David G. Haglund
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Takes up the relationship between the US and regional multilateral organizations in Europe, in particular, NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the European Union (specifically the ...
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Takes up the relationship between the US and regional multilateral organizations in Europe, in particular, NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the European Union (specifically the common European security and defence policy, or ESDP). It is suggested that US relations with Europe are an indicator of the US commitment to multilateralism more generally, and argued that the US approach to NATO has been driven by a combination of international structural factors (the distribution of capabilities) and the key domestic factor of national character (the liberal identity of the US). These very same factors hold important consequences for NATO because the US is the decisive actor in NATO, which, as a political entity, reflects the multilateralism that has its foundations in US national character, but as a military instrument, reflects the dominant power of the US. The resulting tensions in NATO were finessed more easily during the cold war, in the face of a common enemy, but are more significant in the current unipolar system, which exaggerates both the incentives for the US to act unilaterally and the frustration of European states who are less able to constrain the US yet unwilling to act independently. The author expects NATO to become less rather than more important to the US in the years ahead, and thus to matter less as a multilateral organization. The different sections of the chapter are: Isolationism as Multilateralism's ‘Other’?; Sources of America's Eurocentric Multilateralism; Systemic Change and American Behaviour: The Case of NATO; Consequences for Multilateral Organizations: The EU and the ESDP; and The Bush Administration and the European Allies.Less
Takes up the relationship between the US and regional multilateral organizations in Europe, in particular, NATO (the North Atlantic Treaty Organization), and the European Union (specifically the common European security and defence policy, or ESDP). It is suggested that US relations with Europe are an indicator of the US commitment to multilateralism more generally, and argued that the US approach to NATO has been driven by a combination of international structural factors (the distribution of capabilities) and the key domestic factor of national character (the liberal identity of the US). These very same factors hold important consequences for NATO because the US is the decisive actor in NATO, which, as a political entity, reflects the multilateralism that has its foundations in US national character, but as a military instrument, reflects the dominant power of the US. The resulting tensions in NATO were finessed more easily during the cold war, in the face of a common enemy, but are more significant in the current unipolar system, which exaggerates both the incentives for the US to act unilaterally and the frustration of European states who are less able to constrain the US yet unwilling to act independently. The author expects NATO to become less rather than more important to the US in the years ahead, and thus to matter less as a multilateral organization. The different sections of the chapter are: Isolationism as Multilateralism's ‘Other’?; Sources of America's Eurocentric Multilateralism; Systemic Change and American Behaviour: The Case of NATO; Consequences for Multilateral Organizations: The EU and the ESDP; and The Bush Administration and the European Allies.
Jennifer M. Welsh (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged ...
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The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.Less
The issue of humanitarian intervention has generated one of the most heated debates in international relations over the past decade, for both theorists and practitioners. At its heart is the alleged tension between the principle of state sovereignty, and the evolving norms related to individual human rights. This edited collection examines the challenges to international society posed by humanitarian intervention in a post-September 11th world. It brings scholars of law, philosophy, and international relations together with those who have actively engaged in cases of intervention, in order to examine the legitimacy and consequences of the use of military force for humanitarian purposes. The book demonstrates why humanitarian intervention continues to be a controversial question not only for the United Nations but also for Western states and humanitarian organisations.
Mary Elise Sarotte
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691163710
- eISBN:
- 9781400852307
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691163710.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book explores the momentous events following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the effects they have had on the world ever since. Based on documents, interviews, and television broadcasts from ...
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This book explores the momentous events following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the effects they have had on the world ever since. Based on documents, interviews, and television broadcasts from Washington, London, Paris, Bonn, Berlin, Warsaw, Moscow, and a dozen other locations, the book describes how Germany unified, NATO expansion began, and Russia got left on the periphery of the new Europe. Chapters cover changes in the Summer and Autumn of 1989, including the stepping back of Americans and rise in East German's confidence; the restoration of the rights of the Four Powers, including the night of November 9 and the Portugalov Push; heroic aspirations in 1990, including the emerging controversy over reparations and NATO; security, political and economic solutions; the securing of building permits, including money and NATO reform; and the legacy of 1989 and 1990. This updated edition contains a new afterword with the most recent evidence on the 1990 origins of NATO's post-Cold War expansion.Less
This book explores the momentous events following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the effects they have had on the world ever since. Based on documents, interviews, and television broadcasts from Washington, London, Paris, Bonn, Berlin, Warsaw, Moscow, and a dozen other locations, the book describes how Germany unified, NATO expansion began, and Russia got left on the periphery of the new Europe. Chapters cover changes in the Summer and Autumn of 1989, including the stepping back of Americans and rise in East German's confidence; the restoration of the rights of the Four Powers, including the night of November 9 and the Portugalov Push; heroic aspirations in 1990, including the emerging controversy over reparations and NATO; security, political and economic solutions; the securing of building permits, including money and NATO reform; and the legacy of 1989 and 1990. This updated edition contains a new afterword with the most recent evidence on the 1990 origins of NATO's post-Cold War expansion.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage is animated by the fact that the benefits of membership create incentives for states to satisfy the entry requirements, setting the stage for the effectiveness of conditionality within the EU’s pre-accession process. Three characteristics of this process make it particularly powerful: asymmetric interdependence, enforcement, and meritocracy. This chapter explores the origins of the EU’s pre-accession process, unpacks the requirements of membership, and details all of the different tools that enable the EU to exercise conditionality within the process. It compares the EU’s active leverage to the efforts of NATO, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote democratic standards and economic reform in Eastern Europe's new democracies.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework for the EU’s active leverage, defined as the EU’s deliberate efforts to promote reform in candidate states moving towards EU membership. Active leverage is animated by the fact that the benefits of membership create incentives for states to satisfy the entry requirements, setting the stage for the effectiveness of conditionality within the EU’s pre-accession process. Three characteristics of this process make it particularly powerful: asymmetric interdependence, enforcement, and meritocracy. This chapter explores the origins of the EU’s pre-accession process, unpacks the requirements of membership, and details all of the different tools that enable the EU to exercise conditionality within the process. It compares the EU’s active leverage to the efforts of NATO, the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to promote democratic standards and economic reform in Eastern Europe's new democracies.
Nicholas Morris*
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the ...
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Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.Less
Assesses the success of the two humanitarian interventions in the Balkans – Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 – from the perspective of humanitarian organizations. It argues how, ironically, the effectiveness of organizations such as UNHCR can dissuade powerful states from taking the necessary steps to address the root causes of massive human rights violations. Slow and ambiguous action from the international community can raise false expectations on the part of suffering civilians, and embolden those who commit atrocities. The author argues that the political, military, and humanitarian strands of interventions are always closely interwoven, and draws a series of lessons from the Balkans experience: the need for the international community to act early, credibly, and consistently; the importance of preserving the identity of a humanitarian operation; the imperative to end the impunity of those who orchestrate and commit massive violations of human rights; and the importance of engaging the United Nations.
Geir Lundestad (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
The Iraq War in 2003 led to a deep crisis in American–European relations. France and Germany, not Russia and China, emerged as the major critics of the US intervention. Some spoke about the death of ...
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The Iraq War in 2003 led to a deep crisis in American–European relations. France and Germany, not Russia and China, emerged as the major critics of the US intervention. Some spoke about the death of NATO, to be replaced by “coalitions of the willing”; more temperate voices referred to transatlantic drift. Deep structural forces were allegedly at work: the end of the cold war, a turn to the right in the United States, the emergence of a more independent Europe. Yet, there had always been crises in NATO. They had come and gone ever since the organization was founded in 1949. In George W. Bush's second term relations between the United States and Europe improved considerably. The United States discovered that it needed allies; the Democrats took control of Congress. Under Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy Germany and France again moved closer to the USA; the defeat of the constitutional treaty slowed the independence of the EU. So, did the initial Bush years represent just another crisis in Atlantic relations, already come and gone like the many crises of the past, or did they represent deep, structural forces at work? In this book leading historians and political scientists on both sides of the Atlantic give different, but always stimulating answers to this question.Less
The Iraq War in 2003 led to a deep crisis in American–European relations. France and Germany, not Russia and China, emerged as the major critics of the US intervention. Some spoke about the death of NATO, to be replaced by “coalitions of the willing”; more temperate voices referred to transatlantic drift. Deep structural forces were allegedly at work: the end of the cold war, a turn to the right in the United States, the emergence of a more independent Europe. Yet, there had always been crises in NATO. They had come and gone ever since the organization was founded in 1949. In George W. Bush's second term relations between the United States and Europe improved considerably. The United States discovered that it needed allies; the Democrats took control of Congress. Under Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy Germany and France again moved closer to the USA; the defeat of the constitutional treaty slowed the independence of the EU. So, did the initial Bush years represent just another crisis in Atlantic relations, already come and gone like the many crises of the past, or did they represent deep, structural forces at work? In this book leading historians and political scientists on both sides of the Atlantic give different, but always stimulating answers to this question.
Alexandra Gheciu
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199217229
- eISBN:
- 9780191712449
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217229.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
It has become almost a cliché in many Euro-Atlantic political and academic circles to argue that the transatlantic security community that defines itself around liberal-democratic values is facing a ...
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It has become almost a cliché in many Euro-Atlantic political and academic circles to argue that the transatlantic security community that defines itself around liberal-democratic values is facing a particularly dangerous set of challenges and must find ways to adapt to an environment marked by the growing power of unconventional enemies, particularly transnationally organized terrorist groups. But the question is, what has this meant in practice? What are the dynamics and implications of the security policies and practices aimed at addressing the (allegedly) new threat of international terrorism? This book examines the practices enacted by three key institutions of the transatlantic security community — the EU, NATO, and the OSCE — in the name of combating international terrorism, and analyses the ways in which those practices have both been affected by and contributed to changes in the field of security. This book argues that contemporary attempts to respond to the perceived threat of international terrorism reflect a particular ethos of risk-management and involve a combination of two different — an inclusive and an exclusionary — logics of security. This book examines the interplay between the two logics and analyses their implications, including the ways in which they have contributed to processes of reconstitution of boundaries and norms of governance in the security community. In developing this analysis, this book also explores some of the normative and political dilemmas generated by contemporary patterns of inclusion/exclusion. On this basis, it seeks to make a significant contribution to the study of security practices and international governance in the post-9/11 world.Less
It has become almost a cliché in many Euro-Atlantic political and academic circles to argue that the transatlantic security community that defines itself around liberal-democratic values is facing a particularly dangerous set of challenges and must find ways to adapt to an environment marked by the growing power of unconventional enemies, particularly transnationally organized terrorist groups. But the question is, what has this meant in practice? What are the dynamics and implications of the security policies and practices aimed at addressing the (allegedly) new threat of international terrorism? This book examines the practices enacted by three key institutions of the transatlantic security community — the EU, NATO, and the OSCE — in the name of combating international terrorism, and analyses the ways in which those practices have both been affected by and contributed to changes in the field of security. This book argues that contemporary attempts to respond to the perceived threat of international terrorism reflect a particular ethos of risk-management and involve a combination of two different — an inclusive and an exclusionary — logics of security. This book examines the interplay between the two logics and analyses their implications, including the ways in which they have contributed to processes of reconstitution of boundaries and norms of governance in the security community. In developing this analysis, this book also explores some of the normative and political dilemmas generated by contemporary patterns of inclusion/exclusion. On this basis, it seeks to make a significant contribution to the study of security practices and international governance in the post-9/11 world.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
The Introduction presents the dramatically changing evaluations of NATO. Through the years many had predicted the demise of the organization, but NATO had weathered crises after crises. In 1999 it ...
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The Introduction presents the dramatically changing evaluations of NATO. Through the years many had predicted the demise of the organization, but NATO had weathered crises after crises. In 1999 it celebrated its fiftieth anniversary, still going very strong. It had indeed survived the end of the cold war and the disappearance of the Soviet Union. The 1990s had been a period of transition, but the emphasis seemed to be on the continuity side. The coming to power of George W. Bush appeared to change everything. The Iraq War brought to a climax tensions that had developed in Atlantic affairs. Yet, soon the crisis subsided. So, was this just another major crisis that had come and gone? The chapter sums up the conclusions of the many prominent contributors to this book.Less
The Introduction presents the dramatically changing evaluations of NATO. Through the years many had predicted the demise of the organization, but NATO had weathered crises after crises. In 1999 it celebrated its fiftieth anniversary, still going very strong. It had indeed survived the end of the cold war and the disappearance of the Soviet Union. The 1990s had been a period of transition, but the emphasis seemed to be on the continuity side. The coming to power of George W. Bush appeared to change everything. The Iraq War brought to a climax tensions that had developed in Atlantic affairs. Yet, soon the crisis subsided. So, was this just another major crisis that had come and gone? The chapter sums up the conclusions of the many prominent contributors to this book.
Michael Cox
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
Most observers agree that during the cold war the Soviet threat was crucial in holding the two sides of the Atlantic together. This chapter argues that terrorism will not hold the NATO members ...
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Most observers agree that during the cold war the Soviet threat was crucial in holding the two sides of the Atlantic together. This chapter argues that terrorism will not hold the NATO members together in the way the Soviet threat did. In fact, as the war on terror unfolds with probably more attacks on Europe than on the United States, “the divide between the two will grow.” Many in Europe felt that the American approach to fighting terrorism, as exemplified by Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib, was counterproductive. Divorce between the two sides may not occur, but they are likely to drift further apart. “There is no way of returning to some presumed golden past of allied unity using the vehicle of something so ill-defined as an ‘Islamic threat’ to hold the alliance together.”Less
Most observers agree that during the cold war the Soviet threat was crucial in holding the two sides of the Atlantic together. This chapter argues that terrorism will not hold the NATO members together in the way the Soviet threat did. In fact, as the war on terror unfolds with probably more attacks on Europe than on the United States, “the divide between the two will grow.” Many in Europe felt that the American approach to fighting terrorism, as exemplified by Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib, was counterproductive. Divorce between the two sides may not occur, but they are likely to drift further apart. “There is no way of returning to some presumed golden past of allied unity using the vehicle of something so ill-defined as an ‘Islamic threat’ to hold the alliance together.”
Anand Menon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199535026
- eISBN:
- 9780191715860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535026.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Despite acute international tensions, the EU has failed to exert influence, especially in security matters most requiring heroic leadership. The EU has no defence responsibility or capability, and ...
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Despite acute international tensions, the EU has failed to exert influence, especially in security matters most requiring heroic leadership. The EU has no defence responsibility or capability, and seeks indirect influence through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the Anglo-French European Security and Defence Policy, and through other policies. The main actors are the Council Secretariat and the Political and Security Committee, but lack of clear institutional lines of authority results in disputes, notably over relations with NATO and policy implementation despite the efforts of the High Representative for foreign policy. Because foreign and security policy are member state responsibilities, the EU is condemned to leaderlessness and concentration on non-military tasks and ambitious schemes are unrealistic. It should reduce institutional overlap to achieve greater coherence in action.Less
Despite acute international tensions, the EU has failed to exert influence, especially in security matters most requiring heroic leadership. The EU has no defence responsibility or capability, and seeks indirect influence through the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the Anglo-French European Security and Defence Policy, and through other policies. The main actors are the Council Secretariat and the Political and Security Committee, but lack of clear institutional lines of authority results in disputes, notably over relations with NATO and policy implementation despite the efforts of the High Representative for foreign policy. Because foreign and security policy are member state responsibilities, the EU is condemned to leaderlessness and concentration on non-military tasks and ambitious schemes are unrealistic. It should reduce institutional overlap to achieve greater coherence in action.
Alexandra Gheciu
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199217229
- eISBN:
- 9780191712449
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217229.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first chapter sets the scene by placing the analysis within the framework of debates about developments in the transatlantic security community in the post-9/11 world. It explains this book's ...
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The first chapter sets the scene by placing the analysis within the framework of debates about developments in the transatlantic security community in the post-9/11 world. It explains this book's focus on the EU, NATO, and the OSCE, and discusses the methods and data used in this study. Following an analysis of changes in the field of security since the end of the Cold War — and, as a prelude to the empirical chapters, a brief discussion of the evolving roles of the EU, NATO, and the OSCE — this chapter explains the conceptual framework used in this book. Drawing on analyses of risk-management developed in the disciplines of sociology, criminology, and political science, it argues that contemporary practices aimed at preventing and fighting terrorism can be understood as instantiations of a particular form of management of allegedly exceptional risks to modern liberal order.Less
The first chapter sets the scene by placing the analysis within the framework of debates about developments in the transatlantic security community in the post-9/11 world. It explains this book's focus on the EU, NATO, and the OSCE, and discusses the methods and data used in this study. Following an analysis of changes in the field of security since the end of the Cold War — and, as a prelude to the empirical chapters, a brief discussion of the evolving roles of the EU, NATO, and the OSCE — this chapter explains the conceptual framework used in this book. Drawing on analyses of risk-management developed in the disciplines of sociology, criminology, and political science, it argues that contemporary practices aimed at preventing and fighting terrorism can be understood as instantiations of a particular form of management of allegedly exceptional risks to modern liberal order.
Alexandra Gheciu
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199217229
- eISBN:
- 9780191712449
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217229.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Over the past few years, the challenge for NATO has been to transform itself into a highly flexible and complex institution, designed to manage a plurality of complex risks, especially the risk of ...
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Over the past few years, the challenge for NATO has been to transform itself into a highly flexible and complex institution, designed to manage a plurality of complex risks, especially the risk of terrorist attacks. Although NATO remains an institution that is significantly different from the EU, in response to significant changes in the field of security, the alliance has adopted a similar approach to risk-management, combining inclusive and exclusivist security practices. This chapter examines some notable examples of such practices, ranging from efforts to expand the security community via the diffusion of liberal norms in partner states, to attempts to control and exclude terrorists from the allied territory via operations such as Operation Active Endeavour in the Mediterranean. In addition, this chapter analyses NATO's most important current mission — ISAF in Afghanistan — and argues that this, too, reveals a combination of practices of inclusion and exclusion. This chapter also shows that, as in the case of the EU, practices enacted in the name of combating terrorism have contributed to a redefinition of modes of governance in the Euro-Atlantic area, especially by blurring the boundaries between the public–private spheres.Less
Over the past few years, the challenge for NATO has been to transform itself into a highly flexible and complex institution, designed to manage a plurality of complex risks, especially the risk of terrorist attacks. Although NATO remains an institution that is significantly different from the EU, in response to significant changes in the field of security, the alliance has adopted a similar approach to risk-management, combining inclusive and exclusivist security practices. This chapter examines some notable examples of such practices, ranging from efforts to expand the security community via the diffusion of liberal norms in partner states, to attempts to control and exclude terrorists from the allied territory via operations such as Operation Active Endeavour in the Mediterranean. In addition, this chapter analyses NATO's most important current mission — ISAF in Afghanistan — and argues that this, too, reveals a combination of practices of inclusion and exclusion. This chapter also shows that, as in the case of the EU, practices enacted in the name of combating terrorism have contributed to a redefinition of modes of governance in the Euro-Atlantic area, especially by blurring the boundaries between the public–private spheres.
Alexandra Gheciu
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199217229
- eISBN:
- 9780191712449
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217229.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The final chapter explores the ways in which the EU, NATO, and the OSCE have related to each other in their (theoretically joint) effort to prevent and combat international terrorism. Drawing on the ...
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The final chapter explores the ways in which the EU, NATO, and the OSCE have related to each other in their (theoretically joint) effort to prevent and combat international terrorism. Drawing on the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, it argues that important instances of cooperation among NATO, the EU, and the OSCE have been accompanied by a dynamic of competition, as each institution has sought to secure a privileged position in the changing field of security by invoking and seeking to further enhance its symbolic and material capital. This chapter also reflects on the ways in which the activities carried out by the EU, NATO, and the OSCE have further contributed to transformations in the field of security and, more broadly, to changes in norms of governance in the Euro-Atlantic area, for instance by participating in the process of blurring the boundaries between policing/defence activities, public/private spheres, and (re)constituting categories of protector/protected. Through their practices, NATO, the EU, and the OSCE have also complicated questions about the acceptable limits of exceptional treatments of exclusion that target individuals and groups deemed as enemies of the community based on liberal-democratic values.Less
The final chapter explores the ways in which the EU, NATO, and the OSCE have related to each other in their (theoretically joint) effort to prevent and combat international terrorism. Drawing on the work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, it argues that important instances of cooperation among NATO, the EU, and the OSCE have been accompanied by a dynamic of competition, as each institution has sought to secure a privileged position in the changing field of security by invoking and seeking to further enhance its symbolic and material capital. This chapter also reflects on the ways in which the activities carried out by the EU, NATO, and the OSCE have further contributed to transformations in the field of security and, more broadly, to changes in norms of governance in the Euro-Atlantic area, for instance by participating in the process of blurring the boundaries between policing/defence activities, public/private spheres, and (re)constituting categories of protector/protected. Through their practices, NATO, the EU, and the OSCE have also complicated questions about the acceptable limits of exceptional treatments of exclusion that target individuals and groups deemed as enemies of the community based on liberal-democratic values.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199561049
- eISBN:
- 9780191722318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561049.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
This chapter begins by bringing together the findings of the previous six chapters to outline the complete conception of legitimacy—the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach. It goes on to use this ...
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This chapter begins by bringing together the findings of the previous six chapters to outline the complete conception of legitimacy—the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach. It goes on to use this approach to consider to answer two central questions: (a) ‘Who has the right to intervene?’ and (b) ‘Who has the duty to intervene?’ It first suggests that any agent that has an adequate degree of legitimacy has the right to intervene. Second, it argues that the duty to intervene should fall on the most legitimate intervener. Assigning the duty to intervene raises additional issues, such as that of fairness. The chapter therefore defends the view that the most legitimate agent has the duty to intervene against three leading alternatives and the claims that this is unfair. The third section considers who, out of current agents (the NATO, the states, the UN, the regional organizations, and the private military companies), (a) has an adequate degree of legitimacy, and therefore the right to intervene, and (b) is the most legitimate agent, and therefore has the duty to intervene. It concludes that, although some agents of intervention possess an adequate degree of legitimacy, no current agent is fully legitimate.Less
This chapter begins by bringing together the findings of the previous six chapters to outline the complete conception of legitimacy—the Moderate Instrumentalist Approach. It goes on to use this approach to consider to answer two central questions: (a) ‘Who has the right to intervene?’ and (b) ‘Who has the duty to intervene?’ It first suggests that any agent that has an adequate degree of legitimacy has the right to intervene. Second, it argues that the duty to intervene should fall on the most legitimate intervener. Assigning the duty to intervene raises additional issues, such as that of fairness. The chapter therefore defends the view that the most legitimate agent has the duty to intervene against three leading alternatives and the claims that this is unfair. The third section considers who, out of current agents (the NATO, the states, the UN, the regional organizations, and the private military companies), (a) has an adequate degree of legitimacy, and therefore the right to intervene, and (b) is the most legitimate agent, and therefore has the duty to intervene. It concludes that, although some agents of intervention possess an adequate degree of legitimacy, no current agent is fully legitimate.
Oskar Niedermayer and Richard Sinnott (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The way in which the citizens of Western Europe are governed is no longer decided on a purely national level. This book is the second in the ‘Beliefs in government’ series, and systematically ...
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The way in which the citizens of Western Europe are governed is no longer decided on a purely national level. This book is the second in the ‘Beliefs in government’ series, and systematically explores the attitudes of European publics to this internationalization of governance, and examines trends and sources of support for European integration. Are positive attitudes due to hand‐outs from Brussels, or the economic benefits of the single market? What are the roles of class, education, and leadership? Does a European identity and a basic level of intra‐European trust exist? How do problems of subsidiarity and of democratic deficit affect legitimacy, and how do all of these issues relate to the nation state? As well as these other issues, the book also looks at EU enlargement, EFTA, Central and Eastern Europe, and attitudes to NATO both before and after the events of 1989. The problems are examined from the different perspectives of integration theory, international relations, and comparative politics. A final chapter spells out the implications for the future of European governance.Less
The way in which the citizens of Western Europe are governed is no longer decided on a purely national level. This book is the second in the ‘Beliefs in government’ series, and systematically explores the attitudes of European publics to this internationalization of governance, and examines trends and sources of support for European integration. Are positive attitudes due to hand‐outs from Brussels, or the economic benefits of the single market? What are the roles of class, education, and leadership? Does a European identity and a basic level of intra‐European trust exist? How do problems of subsidiarity and of democratic deficit affect legitimacy, and how do all of these issues relate to the nation state? As well as these other issues, the book also looks at EU enlargement, EFTA, Central and Eastern Europe, and attitudes to NATO both before and after the events of 1989. The problems are examined from the different perspectives of integration theory, international relations, and comparative politics. A final chapter spells out the implications for the future of European governance.
Arthur C. Helton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250318
- eISBN:
- 9780191599477
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250316.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Several broad trends provide the context for current refugee policy responses. The debate over national sovereignty and humanitarian intervention, while not new, reached a crescendo over the past ...
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Several broad trends provide the context for current refugee policy responses. The debate over national sovereignty and humanitarian intervention, while not new, reached a crescendo over the past decade as refugees and population movements more generally necessarily diminished the exclusive prerogative of state sovereignty relating to border control in the modern world. Europe is a fertile setting for the development of regional capacities that can blend military and civilian responses to humanitarian crises, both within and outside Europe, including at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Yet, the difficulty of protecting and assisting internally displaced persons, continues to raise basic questions about the competence of the international system and the implementation mechanisms for human rights and humanitarian law. International migration provides the broad context for the evolution of refugee policy.Less
Several broad trends provide the context for current refugee policy responses. The debate over national sovereignty and humanitarian intervention, while not new, reached a crescendo over the past decade as refugees and population movements more generally necessarily diminished the exclusive prerogative of state sovereignty relating to border control in the modern world. Europe is a fertile setting for the development of regional capacities that can blend military and civilian responses to humanitarian crises, both within and outside Europe, including at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Yet, the difficulty of protecting and assisting internally displaced persons, continues to raise basic questions about the competence of the international system and the implementation mechanisms for human rights and humanitarian law. International migration provides the broad context for the evolution of refugee policy.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it ...
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Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it had during the Cold War; now, a strengthened EU could manage much more on its own. In some ways the American role in Western Europe did decline, but the surprise was how little it changed in the period under discussion (1993–2001): the unification of Germany and Western Europe's participation in the Gulf War under US leadership had set the pattern under Bush; now, under Clinton (who was elected in November 1992), America's lead was to be most clearly seen in the wars in ex‐Yugoslavia (discussed in the first section of the chapter) and in the process of NATO expansion (discussed in the second section). NATO did not collapse when its raison d’être, the Soviet Union, the enemy against which it had been directed, disappeared, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved; on the contrary, NATO took in new members from among the former Pact members and some of the disputes that had plagued it for decades were now softened, so that France moved closer to NATO again. The third section of the chapter shows that, in return, the Clinton administration was showing a more open attitude than that of Bush to European integration (the EU), in the form of monetary and defence cooperation. The last section of the chapter makes the point that, with so many signs of change in Washington, European governments and publics were renewing their invitations to the US to stay involved in Europe: in Western Europe the invitations were weaker and more ambivalent now than in the early years after the Second World War, but in Central and Eastern Europe, finally free from Soviet control, the invitations were quite similar to those the Western Europeans had extended almost fifty years earlier.Less
Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it had during the Cold War; now, a strengthened EU could manage much more on its own. In some ways the American role in Western Europe did decline, but the surprise was how little it changed in the period under discussion (1993–2001): the unification of Germany and Western Europe's participation in the Gulf War under US leadership had set the pattern under Bush; now, under Clinton (who was elected in November 1992), America's lead was to be most clearly seen in the wars in ex‐Yugoslavia (discussed in the first section of the chapter) and in the process of NATO expansion (discussed in the second section). NATO did not collapse when its raison d’être, the Soviet Union, the enemy against which it had been directed, disappeared, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved; on the contrary, NATO took in new members from among the former Pact members and some of the disputes that had plagued it for decades were now softened, so that France moved closer to NATO again. The third section of the chapter shows that, in return, the Clinton administration was showing a more open attitude than that of Bush to European integration (the EU), in the form of monetary and defence cooperation. The last section of the chapter makes the point that, with so many signs of change in Washington, European governments and publics were renewing their invitations to the US to stay involved in Europe: in Western Europe the invitations were weaker and more ambivalent now than in the early years after the Second World War, but in Central and Eastern Europe, finally free from Soviet control, the invitations were quite similar to those the Western Europeans had extended almost fifty years earlier.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New ...
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Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.Less
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that ...
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Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was unprepared to deal with the refugee crisis in Kosovo, and that its ability to coordinate the humanitarian response was hampered by lack of funding and coordination, proliferation of NGOs in the field funded directly by their governments and complex relations with the military. Part 2 of the chapter analyses the relationship between the media on one side and NATO, Yugoslav government, and NGOs on the other side. The second part of the chapter concludes by encouraging development of free press and mass media in post‐war Kosovo.Less
Part 1 argues that when there are large numbers of internally displaced people, humanitarian groups should anticipate and prepare for the risks of a large outflow of refugees. The chapter argues that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was unprepared to deal with the refugee crisis in Kosovo, and that its ability to coordinate the humanitarian response was hampered by lack of funding and coordination, proliferation of NGOs in the field funded directly by their governments and complex relations with the military. Part 2 of the chapter analyses the relationship between the media on one side and NATO, Yugoslav government, and NGOs on the other side. The second part of the chapter concludes by encouraging development of free press and mass media in post‐war Kosovo.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern ...
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Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.Less
Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.
