eISBN:
- 9781786944276
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781786940100.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter five assesses the interplay between the religious and political divide. It asserts that to rival the Tory-Orange-Protestant caucus, the Liberals would also play on sectarianism to gain votes, ...
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Chapter five assesses the interplay between the religious and political divide. It asserts that to rival the Tory-Orange-Protestant caucus, the Liberals would also play on sectarianism to gain votes, often labelling themselves the ‘home rule’ party. The Protestant Party, Irish Nationalist Party, and Labour’s connection with Catholicism are also considered. The chapter describes how politicians on both sides used animosity for electoral success, and also demonstrates how Liverpool’s Labour Party became increasingly secular as the twentieth century progressed. The growth of more ‘normal’, class-based politics and the striving for better economic conditions (in difficult circumstances) became more powerful motivators than religion. This chapter explains how and why.Less
Chapter five assesses the interplay between the religious and political divide. It asserts that to rival the Tory-Orange-Protestant caucus, the Liberals would also play on sectarianism to gain votes, often labelling themselves the ‘home rule’ party. The Protestant Party, Irish Nationalist Party, and Labour’s connection with Catholicism are also considered. The chapter describes how politicians on both sides used animosity for electoral success, and also demonstrates how Liverpool’s Labour Party became increasingly secular as the twentieth century progressed. The growth of more ‘normal’, class-based politics and the striving for better economic conditions (in difficult circumstances) became more powerful motivators than religion. This chapter explains how and why.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Nationalist Party (NP) government built Apartheid into a monstrously labyrinthine system which grew to dominate every facet of life in South Africa. This book examines the processes whereby a ...
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The Nationalist Party (NP) government built Apartheid into a monstrously labyrinthine system which grew to dominate every facet of life in South Africa. This book examines the processes whereby a particular set of Apartheid policies was made, implemented, and contested. It focuses on the period of between 1948 and 1961, the first phase of Apartheid. It also studies the influx control policy and its role within the Apartheid system. An examination of the design and implementation of influx control in the 1950s and its restructuring during the 1960s reveals much about the objectives and methods of the Apartheid system more generally during this period.Less
The Nationalist Party (NP) government built Apartheid into a monstrously labyrinthine system which grew to dominate every facet of life in South Africa. This book examines the processes whereby a particular set of Apartheid policies was made, implemented, and contested. It focuses on the period of between 1948 and 1961, the first phase of Apartheid. It also studies the influx control policy and its role within the Apartheid system. An examination of the design and implementation of influx control in the 1950s and its restructuring during the 1960s reveals much about the objectives and methods of the Apartheid system more generally during this period.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
African urbanisation in the so-called ‘white’ South Africa resulted in economic prosperity and supply industries with relatively cheap labour. But these economic gains were tempered with concomitant ...
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African urbanisation in the so-called ‘white’ South Africa resulted in economic prosperity and supply industries with relatively cheap labour. But these economic gains were tempered with concomitant political and economic costs. Urban poverty produced by low wages, the state's neglect of urban social services, coupled with disfranchisement and repression, resulted in political and industrial discontent. This chapter examines the contours of this ‘urban problem’ and the failure of existing influx control policies in providing effective solutions. It then assesses the competing solutions by the principal contenders in that solution, the United Party (UP) and the Nationalist Party (NP).Less
African urbanisation in the so-called ‘white’ South Africa resulted in economic prosperity and supply industries with relatively cheap labour. But these economic gains were tempered with concomitant political and economic costs. Urban poverty produced by low wages, the state's neglect of urban social services, coupled with disfranchisement and repression, resulted in political and industrial discontent. This chapter examines the contours of this ‘urban problem’ and the failure of existing influx control policies in providing effective solutions. It then assesses the competing solutions by the principal contenders in that solution, the United Party (UP) and the Nationalist Party (NP).
Christopher Norton
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719059032
- eISBN:
- 9781781706763
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719059032.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the ...
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This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the nationalist vote. The decision by the IALP not to contest the nationalist held seats of Mid Ulster and Fermanagh & South Tyrone and to leave Sinn Féin as the only anti-partition challengers is shown to have been a major political and tactical blunder. The chapter argues that while Sinn Féin’s success in taking the seats led some within the IALP to retreated to traditional positions other liberal-left and moderate elements within constitutional nationalism took the opportunity to push for a renewed and united nationalist party. The failure of the new Nationalist Party to integrate the existing left-nationalist parties, its failure to take on board the significance of the revived electoral fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1958, and the decision to again concede winnable Westminster parliamentary seats to Sinn Féin in 1959, are all identified as being symptomatic of a party whose strategy was becoming increasingly redundant.Less
This chapter deals with the demise of the IAPL in a period which witnessed the revival of IRA militarism and the rise of republican parties - Sinn Féin and Fianna Uladh - as competitors for the nationalist vote. The decision by the IALP not to contest the nationalist held seats of Mid Ulster and Fermanagh & South Tyrone and to leave Sinn Féin as the only anti-partition challengers is shown to have been a major political and tactical blunder. The chapter argues that while Sinn Féin’s success in taking the seats led some within the IALP to retreated to traditional positions other liberal-left and moderate elements within constitutional nationalism took the opportunity to push for a renewed and united nationalist party. The failure of the new Nationalist Party to integrate the existing left-nationalist parties, its failure to take on board the significance of the revived electoral fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party in 1958, and the decision to again concede winnable Westminster parliamentary seats to Sinn Féin in 1959, are all identified as being symptomatic of a party whose strategy was becoming increasingly redundant.
Jagannath Prasad Misra
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199463756
- eISBN:
- 9780199086405
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199463756.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s disagreement with the Indian National Congress over the Communal Award. Discussions with Congress leaders in the early months of 1934 convinced Mahatma ...
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This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s disagreement with the Indian National Congress over the Communal Award. Discussions with Congress leaders in the early months of 1934 convinced Mahatma Gandhi that the country was fatigued and in no mood to continue the civil disobedience movement. According to his advice, the Congress Working Committee suspended the Civil Disobedience campaign in 1934. This chapter considers the revival of the Swaraj Party, Malaviya’s decision to form the Congress Nationalist Party, and the party’s relations with the Indian National Congress. It also explores Malaviya’s links with the Hindu Mahasabha, his ouster from the management of the English newspaper Hindustan Times, and his estrangement from the Hindu Mahasabha.Less
This chapter examines Madan Mohan Malaviya’s disagreement with the Indian National Congress over the Communal Award. Discussions with Congress leaders in the early months of 1934 convinced Mahatma Gandhi that the country was fatigued and in no mood to continue the civil disobedience movement. According to his advice, the Congress Working Committee suspended the Civil Disobedience campaign in 1934. This chapter considers the revival of the Swaraj Party, Malaviya’s decision to form the Congress Nationalist Party, and the party’s relations with the Indian National Congress. It also explores Malaviya’s links with the Hindu Mahasabha, his ouster from the management of the English newspaper Hindustan Times, and his estrangement from the Hindu Mahasabha.
Margherita Zanasi
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226978734
- eISBN:
- 9780226978741
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226978741.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
Economic modernity is so closely associated with nationhood that it is impossible to imagine a modern state without an equally modern economy. Even so, most people would have difficulty defining a ...
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Economic modernity is so closely associated with nationhood that it is impossible to imagine a modern state without an equally modern economy. Even so, most people would have difficulty defining a modern economy and its connection to nationhood. This book explores this connection by examining the first nation-building attempt in China after the fall of the empire in 1911. Challenging the assumption that nations are products of technological and socioeconomic forces, the book argues that it was notions of what constituted a modern nation that led the Nationalist nation-builders to shape China's institutions and economy. In their reform effort, they confronted several questions: What characterized a modern economy? What role would a modern economy play in the overall nation-building effort? And how could China pursue economic modernization while maintaining its distinctive identity? The book shows how these questions were negotiated and contested within the Nationalist Party. Silenced in the Mao years, these dilemmas are reemerging today as a new leadership once again redefines the economic foundation of the nation.Less
Economic modernity is so closely associated with nationhood that it is impossible to imagine a modern state without an equally modern economy. Even so, most people would have difficulty defining a modern economy and its connection to nationhood. This book explores this connection by examining the first nation-building attempt in China after the fall of the empire in 1911. Challenging the assumption that nations are products of technological and socioeconomic forces, the book argues that it was notions of what constituted a modern nation that led the Nationalist nation-builders to shape China's institutions and economy. In their reform effort, they confronted several questions: What characterized a modern economy? What role would a modern economy play in the overall nation-building effort? And how could China pursue economic modernization while maintaining its distinctive identity? The book shows how these questions were negotiated and contested within the Nationalist Party. Silenced in the Mao years, these dilemmas are reemerging today as a new leadership once again redefines the economic foundation of the nation.
Ernest P. Young
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199924622
- eISBN:
- 9780199332908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199924622.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion, World Modern History
During the radicalism of the mid-1920s in China, Costantini advocated an accommodation of the church with Chinese nationalism. As a new national government was formed in 1928 by the Nationalist Party ...
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During the radicalism of the mid-1920s in China, Costantini advocated an accommodation of the church with Chinese nationalism. As a new national government was formed in 1928 by the Nationalist Party (Guomindang), Costantini established cordial relations with it. However, the opposition of the French government and substantial numbers of missionary bishops to the new policies continued. As support from Rome weakened, Costantini left China in 1933 feeling his goals had not been achieved. Lebbe, who had returned to China in 1927 to serve under a Chinese bishop, joined the war effort against Japan in the 1930s. He was detained for a few weeks by Communist forces in 1940, just before his death from illness. After the war, France negotiated the end of its unequal treaties with China. The French Religious Protectorate formally ended in 1946. The Vatican stepped in to reorganize its church in China, but the time was too short and the steps too hesitant to effect indigenization before the Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949.Less
During the radicalism of the mid-1920s in China, Costantini advocated an accommodation of the church with Chinese nationalism. As a new national government was formed in 1928 by the Nationalist Party (Guomindang), Costantini established cordial relations with it. However, the opposition of the French government and substantial numbers of missionary bishops to the new policies continued. As support from Rome weakened, Costantini left China in 1933 feeling his goals had not been achieved. Lebbe, who had returned to China in 1927 to serve under a Chinese bishop, joined the war effort against Japan in the 1930s. He was detained for a few weeks by Communist forces in 1940, just before his death from illness. After the war, France negotiated the end of its unequal treaties with China. The French Religious Protectorate formally ended in 1946. The Vatican stepped in to reorganize its church in China, but the time was too short and the steps too hesitant to effect indigenization before the Chinese Communist Party came to power in 1949.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758642
- eISBN:
- 9780804763158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758642.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the supporters of religious parties in Turkey. It highlights the inconsistency of voters' characteristics with models which assume that religious parties can be understood as ...
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This chapter examines the supporters of religious parties in Turkey. It highlights the inconsistency of voters' characteristics with models which assume that religious parties can be understood as battlegrounds of a secular-religious conflict. The chapter explains that the supporters of the Nationalist Action Party, the National View Party, and the Justice and Development Party do not universally support political projects derived from Islam, and do not tightly cluster around certain religious values.Less
This chapter examines the supporters of religious parties in Turkey. It highlights the inconsistency of voters' characteristics with models which assume that religious parties can be understood as battlegrounds of a secular-religious conflict. The chapter explains that the supporters of the Nationalist Action Party, the National View Party, and the Justice and Development Party do not universally support political projects derived from Islam, and do not tightly cluster around certain religious values.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The legislative foundations of the influx control policy during the first phase of Apartheid were laid during the Nationalist government's first term of office, between 1948 and 1953. This chapter ...
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The legislative foundations of the influx control policy during the first phase of Apartheid were laid during the Nationalist government's first term of office, between 1948 and 1953. This chapter examines the substance and passage of the Native Laws Amendment Bill and the Urban Areas Amendment Bill. It considers the relationship between the 1952 influx control legislation and each of the twin prongs of the Native Affairs Department's influx control strategy — the labour canalisation programme and the plan to curb African urbanisation — in turn. In each case, it is shown that the political powers of various capitalist interest, African resistance, and white parliamentary opposition to the Nationalist Party, played major roles in determining the extent to which the NAD's objectives gained the status of law.Less
The legislative foundations of the influx control policy during the first phase of Apartheid were laid during the Nationalist government's first term of office, between 1948 and 1953. This chapter examines the substance and passage of the Native Laws Amendment Bill and the Urban Areas Amendment Bill. It considers the relationship between the 1952 influx control legislation and each of the twin prongs of the Native Affairs Department's influx control strategy — the labour canalisation programme and the plan to curb African urbanisation — in turn. In each case, it is shown that the political powers of various capitalist interest, African resistance, and white parliamentary opposition to the Nationalist Party, played major roles in determining the extent to which the NAD's objectives gained the status of law.
Françoise Mengin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190264055
- eISBN:
- 9780190492212
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190264055.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the specificity of the partition of China and the conditions surrounding the birth of a Taiwanese entrepreneurship in the early years of the Republic of China’s exile on the ...
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This chapter examines the specificity of the partition of China and the conditions surrounding the birth of a Taiwanese entrepreneurship in the early years of the Republic of China’s exile on the island. The Taiwanese post-1949 trajectory is understood in terms of a Nationalist and anti-capitalist counter-revolution. Continued confrontation with the Communist rival led to the establishment of both a war economy and a colonial regime with the monopolization by the state of most of the island’s resources. This resulted in a double fragmentation of the productive sector with, on the one hand, private enterprise being made dependent on the state sector and, on the other, a second split between a rentier sector monopolizing the domestic market and an unprotected sector forced to confront the world market. The rentier sector was reserved for the minority of “settlers” – the mainland industrialists who had fled to Taiwan – and to a few Taiwanese collaborators co-opted by the government, while the unprotected sector was filled by the managers of small businesses from the island. Ultimately, Taiwanese entrepreneurship was the contingent product of an openly anti-capitalist ideology.Less
This chapter examines the specificity of the partition of China and the conditions surrounding the birth of a Taiwanese entrepreneurship in the early years of the Republic of China’s exile on the island. The Taiwanese post-1949 trajectory is understood in terms of a Nationalist and anti-capitalist counter-revolution. Continued confrontation with the Communist rival led to the establishment of both a war economy and a colonial regime with the monopolization by the state of most of the island’s resources. This resulted in a double fragmentation of the productive sector with, on the one hand, private enterprise being made dependent on the state sector and, on the other, a second split between a rentier sector monopolizing the domestic market and an unprotected sector forced to confront the world market. The rentier sector was reserved for the minority of “settlers” – the mainland industrialists who had fled to Taiwan – and to a few Taiwanese collaborators co-opted by the government, while the unprotected sector was filled by the managers of small businesses from the island. Ultimately, Taiwanese entrepreneurship was the contingent product of an openly anti-capitalist ideology.
Hy V. Luong
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824833701
- eISBN:
- 9780824870447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824833701.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter analyzes the French response to anticolonial movements. The French undertook quick and strong repressive measures in the aftermath of the Vietnamese Nationalist Party uprising in ...
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This chapter analyzes the French response to anticolonial movements. The French undertook quick and strong repressive measures in the aftermath of the Vietnamese Nationalist Party uprising in February 1930. In Yên-Báy French troops maintained a careful check on the population. They prohibited the movement of wood rafts down the Red River from the highlands and hindered other normal economic activities. As a collective punishment, the defensive bamboo hedges of Son-Duong and many other villages were leveled, exposing the internal landscape, “shamefully” in native perception, to the entire outside world. On a personal level, the repression temporarily traumatized countless villagers and further radicalized many political activists. On the national scale, the Vietnamese Nationalist Party was virtually destroyed within the country; the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) subsequently emerged as an even more powerful anticolonial force and eventually led the indigenous northern population in a violent and successful resistance to colonialism.Less
This chapter analyzes the French response to anticolonial movements. The French undertook quick and strong repressive measures in the aftermath of the Vietnamese Nationalist Party uprising in February 1930. In Yên-Báy French troops maintained a careful check on the population. They prohibited the movement of wood rafts down the Red River from the highlands and hindered other normal economic activities. As a collective punishment, the defensive bamboo hedges of Son-Duong and many other villages were leveled, exposing the internal landscape, “shamefully” in native perception, to the entire outside world. On a personal level, the repression temporarily traumatized countless villagers and further radicalized many political activists. On the national scale, the Vietnamese Nationalist Party was virtually destroyed within the country; the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) subsequently emerged as an even more powerful anticolonial force and eventually led the indigenous northern population in a violent and successful resistance to colonialism.
Sandra Ruiz
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479888740
- eISBN:
- 9781479890705
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479888740.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Chapter 1 begins with Dolores “Lolita” Lebrón Sotomayor and fellow members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party staging an armed assault against the US Congress in 1954. The author analyzes Lebrón’s ...
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Chapter 1 begins with Dolores “Lolita” Lebrón Sotomayor and fellow members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party staging an armed assault against the US Congress in 1954. The author analyzes Lebrón’s actions to expose how she offers death as a way to access subjectivity. She highlights the resilience of the subject who refuses the call to suicide, and instead offers us a recitation for Being. In paying attention to Lebrón’s bodily endurance as evidence of her desire to offer death for the independence of Puerto Rico, the author asserts that as a colonial subject the only thing that she owns upon entry into the world is her death. An understanding of her death drive is linked to Lebrón’s presentation of self, challenging the androgynous view of a female revolutionary. The important aesthetic details of her performance are not antithetical to other markers that claim and seek to trivialize her: beauty queen, mother of the nation, femme fatale, beautiful convoy, and hysterical, suicidal depressive. Lebrón is more than a sacrificing mother, a pathological terrorist, or an accomplice to male leaders; she stages a site through which to dismantle Rican patriarchy and restage death, both imposed and re-created by colonialism.Less
Chapter 1 begins with Dolores “Lolita” Lebrón Sotomayor and fellow members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party staging an armed assault against the US Congress in 1954. The author analyzes Lebrón’s actions to expose how she offers death as a way to access subjectivity. She highlights the resilience of the subject who refuses the call to suicide, and instead offers us a recitation for Being. In paying attention to Lebrón’s bodily endurance as evidence of her desire to offer death for the independence of Puerto Rico, the author asserts that as a colonial subject the only thing that she owns upon entry into the world is her death. An understanding of her death drive is linked to Lebrón’s presentation of self, challenging the androgynous view of a female revolutionary. The important aesthetic details of her performance are not antithetical to other markers that claim and seek to trivialize her: beauty queen, mother of the nation, femme fatale, beautiful convoy, and hysterical, suicidal depressive. Lebrón is more than a sacrificing mother, a pathological terrorist, or an accomplice to male leaders; she stages a site through which to dismantle Rican patriarchy and restage death, both imposed and re-created by colonialism.