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This chapter considers a general theoretical conception of NEG deletion and its elements. It treats NEG deletion as a phenomenon based on a primitive binary relation between occurrences notated NDEL(X, Y), where X is the deleter and Y is the deleted element. For English, NEG deletion manifests as the lack of pronunciation of forms normally spelled not, n't, n-, no, and non-. Even though the deleted NEG is not pronounced, it is visible for semantic interpretation. This chapter summarizes various properties that are characteristic of the NDEL relation. It discusses the NDEL interpretation condition, lexical and general NEG deletions, NEG deletion chain, lexical NEG deletion condition, NDEL c-command condition, NDEL clausemate condition, general NEG deletion condition, NEG deletion evenness condition, standard English negative concord reduction principle, and NEG deletion chain condition.

This chapter examines cases in terms of double negation (NEG) structures, also known as reversals, a term motivated by the fact that a second NEG scoping over the first nullifies the semantic consequences of the first one. It considers the following three sentences: a) At most half of the class knows some physics; b) Everybody who steals some candy will get caught; c) If you steal some candy, you will be caught. It argues that there are at least two kinds of contrasting NEG structures depending on whether they involve single NEGs (unary-NEG structures) or two NEGs (binary-NEG or reversal structures). The distinction between unary- and binary-NEG structures interacts with the view that all negative polarity items (NPIs) involve at least one instance of NEG to yield a parallel typology of NPIs based on whether they represent unary- or binary-NEG structures. The chapter also discusses a constraint on NEG deletion in reversals, alternation with non-NPI indefinites, discourse anaphora, negative inversion, verb phrase ellipsis, intensives, and NPI types that do not permit reversal structures.

This chapter discusses several cases from French, German, and English that give plausible initial support for the existence of NEG deletion, which principally rests on the idea that a deleted NEG has no direct morphological realization, and is therefore unpronounced. It first considers the standard French finite clause negation pattern illustrated in the sentence Le ministre ne viendra pas. In such cases, negation is represented by the postverbal form pas, accompanied by the marker ne, glossed as PRT. The chapter then looks at two forms termed “specialized negators,” which occur in sentences with a highly restricted set of verbs, to yield clauses that express negation, even though they manifest no overt form that regularly expresses negation. This is exemplified in the German cases einen Dreck (a dirt) and einen feuchten Kehrricht (a wet dirt). Expressions like einen Dreck fall into the class of minimizers. The chapter also examines complements of an adjectival phrase modified by too, as in Dana is too cynical to lift a finger to help Kyle.

This chapter focuses on polyadic quantification, which exists when n-tuples (n > 1) of determiner phrases (DPs) yield a single quantifier interpreted as quantifying over n-tuples of individuals. It begins by considering the ordinary standard English sentence No one ever showed me anything, in which the any phrase is commonly assumed to be a negative polarity item (NPI), licensed by the c-commanding no one phrase. It then gives a nonstandard example, No one ever showed me nothing, which represents a distinct phenomenon known as negative concord and is deformed by various NEG deletions. In yet another example, No man loves any woman, in which, under polyadic interpretation, the two quantifiers are not interpreted independently. The chapter also discusses syntactic determiner sharing between the different DPs whose noun phrases denote the sets quantified over, the semantics of determiner sharing, and the realizations of polyadic quantifier structures.

This book deals with Classical NEG Raising (NR), a kind of syntactic raising wherein a negation (NEG) is raised from the embedded clause to the matrix clause. Part I of the book presents the general conception of negation it is proposing, with particular emphasis on the following assumptions: that NEGs are not limited to modifying clausal constituents; that there is NEG raising; that there is NEG deletion; and that every negative polarity item (NPI) is modified by at least one NEG. Part II develops arguments favoring a syntactic approach to Classical NR and offers a precise view of the syntax and semantics of the subtype of polyadic quantification relevant to NPIs. The book shows that Classical NR is sensitive to syntactic islands and cites certain contexts, dubbed Horn clauses, that demand the syntactic presence of a negative constituent. It also makes a fundamental distinction between two types of NPIs, those originating with one NEG (unary-NEG NPIs) and those originating with two NEGs (binary-NEG NPIs). Finally, it challenges the assumptions of the Composed Quantifier Argument against a syntactic view of Classical NR.