Richard Youngs
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199274468
- eISBN:
- 9780191602030
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274460.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book adds to debates on the international dimensions of democratisation by exploring the politics and actions of Western governments, multinational companies, and non-profit organisations ...
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This book adds to debates on the international dimensions of democratisation by exploring the politics and actions of Western governments, multinational companies, and non-profit organisations (NGOs). It finds that governments, businesses and NGOs all show increased concern for democratic trends, but their strategies are beset by uncertainty and ambivalence.Less
This book adds to debates on the international dimensions of democratisation by exploring the politics and actions of Western governments, multinational companies, and non-profit organisations (NGOs). It finds that governments, businesses and NGOs all show increased concern for democratic trends, but their strategies are beset by uncertainty and ambivalence.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The draft proposals for the United Nations Charter that emerged from Dumbarton Oaks allowed only for one brief mention of human rights. The final version agreed at San Francisco gave human rights a ...
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The draft proposals for the United Nations Charter that emerged from Dumbarton Oaks allowed only for one brief mention of human rights. The final version agreed at San Francisco gave human rights a much higher profile. Why did this change take place? There is a substantial body of literature that accounts for it exclusively in terms of the activities of the US Consultants (representatives of NGOs), attached to the US Delegation. However, the role of Latin American states, as well as of the Soviet Union, needs to be remembered. The chapter draws attention to the problems surrounding the heroic role of the US consultants. It traces the evolution of thinking about human rights during the war years, culminating in the attendance of some 1,200 representatives of NGOs at the San Francisco conference. There is no doubt, therefore, that state officials were conscious of wide public expectations on the human rights front. Since popular support for the UN would be vital to its future effectiveness, respect for human rights can be seen as a kind of ‘social wage’ in return. This gave the individual a new standing in international society and international law.Less
The draft proposals for the United Nations Charter that emerged from Dumbarton Oaks allowed only for one brief mention of human rights. The final version agreed at San Francisco gave human rights a much higher profile. Why did this change take place? There is a substantial body of literature that accounts for it exclusively in terms of the activities of the US Consultants (representatives of NGOs), attached to the US Delegation. However, the role of Latin American states, as well as of the Soviet Union, needs to be remembered. The chapter draws attention to the problems surrounding the heroic role of the US consultants. It traces the evolution of thinking about human rights during the war years, culminating in the attendance of some 1,200 representatives of NGOs at the San Francisco conference. There is no doubt, therefore, that state officials were conscious of wide public expectations on the human rights front. Since popular support for the UN would be vital to its future effectiveness, respect for human rights can be seen as a kind of ‘social wage’ in return. This gave the individual a new standing in international society and international law.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Although international administrators wield enormous power, they are not directly accountable to the populations over which they rule. Strictly speaking, a transitional administrator is accountable ...
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Although international administrators wield enormous power, they are not directly accountable to the populations over which they rule. Strictly speaking, a transitional administrator is accountable to the international body that appoints him or her. The lack of transparency is one way in which the issue of accountability manifests itself: key decisions may be taken by international authorities without sufficient public explanation offered for the reasoning behind them, creating the impression of arbitrary rule. Limited accountability does not, however, mean the total absence of mechanisms for local scrutiny. Discusses what mechanisms exist to help ensure that international authority is exercised on behalf of, and for the benefit of, the local population. Are these mechanisms adequate and, if not, how can accountability be strengthened?Less
Although international administrators wield enormous power, they are not directly accountable to the populations over which they rule. Strictly speaking, a transitional administrator is accountable to the international body that appoints him or her. The lack of transparency is one way in which the issue of accountability manifests itself: key decisions may be taken by international authorities without sufficient public explanation offered for the reasoning behind them, creating the impression of arbitrary rule. Limited accountability does not, however, mean the total absence of mechanisms for local scrutiny. Discusses what mechanisms exist to help ensure that international authority is exercised on behalf of, and for the benefit of, the local population. Are these mechanisms adequate and, if not, how can accountability be strengthened?
Maria Kousis
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199252060
- eISBN:
- 9780191601064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252068.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental ...
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Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental claims, and the prominence of nature conservation, pollution, urban, and industrial claims made by both formal and informal environmental groups. Claims involving the health effects of environmental degradation declined, due to a steeper reduction in the reported incidence of grassroots environmental activism. In general, there was limited variation in the tactics used, with conventional protest predominating, followed by confrontation and demonstrations, and rarely by violence. Community activists tended to opt more often for confrontational or violent actions than did formal NGOs. The observed patterns are influenced by the changing political and economic opportunity structure associated with economic liberalization, the pattern of newspaper coverage, and the organization of social space.Less
Analysis of 579 environmental protest events in Greece, reported in Eleftherotypia during 1988–97, showed an uneven decline of protest during the decade, an overrepresentation of urban environmental claims, and the prominence of nature conservation, pollution, urban, and industrial claims made by both formal and informal environmental groups. Claims involving the health effects of environmental degradation declined, due to a steeper reduction in the reported incidence of grassroots environmental activism. In general, there was limited variation in the tactics used, with conventional protest predominating, followed by confrontation and demonstrations, and rarely by violence. Community activists tended to opt more often for confrontational or violent actions than did formal NGOs. The observed patterns are influenced by the changing political and economic opportunity structure associated with economic liberalization, the pattern of newspaper coverage, and the organization of social space.
Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester, and Monique Segarra (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Almost all agree that political systems in Latin America underwent a transformation in the 1980s. The usual quick description of this change was ‘democratization’. But whether one takes an optimistic ...
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Almost all agree that political systems in Latin America underwent a transformation in the 1980s. The usual quick description of this change was ‘democratization’. But whether one takes an optimistic or a pessimistic view of the level of democracy that was achieved, one thing was sure—the traditional forms of participation by, and representation of, the poor, the working population, and others structurally disadvantaged had changed. The chapters examine the labour organizations, political parties, indigenous and environmental groups that have emerged, sometimes amidst new forms of violence. Others recount efforts to rebuild social–democratic projects and to create new models of participatory politics in municipalities and around social programmes. There is no consensus on whether these new forms will produce more democracy. Rather, the chapters present a variety of conceptual tools to identify trends and assess their impact.Less
Almost all agree that political systems in Latin America underwent a transformation in the 1980s. The usual quick description of this change was ‘democratization’. But whether one takes an optimistic or a pessimistic view of the level of democracy that was achieved, one thing was sure—the traditional forms of participation by, and representation of, the poor, the working population, and others structurally disadvantaged had changed. The chapters examine the labour organizations, political parties, indigenous and environmental groups that have emerged, sometimes amidst new forms of violence. Others recount efforts to rebuild social–democratic projects and to create new models of participatory politics in municipalities and around social programmes. There is no consensus on whether these new forms will produce more democracy. Rather, the chapters present a variety of conceptual tools to identify trends and assess their impact.
STEPHEN WELCH and CAROLINE KENNEDY-PIPE
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199259250
- eISBN:
- 9780191600968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199259259.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Stephen Welch and Caroline Kennedy‐Pipe consider the relevance of multi‐level governance to developments in international relations (IR). In doing so, they provide a synoptic review of five issue ...
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Stephen Welch and Caroline Kennedy‐Pipe consider the relevance of multi‐level governance to developments in international relations (IR). In doing so, they provide a synoptic review of five issue areas in IR, where multi‐level governance might be thought likely to arise, before coming to an assessment of the utility of the concept in this field. The areas discussed are the international system, the role of supranational organizations, international civil society, international civic norms, and transnational threats and risks.Less
Stephen Welch and Caroline Kennedy‐Pipe consider the relevance of multi‐level governance to developments in international relations (IR). In doing so, they provide a synoptic review of five issue areas in IR, where multi‐level governance might be thought likely to arise, before coming to an assessment of the utility of the concept in this field. The areas discussed are the international system, the role of supranational organizations, international civil society, international civic norms, and transnational threats and risks.
Stuart Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195380651
- eISBN:
- 9780199869312
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195380651.003.10011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
ASA's origins can be dated to 1978 when a group of young NGO workers in Bangladesh, led by Shafiqual Haque Choudhury, pledged to develop a new sort of NGO. Its aims would be to eliminate poverty and ...
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ASA's origins can be dated to 1978 when a group of young NGO workers in Bangladesh, led by Shafiqual Haque Choudhury, pledged to develop a new sort of NGO. Its aims would be to eliminate poverty and injustice, and its role would be to spark a peasant movement eventually leading to a peasant-led democratic government for the new country.Less
ASA's origins can be dated to 1978 when a group of young NGO workers in Bangladesh, led by Shafiqual Haque Choudhury, pledged to develop a new sort of NGO. Its aims would be to eliminate poverty and injustice, and its role would be to spark a peasant movement eventually leading to a peasant-led democratic government for the new country.
María Lorena Cook
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ ...
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Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.Less
Explores a novel and unexpected by‐product of the process of negotiating the North American Free Trade Agreement—a network of North American labour, environmental, human rights, and other citizens’ organizations using international alliances to modify the agreement and to contest what was widely viewed as an anti‐popular and exclusionary process. While economic integration between the US and Mexico had been taking place for some time, the author argues that it was the formal recognition of this process through the NAFTA agreement that facilitated transnational political action by non‐state actors. Even though economic globalization and neo‐liberalism may be considered by some to undermine popular organizations, formal recognition of North American economic integration paradoxically produced a ‘transnational political arena’ linking the US, Mexico, and Canada. Well beyond the period and issues of the formal debate about the treaty itself, this transnational arena has expanded the resources available to non‐governmental groups, increased their leverage in domestic political arena, and broadened their strategic options.
Kathryn Hochstetler
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian ...
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Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian environmental movement in the 1980s, as they themselves perceive it and through its impact on Brazilian politics, shows how the myriad groups went through different combinations of four important political roles. Although with less impact on the first of these—state transformation (the usual focus of analysis)—the environmental groups showed significant activity in other roles: representation of popular interests, cultural politics, and action in the informal polity.Less
Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian environmental movement in the 1980s, as they themselves perceive it and through its impact on Brazilian politics, shows how the myriad groups went through different combinations of four important political roles. Although with less impact on the first of these—state transformation (the usual focus of analysis)—the environmental groups showed significant activity in other roles: representation of popular interests, cultural politics, and action in the informal polity.
Maanuel Hassassian
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to develop in Palestine after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but only a few of these can be considered peace and ...
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Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to develop in Palestine after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but only a few of these can be considered peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CRO growth was hindered by the culture of antagonism with Israel, the neopatriarchal structure of Palestinian society and the autocracy of the Palestinian Authority, and the Israeli occupation's stifling effect on civil society, and many Palestinians have preferred armed resistance. P/CROs were usually internally democratic; ideology played an important role in success or failure, most relied on international funding, and all either regarded themselves as complementing the Palestinian Authority or monitoring it. P/CRO activities included human rights advocacy, the representation of Palestinian interests to the international community, and domestic consciousness raising. However, the P/CRO contribution to peace building has been insignificant, and the true Palestinian “peace camp” is the Palestinian Authority.Less
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) began to develop in Palestine after the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, but only a few of these can be considered peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs). P/CRO growth was hindered by the culture of antagonism with Israel, the neopatriarchal structure of Palestinian society and the autocracy of the Palestinian Authority, and the Israeli occupation's stifling effect on civil society, and many Palestinians have preferred armed resistance. P/CROs were usually internally democratic; ideology played an important role in success or failure, most relied on international funding, and all either regarded themselves as complementing the Palestinian Authority or monitoring it. P/CRO activities included human rights advocacy, the representation of Palestinian interests to the international community, and domestic consciousness raising. However, the P/CRO contribution to peace building has been insignificant, and the true Palestinian “peace camp” is the Palestinian Authority.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that ...
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Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was unprepared to deal with the refugee crisis in Kosovo, and that its ability to coordinate the humanitarian response was hampered by lack of funding and coordination, proliferation of NGOs in the field funded directly by their governments and complex relations with the military. Part 2 of the chapter analyses the relationship between the media on one side and NATO, Yugoslav government, and NGOs on the other side. The second part of the chapter concludes by encouraging development of free press and mass media in post‐war Kosovo.Less
Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was unprepared to deal with the refugee crisis in Kosovo, and that its ability to coordinate the humanitarian response was hampered by lack of funding and coordination, proliferation of NGOs in the field funded directly by their governments and complex relations with the military. Part 2 of the chapter analyses the relationship between the media on one side and NATO, Yugoslav government, and NGOs on the other side. The second part of the chapter concludes by encouraging development of free press and mass media in post‐war Kosovo.
T.V. Paul and Norrin Ripsman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the past two decades, many have posited a correlation between the spread of globalization and the decline of the nation-state. In the realm of national security, advocates of the globalization ...
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In the past two decades, many have posited a correlation between the spread of globalization and the decline of the nation-state. In the realm of national security, advocates of the globalization thesis have argued that states' power has diminished relative to transnational governmental institutions, NGOs, and transnational capitalism. Initially, they pointed to declines in both global military spending (which has risen dramatically in recent years) and interstate war. But are these trends really indicative of the decline of nation-state's role as a guarantor of national security? This book tests the proposition against the available evidence and finds that the globalization school has largely got it wrong. The decline in interstate warfare can largely be attributed to the end of the Cold War, not globalization. Moreover, great powers (the US, China, and Russia) continue to pursue traditional nation-state strategies. Regional security arrangements like the EU and ASEAN have not achieved much, and weak states — the ones most impacted by the turmoil generated by globalization — are far more traditional in their approaches to national security, preferring to rely on their own resources rather than those of regional and transnational institutions.Less
In the past two decades, many have posited a correlation between the spread of globalization and the decline of the nation-state. In the realm of national security, advocates of the globalization thesis have argued that states' power has diminished relative to transnational governmental institutions, NGOs, and transnational capitalism. Initially, they pointed to declines in both global military spending (which has risen dramatically in recent years) and interstate war. But are these trends really indicative of the decline of nation-state's role as a guarantor of national security? This book tests the proposition against the available evidence and finds that the globalization school has largely got it wrong. The decline in interstate warfare can largely be attributed to the end of the Cold War, not globalization. Moreover, great powers (the US, China, and Russia) continue to pursue traditional nation-state strategies. Regional security arrangements like the EU and ASEAN have not achieved much, and weak states — the ones most impacted by the turmoil generated by globalization — are far more traditional in their approaches to national security, preferring to rely on their own resources rather than those of regional and transnational institutions.
Christel Lane and Jocelyn Probert
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199214815
- eISBN:
- 9780191721779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214815.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Political Economy
This chapter starts by examining the labour standards and rights which exist in low-wage supplier countries and the role played by national institutions — particularly the state and unions, but also ...
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This chapter starts by examining the labour standards and rights which exist in low-wage supplier countries and the role played by national institutions — particularly the state and unions, but also firms — in either strengthening or, more often, undermining them. The analysis focuses on the shortcomings of existing regulatory regimes in three sourcing countries: China, Mexico, and Turkey. The chapter additionally reviews the regulatory regimes adopted under initiatives by inter-governmental organizations, firms, industry associations, unions, and NGOs, singly or in transnational advocacy networks, to improve labour rights and standards in supplier countries and firms. It shows that because western firms' sourcing practices are complicit in causing the poor labour standards suppliers adopt, implementation and monitoring of the observance of labour standards and rights are highly problematic. Finally, the chapter indicates what kind of international regulatory regime might be effective in the future.Less
This chapter starts by examining the labour standards and rights which exist in low-wage supplier countries and the role played by national institutions — particularly the state and unions, but also firms — in either strengthening or, more often, undermining them. The analysis focuses on the shortcomings of existing regulatory regimes in three sourcing countries: China, Mexico, and Turkey. The chapter additionally reviews the regulatory regimes adopted under initiatives by inter-governmental organizations, firms, industry associations, unions, and NGOs, singly or in transnational advocacy networks, to improve labour rights and standards in supplier countries and firms. It shows that because western firms' sourcing practices are complicit in causing the poor labour standards suppliers adopt, implementation and monitoring of the observance of labour standards and rights are highly problematic. Finally, the chapter indicates what kind of international regulatory regime might be effective in the future.
Judith G. Kelley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152776
- eISBN:
- 9781400842520
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152776.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In recent decades, governments and NGOs—in an effort to promote democracy, freedom, fairness, and stability throughout the world—have organized teams of observers to monitor elections in a variety of ...
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In recent decades, governments and NGOs—in an effort to promote democracy, freedom, fairness, and stability throughout the world—have organized teams of observers to monitor elections in a variety of countries. But when more organizations join the practice without uniform standards, are assessments reliable? When politicians nonetheless cheat and monitors must return to countries even after two decades of engagement, what is accomplished? This book argues that the practice of international election monitoring is broken, but still worth fixing. By analyzing the evolving interaction between domestic and international politics, the book refutes prevailing arguments that international efforts cannot curb government behavior and that democratization is entirely a domestic process. Yet, the book also shows that democracy promotion efforts are deficient and that outside actors often have no power and sometimes even do harm. Analyzing original data on over 600 monitoring missions and 1,300 elections, the book grounds its investigation in solid historical context as well as studies of long-term developments over several elections in fifteen countries. It pinpoints the weaknesses of international election monitoring and looks at how practitioners and policymakers might help to improve them.Less
In recent decades, governments and NGOs—in an effort to promote democracy, freedom, fairness, and stability throughout the world—have organized teams of observers to monitor elections in a variety of countries. But when more organizations join the practice without uniform standards, are assessments reliable? When politicians nonetheless cheat and monitors must return to countries even after two decades of engagement, what is accomplished? This book argues that the practice of international election monitoring is broken, but still worth fixing. By analyzing the evolving interaction between domestic and international politics, the book refutes prevailing arguments that international efforts cannot curb government behavior and that democratization is entirely a domestic process. Yet, the book also shows that democracy promotion efforts are deficient and that outside actors often have no power and sometimes even do harm. Analyzing original data on over 600 monitoring missions and 1,300 elections, the book grounds its investigation in solid historical context as well as studies of long-term developments over several elections in fifteen countries. It pinpoints the weaknesses of international election monitoring and looks at how practitioners and policymakers might help to improve them.
Geoffrey Blest
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206996
- eISBN:
- 9780191677427
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206996.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter discusses the three world wars (counting that of 1792–1815 as the first) and the extraordinary political circumstances that have accompanied them. It notes that this chapter is to some ...
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This chapter discusses the three world wars (counting that of 1792–1815 as the first) and the extraordinary political circumstances that have accompanied them. It notes that this chapter is to some extent a revision, and at the same time a distillation, of the earlier book which the author of this book wrote fourteen years ago in 1980, titled Humanity in Warfare. It describes how the law of war, as a development within European history and Atlantic civilization from the later seventeenth century to the turn of the twentieth century, has every appearance of a success story. It further explains that war remains a respected and necessary element of international relations, but its risks are increasingly well realized and attempts to avoid it often succeeds. It explains that civilian populations seem to suffer proportionately less than previously and political science recognizes the International Committee of the Red Cross as the grandest of the pioneer NGOs.Less
This chapter discusses the three world wars (counting that of 1792–1815 as the first) and the extraordinary political circumstances that have accompanied them. It notes that this chapter is to some extent a revision, and at the same time a distillation, of the earlier book which the author of this book wrote fourteen years ago in 1980, titled Humanity in Warfare. It describes how the law of war, as a development within European history and Atlantic civilization from the later seventeenth century to the turn of the twentieth century, has every appearance of a success story. It further explains that war remains a respected and necessary element of international relations, but its risks are increasingly well realized and attempts to avoid it often succeeds. It explains that civilian populations seem to suffer proportionately less than previously and political science recognizes the International Committee of the Red Cross as the grandest of the pioneer NGOs.
Carolyn Deere
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199550616
- eISBN:
- 9780191720284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199550616.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Economy
Chapter 4 shows how disagreements over the final TRIPS text set the stage for struggles over implementation and the variation that emerged. TRIPS implementation occurred amidst competing efforts of ...
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Chapter 4 shows how disagreements over the final TRIPS text set the stage for struggles over implementation and the variation that emerged. TRIPS implementation occurred amidst competing efforts of developed and developing countries to alter the TRIPS deal, both by influencing decisions at the national level and by renegotiating the terms of TRIPS. Post‐agreement bargaining on TRIPS, and international IP regulation more broadly, gave rise to an increasingly complex global IP system. Many developing countries became party to additional international IP commitments. With the growing engagement of NGOs, industry, and international organizations such as WIPO and WHO, the scope of global IP debates broadened and external interest in how developing countries implemented particular IP reforms intensified. Amidst the cacophony of voices, two core teams animated global IP debates: a pro‐IP team in favour of swift compliance and TRIPS‐plus protection, and a pro‐development team in favour of tailoring IP regulation to development priorities.Less
Chapter 4 shows how disagreements over the final TRIPS text set the stage for struggles over implementation and the variation that emerged. TRIPS implementation occurred amidst competing efforts of developed and developing countries to alter the TRIPS deal, both by influencing decisions at the national level and by renegotiating the terms of TRIPS. Post‐agreement bargaining on TRIPS, and international IP regulation more broadly, gave rise to an increasingly complex global IP system. Many developing countries became party to additional international IP commitments. With the growing engagement of NGOs, industry, and international organizations such as WIPO and WHO, the scope of global IP debates broadened and external interest in how developing countries implemented particular IP reforms intensified. Amidst the cacophony of voices, two core teams animated global IP debates: a pro‐IP team in favour of swift compliance and TRIPS‐plus protection, and a pro‐development team in favour of tailoring IP regulation to development priorities.
Rémi Korman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097560
- eISBN:
- 9781526104441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097560.003.0009
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Anthropology, Global
Contrary to other countries that suffered mass violence in the late twentieth century, such as Bosnia, the issue of individual identification or DNA identification has never been considered seriously ...
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Contrary to other countries that suffered mass violence in the late twentieth century, such as Bosnia, the issue of individual identification or DNA identification has never been considered seriously by the national and international agents of the memory in Rwanda. The lack of forensic investigation is a result of the financial situation of the Rwandan state after the genocide. In 1996, Rwanda was officially declared as the poorest country in the world. How in this context did Rwandan and international agents manage the memory of the genocide and especially the corpses? Considering the absence of a state-led individual identification program, how did exhumations occur and for what purposes? Who were the agents of exhumations in Rwanda? But also, what is the history behind the conservation of bones and corpses in genocide memorials? Based upon the study of the public archives of the National Commission for the Fight against the Genocide, this paper sheds some historical light on the debates around the management of genocide corpses in Rwanda since 1994.Less
Contrary to other countries that suffered mass violence in the late twentieth century, such as Bosnia, the issue of individual identification or DNA identification has never been considered seriously by the national and international agents of the memory in Rwanda. The lack of forensic investigation is a result of the financial situation of the Rwandan state after the genocide. In 1996, Rwanda was officially declared as the poorest country in the world. How in this context did Rwandan and international agents manage the memory of the genocide and especially the corpses? Considering the absence of a state-led individual identification program, how did exhumations occur and for what purposes? Who were the agents of exhumations in Rwanda? But also, what is the history behind the conservation of bones and corpses in genocide memorials? Based upon the study of the public archives of the National Commission for the Fight against the Genocide, this paper sheds some historical light on the debates around the management of genocide corpses in Rwanda since 1994.
Paul Mosley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199692125
- eISBN:
- 9780191739286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199692125.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental, Macro- and Monetary Economics
When development studies were born, after decolonization in the middle of the twentieth century, poverty was not an important concern of policy-makers. This chapter asks how this situation changed in ...
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When development studies were born, after decolonization in the middle of the twentieth century, poverty was not an important concern of policy-makers. This chapter asks how this situation changed in the early 1970s, to launch the main question of how the interests of the poor became incorporated in policy-making. New data became available, showing that famine was still occurring and that a third of the poor were not gaining from growth; inclusive policies were presented as a means of allaying threats to state security within a cold war environment, especially in Asian developing countries; and a big boost was given to these policies by the commitment of donors – especially Robert MacNamara, the new World Bank president – to reorientate lending policies towards urban poverty and rural development. Under the stress of global crisis, poverty focus among aid donors decayed in the 1980s, but it continued among many recipients, especially in South and South-East Asia. In the 1990s, it was relaunched, first tentatively, as a means of protecting the losers from global adjustment (a process which, with the end of the cold war, now embraced Russia and the former Soviet Union) and then more decisively, a process which culminated in the Millennium Development Goals. In the 2000s, with the decay of the Washington consensus, the idea of pro-poor orientation becomes incorporated into a more state-dominated politics in a number of middle-income, especially Latin American, countries.Less
When development studies were born, after decolonization in the middle of the twentieth century, poverty was not an important concern of policy-makers. This chapter asks how this situation changed in the early 1970s, to launch the main question of how the interests of the poor became incorporated in policy-making. New data became available, showing that famine was still occurring and that a third of the poor were not gaining from growth; inclusive policies were presented as a means of allaying threats to state security within a cold war environment, especially in Asian developing countries; and a big boost was given to these policies by the commitment of donors – especially Robert MacNamara, the new World Bank president – to reorientate lending policies towards urban poverty and rural development. Under the stress of global crisis, poverty focus among aid donors decayed in the 1980s, but it continued among many recipients, especially in South and South-East Asia. In the 1990s, it was relaunched, first tentatively, as a means of protecting the losers from global adjustment (a process which, with the end of the cold war, now embraced Russia and the former Soviet Union) and then more decisively, a process which culminated in the Millennium Development Goals. In the 2000s, with the decay of the Washington consensus, the idea of pro-poor orientation becomes incorporated into a more state-dominated politics in a number of middle-income, especially Latin American, countries.
Darren R. Halpin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719076527
- eISBN:
- 9781781701690
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719076527.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political ...
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Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.Less
Whether called pressure groups, NGOs, social movement organisations or organised civil society, the value of ‘groups’ to the policy process, to economic growth, to governance, to political representation and to democracy has always been contested. However, there seems to be a contemporary resurgence in this debate, largely centred on their democratising potential: can groups effectively link citizens to political institutions and policy processes? Are groups an antidote to emerging democratic deficits? Or do they themselves face challenges in demonstrating their legitimacy and representativeness? This book debates the democratic potential and practice of groups, focusing on the vibrancy of internal democracies, and modes of accountability with those who join such groups and to the constituencies they advocate for. It draws on literatures covering national, European and global levels, and presents empirical material from the UK and Australia.
Judith G. Kelley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152776
- eISBN:
- 9781400842520
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152776.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter talks about a combination of several factors that led to the rapid rise of monitoring. First, proponents were able to frame monitoring as a mechanism for upholding evolving political and ...
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This chapter talks about a combination of several factors that led to the rapid rise of monitoring. First, proponents were able to frame monitoring as a mechanism for upholding evolving political and civil rights at the same time as historical changes made relatively strong intrusions into domestic affairs more acceptable. Second, the end of the Cold War shifted the focus from security to democracy promotion and the domestic turmoil in many transition states created a demand for monitoring. Finally, donors and international organizations increased their use of political conditionality and this led even more governments to invite monitors. Nowadays, monitoring is widespread and involves many different types of organizations, ranging from global and regional intergovernmental organizations to NGOs. These organizations take on a range of activities and vary greatly in their resources.Less
This chapter talks about a combination of several factors that led to the rapid rise of monitoring. First, proponents were able to frame monitoring as a mechanism for upholding evolving political and civil rights at the same time as historical changes made relatively strong intrusions into domestic affairs more acceptable. Second, the end of the Cold War shifted the focus from security to democracy promotion and the domestic turmoil in many transition states created a demand for monitoring. Finally, donors and international organizations increased their use of political conditionality and this led even more governments to invite monitors. Nowadays, monitoring is widespread and involves many different types of organizations, ranging from global and regional intergovernmental organizations to NGOs. These organizations take on a range of activities and vary greatly in their resources.
