Terry Macdonald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235001
- eISBN:
- 9780191715822
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235001.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
A pressing question at the forefront of current global political debates is: how can we salvage the democratic project in the context of globalization? In recent years, political activists have ...
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A pressing question at the forefront of current global political debates is: how can we salvage the democratic project in the context of globalization? In recent years, political activists have mounted high-profile campaigns for the democratization of powerful international institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, and for greater ‘corporate accountability’. In turn, many of the NGOs linked to these campaigns have themselves faced demands for greater democratic legitimacy. Through reflecting on the democratic dilemmas surrounding the political power of global NGOs, this book challenges the state-centric theoretical assumptions that have underpinned the established democratic theories of both ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘communitarian’ liberals. In particular, it challenges the widespread assumption that ‘sovereign’ power, ‘bounded’ (national or global) societies, and ‘electoral’ processes are essential institutional foundations of a democratic system. The book then re-thinks the democratic project from its conceptual foundations, posing a number of questions. What needs to be controlled? Who ought to control it? How could they do so? In answering these questions, the book develops a theoretical model of representative democracy that is focused on plural (state and non-state) actors rather than on unitary state structures. It elaborates a democratic framework based on the new theoretical concepts of public power, stakeholder communities, and non-electoral representation, and illustrates the practical implications of these proposals for projects of global institutional reform.Less
A pressing question at the forefront of current global political debates is: how can we salvage the democratic project in the context of globalization? In recent years, political activists have mounted high-profile campaigns for the democratization of powerful international institutions such as the World Bank and IMF, and for greater ‘corporate accountability’. In turn, many of the NGOs linked to these campaigns have themselves faced demands for greater democratic legitimacy. Through reflecting on the democratic dilemmas surrounding the political power of global NGOs, this book challenges the state-centric theoretical assumptions that have underpinned the established democratic theories of both ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘communitarian’ liberals. In particular, it challenges the widespread assumption that ‘sovereign’ power, ‘bounded’ (national or global) societies, and ‘electoral’ processes are essential institutional foundations of a democratic system. The book then re-thinks the democratic project from its conceptual foundations, posing a number of questions. What needs to be controlled? Who ought to control it? How could they do so? In answering these questions, the book develops a theoretical model of representative democracy that is focused on plural (state and non-state) actors rather than on unitary state structures. It elaborates a democratic framework based on the new theoretical concepts of public power, stakeholder communities, and non-electoral representation, and illustrates the practical implications of these proposals for projects of global institutional reform.
Timothy Besley and Maitreesh Ghatak
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305197
- eISBN:
- 9780199783519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305191.003.0019
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Despite overwhelming evidence that a large fraction of government expenditure on the provision of public goods in developing countries does not reach the intended beneficiaries, public policy debates ...
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Despite overwhelming evidence that a large fraction of government expenditure on the provision of public goods in developing countries does not reach the intended beneficiaries, public policy debates often continue to revolve around “how much?” (i.e., how much money is spent by the government on some particular public good). Clearly, the question to ask is “how?” (i.e., how to design effective mechanisms for the delivery of public goods). This is the main theme of this essay. It discusses different kinds of public goods that are vital to the poor and the evidence of their value; the spontaneous or voluntary private provision of public goods by the beneficiaries; and the formal provision of public goods where the government or some other organization is in charge of providing the public good, with special emphasis on institution design issues.Less
Despite overwhelming evidence that a large fraction of government expenditure on the provision of public goods in developing countries does not reach the intended beneficiaries, public policy debates often continue to revolve around “how much?” (i.e., how much money is spent by the government on some particular public good). Clearly, the question to ask is “how?” (i.e., how to design effective mechanisms for the delivery of public goods). This is the main theme of this essay. It discusses different kinds of public goods that are vital to the poor and the evidence of their value; the spontaneous or voluntary private provision of public goods by the beneficiaries; and the formal provision of public goods where the government or some other organization is in charge of providing the public good, with special emphasis on institution design issues.
Richard Youngs
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199274468
- eISBN:
- 9780191602030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274460.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter argues that civil society’s perceptions of the relationship between democracy on one hand, and development, security, conflict and globalisation on the other, were less than ...
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This chapter argues that civil society’s perceptions of the relationship between democracy on one hand, and development, security, conflict and globalisation on the other, were less than straightforward. For some NGOs democracy was a legitimate political crusade; for others it was anathema to cultural heterogeneity and practical development needs; for most it was a welcome yet somewhat fuzzy dimension of international policy that was influential in orienting many elements of civil society but absent in name from their stated priorities.Less
This chapter argues that civil society’s perceptions of the relationship between democracy on one hand, and development, security, conflict and globalisation on the other, were less than straightforward. For some NGOs democracy was a legitimate political crusade; for others it was anathema to cultural heterogeneity and practical development needs; for most it was a welcome yet somewhat fuzzy dimension of international policy that was influential in orienting many elements of civil society but absent in name from their stated priorities.
Richard Youngs
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199274468
- eISBN:
- 9780191602030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274460.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter discusses the evolution of Western actors’ democracy-related strategies. Governments, businesses and NGOs all showed increased concern for democratic trends, but their strategies were ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of Western actors’ democracy-related strategies. Governments, businesses and NGOs all showed increased concern for democratic trends, but their strategies were beset by uncertainty and ambivalence. A general feature to emerge was a common concern for encouraging islands of liberal rights protection, combined with a reluctance to link this to primary and overarching macro-level action on democracy.Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of Western actors’ democracy-related strategies. Governments, businesses and NGOs all showed increased concern for democratic trends, but their strategies were beset by uncertainty and ambivalence. A general feature to emerge was a common concern for encouraging islands of liberal rights protection, combined with a reluctance to link this to primary and overarching macro-level action on democracy.
Andrew Kuper
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199274901
- eISBN:
- 9780191601552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274908.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) ...
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How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.Less
How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.
Verónica Schild
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter analyses NGO participation in social provisioning in Chile for the advancement of gender equality. It presents an overview of the social development strategy of the two Concertación ...
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This chapter analyses NGO participation in social provisioning in Chile for the advancement of gender equality. It presents an overview of the social development strategy of the two Concertación governments since 1990, focusing on the social programmes involving partnerships between NGOs and government agencies. The gendered impact of global economic integration on people’s working lives and communities are discussed. It then outlines the implications of a gender equity agenda, which aims to integrate women as subjects of rights into the development process but does so by relying on the volunteer-like work of women, and which targets only the poorest of the poor.Less
This chapter analyses NGO participation in social provisioning in Chile for the advancement of gender equality. It presents an overview of the social development strategy of the two Concertación governments since 1990, focusing on the social programmes involving partnerships between NGOs and government agencies. The gendered impact of global economic integration on people’s working lives and communities are discussed. It then outlines the implications of a gender equity agenda, which aims to integrate women as subjects of rights into the development process but does so by relying on the volunteer-like work of women, and which targets only the poorest of the poor.
Terry MacDonald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235001
- eISBN:
- 9780191715822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235001.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter highlights some of the central normative and institutional challenges confronting democrats seeking greater legitimacy in the exercise of political power beyond state ...
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This introductory chapter highlights some of the central normative and institutional challenges confronting democrats seeking greater legitimacy in the exercise of political power beyond state boundaries, and outlines the approach taken in this book to these challenges. In setting out the book's approach this chapter explains the ‘interpretive’ methodology adopted in developing the normative theoretical framework of Global Stakeholder Democracy, and further introduces the book's central arguments regarding the capacity of non-state actors to wield public power, the democratic status of stakeholder communities, and the legitimacy of non-electoral forms of democratic representation.Less
This introductory chapter highlights some of the central normative and institutional challenges confronting democrats seeking greater legitimacy in the exercise of political power beyond state boundaries, and outlines the approach taken in this book to these challenges. In setting out the book's approach this chapter explains the ‘interpretive’ methodology adopted in developing the normative theoretical framework of Global Stakeholder Democracy, and further introduces the book's central arguments regarding the capacity of non-state actors to wield public power, the democratic status of stakeholder communities, and the legitimacy of non-electoral forms of democratic representation.
Terry MacDonald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235001
- eISBN:
- 9780191715822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235001.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter applies the autonomy-based criterion for delineating ‘public power’ to the contemporary global domain, and illustrates its practical implications. It identifies some concrete forms of ...
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This chapter applies the autonomy-based criterion for delineating ‘public power’ to the contemporary global domain, and illustrates its practical implications. It identifies some concrete forms of NGO power in contemporary global politics that can be designated as ‘public’ and rightly subjected to democratic contestation and control.Less
This chapter applies the autonomy-based criterion for delineating ‘public power’ to the contemporary global domain, and illustrates its practical implications. It identifies some concrete forms of NGO power in contemporary global politics that can be designated as ‘public’ and rightly subjected to democratic contestation and control.
Terry MacDonald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235001
- eISBN:
- 9780191715822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235001.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter elaborates and illustrates the theoretical account — sketched initially in Chapter One — of how the agents of democratic control should be identified in global politics. It develops the ...
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This chapter elaborates and illustrates the theoretical account — sketched initially in Chapter One — of how the agents of democratic control should be identified in global politics. It develops the argument that we should accord democratic agency (that is, entitlement to exercise control over public power) to the members of ‘stakeholder’ communities, comprised of all those individual stakeholders whose autonomous capacities are constrained by the exercise of public power. The analysis here begins by elaborating the concept of a jurisdictional stakeholder community, and explaining how the conception of democratic community underpinning it differs from the ideals associated with the ‘closed’ societal model of democracy. Discussion then turns to the question of how this stakeholder model can in practice be instituted, and addresses some issues and dilemmas that commonly arise for practitioners who invoke the idea of stakeholder communities in their attempts to democratize the activities of NGOs.Less
This chapter elaborates and illustrates the theoretical account — sketched initially in Chapter One — of how the agents of democratic control should be identified in global politics. It develops the argument that we should accord democratic agency (that is, entitlement to exercise control over public power) to the members of ‘stakeholder’ communities, comprised of all those individual stakeholders whose autonomous capacities are constrained by the exercise of public power. The analysis here begins by elaborating the concept of a jurisdictional stakeholder community, and explaining how the conception of democratic community underpinning it differs from the ideals associated with the ‘closed’ societal model of democracy. Discussion then turns to the question of how this stakeholder model can in practice be instituted, and addresses some issues and dilemmas that commonly arise for practitioners who invoke the idea of stakeholder communities in their attempts to democratize the activities of NGOs.
Terry MacDonald
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235001
- eISBN:
- 9780191715822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235001.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter considers how non-electoral mechanisms of authorization and accountability might function in practice in contemporary global politics. In doing so, it examines some possible pathways for ...
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This chapter considers how non-electoral mechanisms of authorization and accountability might function in practice in contemporary global politics. In doing so, it examines some possible pathways for institutional reform via which NGOs could build stronger democratic credentials as representatives of various stakeholder groups, drawing on some examples of contemporary practice among NGOs to illustrate the general institutional form such mechanisms might take. Finally, the chapter discusses how it may be possible to meet the challenge of ensuring appropriate forms of democratic equality for all stakeholder participants, in the absence of the formal equality embodied in an election. The chapter does not attempt to argue that current practices are fully democratic, nor to offer fully-developed institutional solutions. Rather, the material presented here is intended to provide a focal-point for exploration of some practical possibilities, and to point towards some potential future directions for innovation and reform.Less
This chapter considers how non-electoral mechanisms of authorization and accountability might function in practice in contemporary global politics. In doing so, it examines some possible pathways for institutional reform via which NGOs could build stronger democratic credentials as representatives of various stakeholder groups, drawing on some examples of contemporary practice among NGOs to illustrate the general institutional form such mechanisms might take. Finally, the chapter discusses how it may be possible to meet the challenge of ensuring appropriate forms of democratic equality for all stakeholder participants, in the absence of the formal equality embodied in an election. The chapter does not attempt to argue that current practices are fully democratic, nor to offer fully-developed institutional solutions. Rather, the material presented here is intended to provide a focal-point for exploration of some practical possibilities, and to point towards some potential future directions for innovation and reform.
Joseph Chinyong Liow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195377088
- eISBN:
- 9780199869527
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195377088.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter takes the discussion beyond the boundaries of mainstream party politics and systematically sets out the debates in the civil sphere that have both engaged and countered the discourse of ...
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This chapter takes the discussion beyond the boundaries of mainstream party politics and systematically sets out the debates in the civil sphere that have both engaged and countered the discourse of Islamism in Malaysia as propounded by the main Islamic political parties. In particular, the chapter provides a survey of major civil society groups in Malaysia and netizen discourses that have engaged the Islamization debate in recent times from various angles, particularly in relation to legal issues such as Islamic family law, hudud, and apostasy. To capture the full range of positions, it discusses groups that span the spectrum from conservative to liberal, anti-establishment to pro-establishment, and also includes non-Muslim and fringe Muslim groups. The chapter also looks at popular discourses and representations of Islamism in Malaysia expressed in English, Malay, and Mandarin-language blogs, alternative media, and Internet chatrooms, which represent a separate source of “popular opinion” and space for debate, although one that has thus far eluded analytical attention.Less
This chapter takes the discussion beyond the boundaries of mainstream party politics and systematically sets out the debates in the civil sphere that have both engaged and countered the discourse of Islamism in Malaysia as propounded by the main Islamic political parties. In particular, the chapter provides a survey of major civil society groups in Malaysia and netizen discourses that have engaged the Islamization debate in recent times from various angles, particularly in relation to legal issues such as Islamic family law, hudud, and apostasy. To capture the full range of positions, it discusses groups that span the spectrum from conservative to liberal, anti-establishment to pro-establishment, and also includes non-Muslim and fringe Muslim groups. The chapter also looks at popular discourses and representations of Islamism in Malaysia expressed in English, Malay, and Mandarin-language blogs, alternative media, and Internet chatrooms, which represent a separate source of “popular opinion” and space for debate, although one that has thus far eluded analytical attention.
Anthony Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781474439824
- eISBN:
- 9781474465366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474439824.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its ...
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With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its history as a regional crossroads. Christianity began in Afghanistan in the fourth century and was later revived by missionaries in the frontier areas, but there was little concerted effort to spread the faith until after 1945, when the Pashtun monarchy sought to modernise Afghanistan. However, the Soviet invasion prompted fighters to repel the forces under the banner of Islam. Amidst a civil war, Christian NGO’s continued until expelled by the Taliban in 2001. The new government allowed Christian NGO’s to expand into new areas of the country. For the sake of believers’ security the most visible fellowships have been limited to foreigners. Most find it difficult to sustain everyday life in the country while openly professing Christianity due to ostracism from society. While Islam has been linked with Afghan identity, worldview has begun to change. Unfortunately, there has been an exodus of Afghan believers, usually after social and legal ostracism. Nevertheless, due to sacrifices by Afghan believers, the church is growing in numbers despite all the challenges.Less
With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its history as a regional crossroads. Christianity began in Afghanistan in the fourth century and was later revived by missionaries in the frontier areas, but there was little concerted effort to spread the faith until after 1945, when the Pashtun monarchy sought to modernise Afghanistan. However, the Soviet invasion prompted fighters to repel the forces under the banner of Islam. Amidst a civil war, Christian NGO’s continued until expelled by the Taliban in 2001. The new government allowed Christian NGO’s to expand into new areas of the country. For the sake of believers’ security the most visible fellowships have been limited to foreigners. Most find it difficult to sustain everyday life in the country while openly professing Christianity due to ostracism from society. While Islam has been linked with Afghan identity, worldview has begun to change. Unfortunately, there has been an exodus of Afghan believers, usually after social and legal ostracism. Nevertheless, due to sacrifices by Afghan believers, the church is growing in numbers despite all the challenges.
Richard Falk
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257010
- eISBN:
- 9780191596223
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257019.003.0013
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
Richard Falk considers the changing role of civil society as an institution influencing the form and content of global capitalism (GC), particularly its goals and values. This is a critical chapter, ...
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Richard Falk considers the changing role of civil society as an institution influencing the form and content of global capitalism (GC), particularly its goals and values. This is a critical chapter, which, after placing the whole range of NGO (non‐governmental organization) functions within a historical context, acknowledges that, as values and aspirations change, new demands are made on the organizations comprising these institutions. The implications of GC are given especial attention: how far, and in what respects, are NGOs (including global NGOs) twenty‐first century moral guardians (cf. governments and markets); and/or to what extent do they need to be injected with a new or reconfigured code of behaviour suitable to the particular needs of the global economy? Falk believes that global civil society has an important role to play in influencing the course and content of global capitalism, and its underlying ethical ethos. He particularly favours a globalization‐from‐below approach, which he believes provides a useful counter‐force to the globalization‐from‐above approach practised by large firms and governments; in elaborating this view, he makes the case for a normative democracy––which reconnects politicians with moral purpose and values. He then goes on to identify the components of normative democracy, and argues that most of these can best be served not by globalization‐from‐above mechanisms, but rather by those of civil society as it redefines its role as mediating between the logic of capitalism and the priorities of peoples.Less
Richard Falk considers the changing role of civil society as an institution influencing the form and content of global capitalism (GC), particularly its goals and values. This is a critical chapter, which, after placing the whole range of NGO (non‐governmental organization) functions within a historical context, acknowledges that, as values and aspirations change, new demands are made on the organizations comprising these institutions. The implications of GC are given especial attention: how far, and in what respects, are NGOs (including global NGOs) twenty‐first century moral guardians (cf. governments and markets); and/or to what extent do they need to be injected with a new or reconfigured code of behaviour suitable to the particular needs of the global economy? Falk believes that global civil society has an important role to play in influencing the course and content of global capitalism, and its underlying ethical ethos. He particularly favours a globalization‐from‐below approach, which he believes provides a useful counter‐force to the globalization‐from‐above approach practised by large firms and governments; in elaborating this view, he makes the case for a normative democracy––which reconnects politicians with moral purpose and values. He then goes on to identify the components of normative democracy, and argues that most of these can best be served not by globalization‐from‐above mechanisms, but rather by those of civil society as it redefines its role as mediating between the logic of capitalism and the priorities of peoples.
Robert L. Hicks, Bradley C. Parks, J. Timmons Roberts, and Michael J. Tierney
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199213948
- eISBN:
- 9780191707476
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213948.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter tests four sets of possible explanations for why countries give bilateral environmental aid, and for why they give relatively less aid with likely environmentally harmful impacts ...
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This chapter tests four sets of possible explanations for why countries give bilateral environmental aid, and for why they give relatively less aid with likely environmentally harmful impacts (‘dirty’ aid). First, it tests whether environmental aid as a proportion of donor portfolios reflects their broader environmental preferences, as revealed in domestic environmental policy, ratification of international environmental treaties, and their compliance with these treaties. Second, it tests theories claiming that people change their values when they have satisfied their basic human needs. Third, it explores a political economy approach to aid allocation that suggests the relative strength of environmental NGO and industry lobbies in shaping the environmental profile of aid portfolios. Fourth, it tests propositions from new institutionalist theory by examining whether environmental aid is influenced by the number of checks and balances in government and whether there is a corporatist or pluralist decision-making structure within a donor polity.Less
This chapter tests four sets of possible explanations for why countries give bilateral environmental aid, and for why they give relatively less aid with likely environmentally harmful impacts (‘dirty’ aid). First, it tests whether environmental aid as a proportion of donor portfolios reflects their broader environmental preferences, as revealed in domestic environmental policy, ratification of international environmental treaties, and their compliance with these treaties. Second, it tests theories claiming that people change their values when they have satisfied their basic human needs. Third, it explores a political economy approach to aid allocation that suggests the relative strength of environmental NGO and industry lobbies in shaping the environmental profile of aid portfolios. Fourth, it tests propositions from new institutionalist theory by examining whether environmental aid is influenced by the number of checks and balances in government and whether there is a corporatist or pluralist decision-making structure within a donor polity.
Robert Kratsas and Jennifer A. Parnell
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125788
- eISBN:
- 9780199832927
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125789.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter discusses two projects by Atlantic Richfield Company (ARCO) – Pagerungan and Vilano – that demonstrate the company's commitment to environmental protection and social development. They ...
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This chapter discusses two projects by Atlantic Richfield Company (ARCO) – Pagerungan and Vilano – that demonstrate the company's commitment to environmental protection and social development. They showcase new technologies – and perhaps more important, new corporate attitudes. The chapter also shows how integration of environmental and social objectives can be achieved through collaboration with NGOs, and innovative approaches to communication with the full range of stakeholders.Less
This chapter discusses two projects by Atlantic Richfield Company (ARCO) – Pagerungan and Vilano – that demonstrate the company's commitment to environmental protection and social development. They showcase new technologies – and perhaps more important, new corporate attitudes. The chapter also shows how integration of environmental and social objectives can be achieved through collaboration with NGOs, and innovative approaches to communication with the full range of stakeholders.
Anne Peters
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199543427
- eISBN:
- 9780191720475
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543427.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Global constitutionalism requires dual democratic mechanisms. A fully democratized world order first of all rests on democratic nation states, thus on democracy within states. ‘Above’ and among ...
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Global constitutionalism requires dual democratic mechanisms. A fully democratized world order first of all rests on democratic nation states, thus on democracy within states. ‘Above’ and among states, both the production of primary international law and the international institutions and their secondary law-making can and should be democratized on two tracks. On the one hand, citizens should continue to be mediated by their states that act for them in international relations (statist track). However, even if all states of the world became democracies, this would not in itself suffice to attain a meaningful degree of global democratic legitimacy because national democracy itself is undermined for various reasons. Therefore, citizens must be enabled to bypass their intermediaries, the states, and take direct democratic action on the supra-state level (individualist track). This could begin by introducing parliamentary assemblies in more international organizations, and expanding their so-far merely consultative powers.Less
Global constitutionalism requires dual democratic mechanisms. A fully democratized world order first of all rests on democratic nation states, thus on democracy within states. ‘Above’ and among states, both the production of primary international law and the international institutions and their secondary law-making can and should be democratized on two tracks. On the one hand, citizens should continue to be mediated by their states that act for them in international relations (statist track). However, even if all states of the world became democracies, this would not in itself suffice to attain a meaningful degree of global democratic legitimacy because national democracy itself is undermined for various reasons. Therefore, citizens must be enabled to bypass their intermediaries, the states, and take direct democratic action on the supra-state level (individualist track). This could begin by introducing parliamentary assemblies in more international organizations, and expanding their so-far merely consultative powers.
Timothy Besley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199283910
- eISBN:
- 9780191700279
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199283910.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This chapter applies the political agency model to public finance issues. Section 4.2 lays out the basic agency problem and the main assumptions. Section 4.3 identifies the three basic kinds of ...
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This chapter applies the political agency model to public finance issues. Section 4.2 lays out the basic agency problem and the main assumptions. Section 4.3 identifies the three basic kinds of agency model. The first has purely hidden type, the second only hidden action, and the third both features. Section 4.4 draws out some implications of the model for the data. Section 4.5 uses the model to discuss a variety of means for restraining government: explicit restraints on taxation, tax competition, increased transparency, and yardstick competition. The model is then extended to include public debt. If public debt is observable, then the model and its insights remain unchanged. However, difficulties in observing public debt levels do create a rather different spin on the model. This is discussed in Section 4.6. Section 4.7 applies the ideas to whether an NGO is a more efficient provider of public spending. Section 4.8 looks at what happens if it is fiscal competence that is not observed and Section 4.9 provides conclusions.Less
This chapter applies the political agency model to public finance issues. Section 4.2 lays out the basic agency problem and the main assumptions. Section 4.3 identifies the three basic kinds of agency model. The first has purely hidden type, the second only hidden action, and the third both features. Section 4.4 draws out some implications of the model for the data. Section 4.5 uses the model to discuss a variety of means for restraining government: explicit restraints on taxation, tax competition, increased transparency, and yardstick competition. The model is then extended to include public debt. If public debt is observable, then the model and its insights remain unchanged. However, difficulties in observing public debt levels do create a rather different spin on the model. This is discussed in Section 4.6. Section 4.7 applies the ideas to whether an NGO is a more efficient provider of public spending. Section 4.8 looks at what happens if it is fiscal competence that is not observed and Section 4.9 provides conclusions.
Ebony Bertorelli and Aneel Brar
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199755011
- eISBN:
- 9780199918867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199755011.003.0008
- Subject:
- Psychology, Developmental Psychology
International efforts to increase equity, quality and access in primary education increasingly include calls to expand governance and educational resources by fostering partnerships between ...
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International efforts to increase equity, quality and access in primary education increasingly include calls to expand governance and educational resources by fostering partnerships between governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This chapter examines a partnership between India’s largest educational NGO, Pratham, and the governments of Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in Northern India. Pratham has created and implemented state-specific quality improvement programs in an effort to raise the learning achievements of marginalized students in government schools. Although the programs significantly raised achievement among children at the lowest levels of learning, the chapter argues that the most lasting success of these initiatives is in affecting education policy through advocacy, changing state behavior and raising the consciousness of people and governments regarding vital education issues.Less
International efforts to increase equity, quality and access in primary education increasingly include calls to expand governance and educational resources by fostering partnerships between governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This chapter examines a partnership between India’s largest educational NGO, Pratham, and the governments of Uttar Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh in Northern India. Pratham has created and implemented state-specific quality improvement programs in an effort to raise the learning achievements of marginalized students in government schools. Although the programs significantly raised achievement among children at the lowest levels of learning, the chapter argues that the most lasting success of these initiatives is in affecting education policy through advocacy, changing state behavior and raising the consciousness of people and governments regarding vital education issues.
Patrice C. McMahon
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709234
- eISBN:
- 9781501712739
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709234.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In most post-conflict countries nongovernmental organizations are everywhere, but their presence is misunderstood. This book investigates the unintended outcomes of what it calls the NGO boom in ...
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In most post-conflict countries nongovernmental organizations are everywhere, but their presence is misunderstood. This book investigates the unintended outcomes of what it calls the NGO boom in Bosnia and Kosovo. The book argues that when international actors try to rebuild and reconstruct post-conflict countries, they often rely on and look to NGOs. Although policymakers and scholars tend to accept and even celebrate NGO involvement in post-conflict and transitioning countries, they rarely examine why NGOs have become so popular, what NGOs do, or how they affect everyday life. After a conflict, international NGOs descend on a country, local NGOs pop up everywhere, and money and energy flow into strengthening the organizations. In time, the frenzy of activity slows, the internationals go home, local groups disappear from sight, and the NGO boom goes bust. Instead of peace and stability, the embrace of NGOs and the enthusiasm for international peacebuilding turns to disappointment, if not cynicism. For many in the Balkans and other post-conflict environments, NGOs are not an aid to building a lasting peace but are part of the problem because of the turmoil they foster during their life cycles in a given country. This book will be useful to practitioners and policymakers interested in improving peacebuilding, the role of NGOs in peace and development, and the sustainability of local initiatives in post-conflict countries.Less
In most post-conflict countries nongovernmental organizations are everywhere, but their presence is misunderstood. This book investigates the unintended outcomes of what it calls the NGO boom in Bosnia and Kosovo. The book argues that when international actors try to rebuild and reconstruct post-conflict countries, they often rely on and look to NGOs. Although policymakers and scholars tend to accept and even celebrate NGO involvement in post-conflict and transitioning countries, they rarely examine why NGOs have become so popular, what NGOs do, or how they affect everyday life. After a conflict, international NGOs descend on a country, local NGOs pop up everywhere, and money and energy flow into strengthening the organizations. In time, the frenzy of activity slows, the internationals go home, local groups disappear from sight, and the NGO boom goes bust. Instead of peace and stability, the embrace of NGOs and the enthusiasm for international peacebuilding turns to disappointment, if not cynicism. For many in the Balkans and other post-conflict environments, NGOs are not an aid to building a lasting peace but are part of the problem because of the turmoil they foster during their life cycles in a given country. This book will be useful to practitioners and policymakers interested in improving peacebuilding, the role of NGOs in peace and development, and the sustainability of local initiatives in post-conflict countries.
Patrice C. McMahon
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709234
- eISBN:
- 9781501712739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709234.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter provides evidence of what can only be called the “NGO revolution.” It documents the growth of NGOs and measures their power. This chapter not only describes how NGOs have changed as they ...
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This chapter provides evidence of what can only be called the “NGO revolution.” It documents the growth of NGOs and measures their power. This chapter not only describes how NGOs have changed as they have grown in number, but it explains what is new about their behavior in the post-Cold War period and how their involvement in post-conflict countries differs from the past. This chapter also exposes the disjuncture between the discourse Western actors use when they talk about peacebuilding and international assistance and the realities on the ground. With their numbers, money, and access, it is clear that NGOs had significant sway in Bosnia's rebuilding. Yet, there is little evidence that the NGO boom had much to do with empowering locals or advancing peace.Less
This chapter provides evidence of what can only be called the “NGO revolution.” It documents the growth of NGOs and measures their power. This chapter not only describes how NGOs have changed as they have grown in number, but it explains what is new about their behavior in the post-Cold War period and how their involvement in post-conflict countries differs from the past. This chapter also exposes the disjuncture between the discourse Western actors use when they talk about peacebuilding and international assistance and the realities on the ground. With their numbers, money, and access, it is clear that NGOs had significant sway in Bosnia's rebuilding. Yet, there is little evidence that the NGO boom had much to do with empowering locals or advancing peace.
