Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. ...
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This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. Firstly, that informal groups of states are agents of incremental change. They proliferated in the 1990s out of the increasing demands on the United Nations to adapt to the new security environment of the post-bipolar world, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. Secondly, that informal mechanisms may narrow the operational and participatory gap growing out of the multiple incapacities that prevent the Security Council from formulating an effective response to crisis situations. Informal groups of states may enhance Council governance if they strike a balance between competing demands of inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability. Thirdly, that the post-Cold War era has fostered an environment where the substance of conflict resolution and the process of its legitimation have become increasingly detached. The former tends to be delegated to informal groups or coalition of states, while the Security Council provides the latter. The successful merger of right process and substantive outcome may strengthen the legitimacy of the Council and make actions taken by informal settings more acceptable.Less
This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. Firstly, that informal groups of states are agents of incremental change. They proliferated in the 1990s out of the increasing demands on the United Nations to adapt to the new security environment of the post-bipolar world, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. Secondly, that informal mechanisms may narrow the operational and participatory gap growing out of the multiple incapacities that prevent the Security Council from formulating an effective response to crisis situations. Informal groups of states may enhance Council governance if they strike a balance between competing demands of inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability. Thirdly, that the post-Cold War era has fostered an environment where the substance of conflict resolution and the process of its legitimation have become increasingly detached. The former tends to be delegated to informal groups or coalition of states, while the Security Council provides the latter. The successful merger of right process and substantive outcome may strengthen the legitimacy of the Council and make actions taken by informal settings more acceptable.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, ...
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This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.Less
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is ...
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This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is increasingly being recognized as the key lever of constitutional engineering to be applied in the interests of political accommodation and stability in ethnically divided societies. In this comparative study of democratic design in southern Africa, Andrew Reynolds finds that the decisions about how to constitute representative parliaments have wide-ranging effects on the type of parties and the party system that develops, the nature of executive–legislative relations, and the inclusiveness of both majority and minority interests in the process of governance. While electoral system design is the primary focus of the book, the related constitutional issues of whether to choose a presidential or parliamentary system, and whether to entrench consensual, consociational, or majoritarian government are also discussed. In analysing the experiences of Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, the author presents conclusions that help shed light on the success or failure of democratic design in other fledgling democracies, in both Africa and beyond.Less
This book is one of the series Oxford Studies in Democratization, and examines electoral systems and democratization in southern Africa. The design of electoral systems and executive types is increasingly being recognized as the key lever of constitutional engineering to be applied in the interests of political accommodation and stability in ethnically divided societies. In this comparative study of democratic design in southern Africa, Andrew Reynolds finds that the decisions about how to constitute representative parliaments have wide-ranging effects on the type of parties and the party system that develops, the nature of executive–legislative relations, and the inclusiveness of both majority and minority interests in the process of governance. While electoral system design is the primary focus of the book, the related constitutional issues of whether to choose a presidential or parliamentary system, and whether to entrench consensual, consociational, or majoritarian government are also discussed. In analysing the experiences of Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, the author presents conclusions that help shed light on the success or failure of democratic design in other fledgling democracies, in both Africa and beyond.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This concluding chapter briefly makes a case for democratic optimism, showing that a clear pattern is emerging which suggests that contrary to the predictions of societal breakdown across sub-Saharan ...
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This concluding chapter briefly makes a case for democratic optimism, showing that a clear pattern is emerging which suggests that contrary to the predictions of societal breakdown across sub-Saharan Africa, those countries with institutional mechanisms that create an atmosphere of inclusion are doing better than those that have opted for more exclusionary structures. South Africa and Namibia best exemplify the inclusive typology and have performed well on a number of fronts since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1994 and 1989, respectively. Drawing on these stories, it has become widely accepted that the only realistic solution for settling the problems of the war-torn, divided societies of Africa is the institution of inclusive arrangements. This thesis is discussed, with examples from across Africa, and the question is posed and discussed as to whether elections are nothing more than ethnic and racial censuses in Africa. The chapter ends by briefly looking at inclusion in practice – the nuts and bolts of constitutional design.Less
This concluding chapter briefly makes a case for democratic optimism, showing that a clear pattern is emerging which suggests that contrary to the predictions of societal breakdown across sub-Saharan Africa, those countries with institutional mechanisms that create an atmosphere of inclusion are doing better than those that have opted for more exclusionary structures. South Africa and Namibia best exemplify the inclusive typology and have performed well on a number of fronts since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1994 and 1989, respectively. Drawing on these stories, it has become widely accepted that the only realistic solution for settling the problems of the war-torn, divided societies of Africa is the institution of inclusive arrangements. This thesis is discussed, with examples from across Africa, and the question is posed and discussed as to whether elections are nothing more than ethnic and racial censuses in Africa. The chapter ends by briefly looking at inclusion in practice – the nuts and bolts of constitutional design.
Michael Krennerich
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.003.0037
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Namibia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, ...
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This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Namibia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums or coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1989–1994 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1989–1994 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (none held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1989 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1994; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1989–1998.Less
This chapter on elections and electoral systems in Namibia follows the same format as all the other country chapters in the book. The first section is introductory and contains a historical overview, discussion of the evolution of electoral provisions, an account of the current electoral provisions, and a comment on the electoral statistics. The second section consists of ten tables. These are: 2.1 Dates of National Elections, Referendums, and Coups d’Etat (there have been no referendums or coups d’état); 2.2 Electoral Body 1989–1994 (data on population size, registered voters, and votes cast); 2.3 Abbreviations (abbreviations and full names of political parties and alliances used in tables 2.6, 2.7, and 2.9); 2.4 Electoral Participation of Parties and Alliances 1989–1994 (participation of political parties and alliances in chronological order and including the years and number of contested elections); 2.5 Referendums (none held); 2.6 Elections for Constitutional Assembly 1989 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.7 Parliamentary Elections 1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); 2.8 Composition of Parliament 1994; 2.9 Presidential Elections 1994 (details of registered voters and votes cast nationally and regionally); and 2.10 List of Power Holders 1989–1998.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280385
- eISBN:
- 9780191598852
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280386.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in ...
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This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.Less
This is the first of two ‘stage-setting’ chapters in Part I of the book (Problems of Transitional Truth and Justice in Comparative Perspective, and Human Rights’ Violations under Military rule in Uruguay and Chile). It places the Uruguayan and Chilean cases in a wider context by examining various experiences of truth and justice for past abuses in Latin America and elsewhere. After an introduction, the chapter has two main sections. The first, Truth and Justice in Transitional Periods: An Overview, looks at the cases of France, Germany and Japan at the end of World War II, the collapse of the Salazarismo in Portugal in 1974, the collapse of the Somocismo in Nicaragua in 1979, the collapses of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe (Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Poland, Romania), and the cases of the former Yugoslavia, Bolivia, Spain, the Philippines, Namibia, Uganda, Ethiopia, Sri Lanka, Rwanda, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina, Greece, Paraguay, South Africa. The second section of the chapter, Semi-Restricted, Peaceful Transitions to Democratic Rule: The Cases of Uruguay and Chile, introduces democratization in Uruguay and Chile.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the ...
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This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.Less
This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and ...
More
This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and quantitatively assesses the trajectory of the five case studies along the lines of their political stability, ethnic accommodation, and the long-term prospects for democratic accommodation. In attempting to find useful indicators of the trajectory of democratization in each of the five country case studies, six possible approaches are considered: political violence (the measurement of politically related deaths), economic indicators, political and societal indicators (political rights and civil liberties; media freedom and influence), electoral indicators (turnout; spoilt ballots), and ethnic accommodation (worsening ethnic and interregional relations, as exemplified by Zambia and Malawi; improving ethnic relations, as exemplified by Namibia and South Africa; and ethnic relations with an uncertain trajectory, as exemplified by Zimbabwe). Eight institutional indices of democratization are chosen from these: ethnic accommodation, political violence, economic performance, civil liberties, political rights, free media, electoral turnout, and spoilt ballots. The findings on these indicators for each case study are summarised in a table.Less
This is the first of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book. It qualitatively and quantitatively assesses the trajectory of the five case studies along the lines of their political stability, ethnic accommodation, and the long-term prospects for democratic accommodation. In attempting to find useful indicators of the trajectory of democratization in each of the five country case studies, six possible approaches are considered: political violence (the measurement of politically related deaths), economic indicators, political and societal indicators (political rights and civil liberties; media freedom and influence), electoral indicators (turnout; spoilt ballots), and ethnic accommodation (worsening ethnic and interregional relations, as exemplified by Zambia and Malawi; improving ethnic relations, as exemplified by Namibia and South Africa; and ethnic relations with an uncertain trajectory, as exemplified by Zimbabwe). Eight institutional indices of democratization are chosen from these: ethnic accommodation, political violence, economic performance, civil liberties, political rights, free media, electoral turnout, and spoilt ballots. The findings on these indicators for each case study are summarised in a table.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative ...
More
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.Less
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical ...
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This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.Less
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the last of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as provides qualitative ...
More
This is the last of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as provides qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It deals with the theoretical debate underlying the debate over majoritarian or power-sharing governments in divided societies. The ethos and defining institutional characteristics of five democratic types that have, at some stage, been advocated for use in the new democracies of southern Africa are outlined: three majoritarian (unadulterated, qualified, and integrative) and two power-sharing (consociational, and consensual (integrative)). The five main sections of the chapter are: Majoritarian Democracy (unadulterated and qualified; integrative); Power-Sharing Democracy (consociationalism; integrative consensual power-sharing); The Relevance of Presidentialism; Applying the Types to Fledgling Democracies in Southern Africa; and Prescriptions for Southern Africa.Less
This is the last of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as provides qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It deals with the theoretical debate underlying the debate over majoritarian or power-sharing governments in divided societies. The ethos and defining institutional characteristics of five democratic types that have, at some stage, been advocated for use in the new democracies of southern Africa are outlined: three majoritarian (unadulterated, qualified, and integrative) and two power-sharing (consociational, and consensual (integrative)). The five main sections of the chapter are: Majoritarian Democracy (unadulterated and qualified; integrative); Power-Sharing Democracy (consociationalism; integrative consensual power-sharing); The Relevance of Presidentialism; Applying the Types to Fledgling Democracies in Southern Africa; and Prescriptions for Southern Africa.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter and the previous one (Ch. 5) describe the political histories of the case studies presented in the book, paying particular attention to their democratic transitions, institutional ...
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This chapter and the previous one (Ch. 5) describe the political histories of the case studies presented in the book, paying particular attention to their democratic transitions, institutional choices, and experience of multiparty elections. Together with Ch. 7, they form the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Chs 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 6 describes and analyses elections held under proportional representation (PR) in South Africa and Namibia. For each case study, full numerical results are given, along with an explanation of the electoral system formula and how that system came to be used; also included are summaries of the implications, for both parties and government, of election results, defining aspects of each newly elected parliament, and the election campaign that preceded it; the question of the validity and legitimacy of each published result is also addressed. A re-running exercise is carried out in Ch. 7 that uses the results presented here, and is based on plurality SMD, AV-SMD, and AV-MMD, together with the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.Less
This chapter and the previous one (Ch. 5) describe the political histories of the case studies presented in the book, paying particular attention to their democratic transitions, institutional choices, and experience of multiparty elections. Together with Ch. 7, they form the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Chs 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 6 describes and analyses elections held under proportional representation (PR) in South Africa and Namibia. For each case study, full numerical results are given, along with an explanation of the electoral system formula and how that system came to be used; also included are summaries of the implications, for both parties and government, of election results, defining aspects of each newly elected parliament, and the election campaign that preceded it; the question of the validity and legitimacy of each published result is also addressed. A re-running exercise is carried out in Ch. 7 that uses the results presented here, and is based on plurality SMD, AV-SMD, and AV-MMD, together with the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 ...
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Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 7 deals with the methodology used for an election re-running exercise under alternative electoral systems, presents the results obtained for each of the five country case studies presented in the book, and discusses the practical implications of each set of re-running observations, as well as the positive and negative consequences for stability and representative government; further details of the methods used for crafting districts for re-runs are given in an appendix at the end of the book. The chapter first discusses the importance of re-running evidence, and second, outlines the range of alternative electoral systems used for the re-runnings, justifying their inclusion in the exercise, and addressing the underlying assumptions and methodological objections. Third, results are given of plurality single-member districts (SMD) elections re-run in Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe under the alternative vote in single-member districts (AV-SMD), the alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD), list proportional representation (PR) in regionally defined multi-member districts, and list PR in one national multi-member district. Finally, the results are given of re-running the list PR elections held in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Namibia under plurality SMD, AV-SMD, AV-MMD, and the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.Less
Together with Chs 5 and 6, Ch. 7 forms the historical, empirical, and quantitative heart of the book, providing the foundational evidence against which earlier postulated theories are gauged (Ch 1 and 2), and upon which subsequent comparisons, recommendations, and conclusions are based. Chapter 7 deals with the methodology used for an election re-running exercise under alternative electoral systems, presents the results obtained for each of the five country case studies presented in the book, and discusses the practical implications of each set of re-running observations, as well as the positive and negative consequences for stability and representative government; further details of the methods used for crafting districts for re-runs are given in an appendix at the end of the book. The chapter first discusses the importance of re-running evidence, and second, outlines the range of alternative electoral systems used for the re-runnings, justifying their inclusion in the exercise, and addressing the underlying assumptions and methodological objections. Third, results are given of plurality single-member districts (SMD) elections re-run in Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe under the alternative vote in single-member districts (AV-SMD), the alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD), list proportional representation (PR) in regionally defined multi-member districts, and list PR in one national multi-member district. Finally, the results are given of re-running the list PR elections held in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and Namibia under plurality SMD, AV-SMD, AV-MMD, and the list PR method not utilized in the actual elections.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along ...
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A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.Less
A comparative analysis is given of both actual and simulated election results of the five country case studies (from Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) presented in the book, along a number of dimensions relating to system inclusiveness: party system dynamics, disproportionality, executive formation, and descriptive representation. Chief among the questions addressed are: what determines the index of disproportionality, how representative are comparative parliaments in terms of the presence of women and ethnic minorities, what are the electoral system implications for voter accessibility, does the chosen system alleviate or accentuate entrenched and geographically concentrated party fiefdoms, how competitive or frozen is the party system, is there an electoral system effect on cabinet formation, and does the type of proportional representation (PR) used matter to the final results? The chapter concludes with a detailed discussion of the Horowitz alternative vote in multi-member districts (AV-MMD) proposal across all five case study countries, and an institutional choice-based analysis of the interaction between negotiated transitions to democracy and the type of electoral system chosen for the new democratic constitution. Overall, the chapter demonstrates that in the context of institutional design in southern Africa, PR systems outperform their plurality–majority alternatives in almost all the categories of analysis.
Robert Elgie
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199585984
- eISBN:
- 9780191729003
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585984.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents a set of indicative case studies that illustrate the consequences of the two forms of semi-presidentialism. For both, evidence from cases that appear to confirm the hypothesized ...
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This chapter presents a set of indicative case studies that illustrate the consequences of the two forms of semi-presidentialism. For both, evidence from cases that appear to confirm the hypothesized dynamics of each type of semi-presidentialism is presented first. Then, a number of apparently confounding cases are presented. The chapter begins by examining the dynamics of president-parliamentarism in Russia, Taiwan, Austria, Iceland, and Namibia. The chapter then moves on to an examination of premier-presidentialism in Poland, Congo-Brazzaville, Niger, and Haiti.Less
This chapter presents a set of indicative case studies that illustrate the consequences of the two forms of semi-presidentialism. For both, evidence from cases that appear to confirm the hypothesized dynamics of each type of semi-presidentialism is presented first. Then, a number of apparently confounding cases are presented. The chapter begins by examining the dynamics of president-parliamentarism in Russia, Taiwan, Austria, Iceland, and Namibia. The chapter then moves on to an examination of premier-presidentialism in Poland, Congo-Brazzaville, Niger, and Haiti.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter looks at climax of the 1960s apartheid debate. It focuses on the stakes of a case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that pitted the African Group against Pretoria. Beneath the ...
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This chapter looks at climax of the 1960s apartheid debate. It focuses on the stakes of a case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that pitted the African Group against Pretoria. Beneath the case’s surface—which revolved ostensibly around the question of whether South Africa’s World War I-era Mandate over South West Africa was still legitimate—lay a deeper debate about the meaning of the postcolonial Nation. For both African and Afrikaner nationalists, the court case was a way to legitimize their claims about nationhood—and to force Washington to pick a side in the postcolonial apartheid debate. Although opposed to U.N. action through the General Assembly, U.S. policymakers recognized that America’s status as a “postimperia”’ superpower rested partly on the credibility and authority of the ICJ. In 1966 the Court rejected the African Group’s case against South Africa, dealing African nationalists with a major blow.Less
This chapter looks at climax of the 1960s apartheid debate. It focuses on the stakes of a case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that pitted the African Group against Pretoria. Beneath the case’s surface—which revolved ostensibly around the question of whether South Africa’s World War I-era Mandate over South West Africa was still legitimate—lay a deeper debate about the meaning of the postcolonial Nation. For both African and Afrikaner nationalists, the court case was a way to legitimize their claims about nationhood—and to force Washington to pick a side in the postcolonial apartheid debate. Although opposed to U.N. action through the General Assembly, U.S. policymakers recognized that America’s status as a “postimperia”’ superpower rested partly on the credibility and authority of the ICJ. In 1966 the Court rejected the African Group’s case against South Africa, dealing African nationalists with a major blow.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter is about the consequences of the 1966 ICJ ruling. It begins by outlining the impact of the decision within the African nationalist community. Backed into a corner by impatient liberation ...
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This chapter is about the consequences of the 1966 ICJ ruling. It begins by outlining the impact of the decision within the African nationalist community. Backed into a corner by impatient liberation fighters and apathetic Western policymakers, the African Group responded to its defeat by unilaterally declaring South West Africa independent from South Africa, renaming the territory Namibia, and establishing a government-in-exile in New York. At the same time, within the United Nations, new groups began to reframe the critique against apartheid in non-nationalist terms and reach out to nongovernmental organizations. If the push for sanctions had stalled at the United Nations, it was necessary to lobby Washington at the grassroots level using more flexible discourses of human rights. In response, U.S. officials began to reassess their commitment to racial justice and liberal internationalism, and rollback their confrontational stance toward South Africa. By the end of the Johnson years, the United States had given up its campaign to change the apartheid status quo; all it wanted was to limit the unruliness of postcolonial politics.Less
This chapter is about the consequences of the 1966 ICJ ruling. It begins by outlining the impact of the decision within the African nationalist community. Backed into a corner by impatient liberation fighters and apathetic Western policymakers, the African Group responded to its defeat by unilaterally declaring South West Africa independent from South Africa, renaming the territory Namibia, and establishing a government-in-exile in New York. At the same time, within the United Nations, new groups began to reframe the critique against apartheid in non-nationalist terms and reach out to nongovernmental organizations. If the push for sanctions had stalled at the United Nations, it was necessary to lobby Washington at the grassroots level using more flexible discourses of human rights. In response, U.S. officials began to reassess their commitment to racial justice and liberal internationalism, and rollback their confrontational stance toward South Africa. By the end of the Johnson years, the United States had given up its campaign to change the apartheid status quo; all it wanted was to limit the unruliness of postcolonial politics.
Lars Werdelin and Susanne M. Cote
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520257214
- eISBN:
- 9780520945425
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520257214.003.0027
- Subject:
- Biology, Evolutionary Biology / Genetics
Priongale breviceps is a very small mammal with carnivorous adaptations described by Schmidt-Kittler and Heizmann (1991) on the basis of fragmentary craniodental material from a number of early ...
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Priongale breviceps is a very small mammal with carnivorous adaptations described by Schmidt-Kittler and Heizmann (1991) on the basis of fragmentary craniodental material from a number of early Miocene localities in Kenya and Uganda. The dental homologies as reconstructed are unique among mammals, and therefore the taxon is placed in Mammalia incerta sedis. It has recently been accompanied in the family Prionogalidae by Namasector soriae, from Namibia and the family was suggested to belong in the Creodonta. This chapter describes the systematic paleontology of Prionogalidae (Mammalia incertae sedis).Less
Priongale breviceps is a very small mammal with carnivorous adaptations described by Schmidt-Kittler and Heizmann (1991) on the basis of fragmentary craniodental material from a number of early Miocene localities in Kenya and Uganda. The dental homologies as reconstructed are unique among mammals, and therefore the taxon is placed in Mammalia incerta sedis. It has recently been accompanied in the family Prionogalidae by Namasector soriae, from Namibia and the family was suggested to belong in the Creodonta. This chapter describes the systematic paleontology of Prionogalidae (Mammalia incertae sedis).
Marco Fontani, Mariagrazia Costa, and Mary Virginia Orna
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780199383344
- eISBN:
- 9780197562963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199383344.003.0018
- Subject:
- Chemistry, History of Chemistry
Pyotr Nikolaevich Chirvinsky (1880–1955), the eminent Russian geologist, is best known as the founder of the science of meteorology. In the 1920s, ...
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Pyotr Nikolaevich Chirvinsky (1880–1955), the eminent Russian geologist, is best known as the founder of the science of meteorology. In the 1920s, Chirvinsky became the director of the Donskoi Polytechnic at Novochercassk. He spent a great deal of time as a consultant for the mines scattered throughout the Russian empire: along the Donets Basin, on the Kola and Crimean peninsulas, on the northeastern slopes of the Caucasus, and in the enormously rich mineral deposits of the Urals. His major objective in this work was to establish connections between the chemical composition of terrestrial minerals and meteorites by studying the quantity of a mineral present in a given sample of rock and the physicochemical conditions leading to its formation. He insisted that meteorites be considered legitimate objects of study in petrology, and because they had been formed in heavenly bodies and not on earth, they might provide clues regarding the formation of elements from primal material. Chirvinsky had predecessors in this way of thinking, as we shall see. The concept of prime matter is very old, coming before the definition of a chemical element, but connected to the idea of the elements. Raymond Lull (ca. 1235–1315), in his book, De Materia, defined the concept of prime matter as an element in potentia in all possible substances. The idea was very acceptable to many alchemists up until the end of the 19th century. In 1800, Jakob Joseph Winterl (1732?–1809) was a famous physician and professor at the University of Nagyszombat, in present-day Hungary. He developed a vitalistic and dualistic concept that was, from a certain point of view, anti-Enlightenment, according to which all of the chemical elements would have originated from two immaterial principles: one male, andronia, and the other female, thelyke. Although Winterl’s speculations may have been based on doubtful or misinterpreted experimental evidence, many German chemists accepted his theory. The physicist Heinrich Pfaff (1773–1852) embraced Winterl’s theory with enthusiasm, as did the pharmacist Johann Friedrich Westrumb (1751–1819) who propagated the concepts of thelyke and andronia. The first problems occurred when Winterl was unsuccessful in experimentally proving his theory.
Less
Pyotr Nikolaevich Chirvinsky (1880–1955), the eminent Russian geologist, is best known as the founder of the science of meteorology. In the 1920s, Chirvinsky became the director of the Donskoi Polytechnic at Novochercassk. He spent a great deal of time as a consultant for the mines scattered throughout the Russian empire: along the Donets Basin, on the Kola and Crimean peninsulas, on the northeastern slopes of the Caucasus, and in the enormously rich mineral deposits of the Urals. His major objective in this work was to establish connections between the chemical composition of terrestrial minerals and meteorites by studying the quantity of a mineral present in a given sample of rock and the physicochemical conditions leading to its formation. He insisted that meteorites be considered legitimate objects of study in petrology, and because they had been formed in heavenly bodies and not on earth, they might provide clues regarding the formation of elements from primal material. Chirvinsky had predecessors in this way of thinking, as we shall see. The concept of prime matter is very old, coming before the definition of a chemical element, but connected to the idea of the elements. Raymond Lull (ca. 1235–1315), in his book, De Materia, defined the concept of prime matter as an element in potentia in all possible substances. The idea was very acceptable to many alchemists up until the end of the 19th century. In 1800, Jakob Joseph Winterl (1732?–1809) was a famous physician and professor at the University of Nagyszombat, in present-day Hungary. He developed a vitalistic and dualistic concept that was, from a certain point of view, anti-Enlightenment, according to which all of the chemical elements would have originated from two immaterial principles: one male, andronia, and the other female, thelyke. Although Winterl’s speculations may have been based on doubtful or misinterpreted experimental evidence, many German chemists accepted his theory. The physicist Heinrich Pfaff (1773–1852) embraced Winterl’s theory with enthusiasm, as did the pharmacist Johann Friedrich Westrumb (1751–1819) who propagated the concepts of thelyke and andronia. The first problems occurred when Winterl was unsuccessful in experimentally proving his theory.
Klaus Dierks
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195102017
- eISBN:
- 9780199854936
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195102017.003.0014
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Information Technology
Namibia's telecommunications industry is one of the most advanced sectors among the African countries, since the optimization of communication technology is the primary concern of Nambia's ...
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Namibia's telecommunications industry is one of the most advanced sectors among the African countries, since the optimization of communication technology is the primary concern of Nambia's administration. The development of technical knowledge and skills must go hand in hand with organizational restructuring through the commercialization of the old Department of Posts and Telecommunications under the propositions of the Ministry of Works, Transport and Communications. Such activities aim to devise a new economic paradigm through the deregulation of specific functions of the state and the encouragement of business ventures, which foster international competitiveness and exposure. Along with the remarkable success of telecom Namibia in the area of data encoding and transmission the avoidance of cross-subsidization and the fulfillment of social obligations are important.Less
Namibia's telecommunications industry is one of the most advanced sectors among the African countries, since the optimization of communication technology is the primary concern of Nambia's administration. The development of technical knowledge and skills must go hand in hand with organizational restructuring through the commercialization of the old Department of Posts and Telecommunications under the propositions of the Ministry of Works, Transport and Communications. Such activities aim to devise a new economic paradigm through the deregulation of specific functions of the state and the encouragement of business ventures, which foster international competitiveness and exposure. Along with the remarkable success of telecom Namibia in the area of data encoding and transmission the avoidance of cross-subsidization and the fulfillment of social obligations are important.
