Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King analyses the difficulties facing Black Americans attempting to join the civil service and the inadequacy of the US Civil Service Commission's monitoring of both recruitment and promotion. He ...
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King analyses the difficulties facing Black Americans attempting to join the civil service and the inadequacy of the US Civil Service Commission's monitoring of both recruitment and promotion. He reviews the reform of the federal civil service from a patronage‐based to a merit‐based hiring system and then explains how the mechanism deployed by the civil service systematically discriminated against Black American applicants. In his examination, King focuses on specific hiring practices like the ‘rule of three’ as well as institutions including the Civil Service Commission, congressional committees, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Less
King analyses the difficulties facing Black Americans attempting to join the civil service and the inadequacy of the US Civil Service Commission's monitoring of both recruitment and promotion. He reviews the reform of the federal civil service from a patronage‐based to a merit‐based hiring system and then explains how the mechanism deployed by the civil service systematically discriminated against Black American applicants. In his examination, King focuses on specific hiring practices like the ‘rule of three’ as well as institutions including the Civil Service Commission, congressional committees, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King examines how interventions of the American federal government—namely, the United States Employment Service (USES), federal mortgage assistance, and public housing programmes—mirrored the ...
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King examines how interventions of the American federal government—namely, the United States Employment Service (USES), federal mortgage assistance, and public housing programmes—mirrored the segregationist order in which they were installed, thus consolidating residential separation by race. According to King, not only did USES discriminate in their job placements but also in its field office facilities and staff; he also shows how the anti‐discrimination policies of the USES were failures and explores the reasons. Next, King traces the evolution of federal public housing and mortgage assistance programmes, focusing especially on the policies of the US Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and responses from organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Less
King examines how interventions of the American federal government—namely, the United States Employment Service (USES), federal mortgage assistance, and public housing programmes—mirrored the segregationist order in which they were installed, thus consolidating residential separation by race. According to King, not only did USES discriminate in their job placements but also in its field office facilities and staff; he also shows how the anti‐discrimination policies of the USES were failures and explores the reasons. Next, King traces the evolution of federal public housing and mortgage assistance programmes, focusing especially on the policies of the US Federal Housing Authority (FHA) and responses from organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142630
- eISBN:
- 9781400839766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142630.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter talks about the complex patterns of racial alliances that emerged during the Jim Crow era. It shows that, shaped by the interactions of a wide range of groups, the patterns and practices ...
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This chapter talks about the complex patterns of racial alliances that emerged during the Jim Crow era. It shows that, shaped by the interactions of a wide range of groups, the patterns and practices of white supremacy during the Jim Crow years varied from state to state, town to town, even neighborhood to neighborhood, and shifted over time in differing ways in all these locales. Within this new era of American racial politics, diminished but determined racially egalitarian actors, groups, and institutions remained important players in American politics, and over time new ones emerged. From their own efforts, aided by changes in a range of domestic and international circumstances, they would gradually grow more powerful through the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, especially during and after World War II.Less
This chapter talks about the complex patterns of racial alliances that emerged during the Jim Crow era. It shows that, shaped by the interactions of a wide range of groups, the patterns and practices of white supremacy during the Jim Crow years varied from state to state, town to town, even neighborhood to neighborhood, and shifted over time in differing ways in all these locales. Within this new era of American racial politics, diminished but determined racially egalitarian actors, groups, and institutions remained important players in American politics, and over time new ones emerged. From their own efforts, aided by changes in a range of domestic and international circumstances, they would gradually grow more powerful through the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, especially during and after World War II.
Marion Elizabeth Rodgers
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195072389
- eISBN:
- 9780199787982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195072389.003.0037
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
Although the end of Prohibition has brought about one civil liberty, many individual rights were still being trampled — namely, those of the American Negro. Throughout the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan ...
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Although the end of Prohibition has brought about one civil liberty, many individual rights were still being trampled — namely, those of the American Negro. Throughout the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan regrouped and public lynching increased, but the atrocities remained unchecked by the Roosevelt Administration. In 1931 and 1932, two horrific lynchings on Maryland's Eastern Shore prompted Mencken to write some of his strongest columns against the subject, resulting in the Baltimore Sun being censored and Mencken himself receiving death threats. Not to be deterred, Mencken joined the NAACP to campaign for the Costigan-Wagner Bill to put an end to lynching.Less
Although the end of Prohibition has brought about one civil liberty, many individual rights were still being trampled — namely, those of the American Negro. Throughout the 1930s, the Ku Klux Klan regrouped and public lynching increased, but the atrocities remained unchecked by the Roosevelt Administration. In 1931 and 1932, two horrific lynchings on Maryland's Eastern Shore prompted Mencken to write some of his strongest columns against the subject, resulting in the Baltimore Sun being censored and Mencken himself receiving death threats. Not to be deterred, Mencken joined the NAACP to campaign for the Costigan-Wagner Bill to put an end to lynching.
Bryant Simon
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195167535
- eISBN:
- 9780199789016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195167535.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
By the 1970s, Atlantic City had become almost a parody of the American Dream. The city's neighborhoods were now made up of cracked sidewalks, houses desperate for new paint, and storefronts ...
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By the 1970s, Atlantic City had become almost a parody of the American Dream. The city's neighborhoods were now made up of cracked sidewalks, houses desperate for new paint, and storefronts barricaded with steel bars. Along the Boardwalk, Going Out of Business signs stretched across the fronts of once-elegant linen shops; movie marquees advertised films long gone. Atlantic City locals and faithful visitors have varying theories for the city's decline. Their narratives of decay give insight into the complexity of urban problems and are interesting for how they link seemingly mundane and unrelated shifts in commerce and technology to changes in people's leisure choices and vacation desires.Less
By the 1970s, Atlantic City had become almost a parody of the American Dream. The city's neighborhoods were now made up of cracked sidewalks, houses desperate for new paint, and storefronts barricaded with steel bars. Along the Boardwalk, Going Out of Business signs stretched across the fronts of once-elegant linen shops; movie marquees advertised films long gone. Atlantic City locals and faithful visitors have varying theories for the city's decline. Their narratives of decay give insight into the complexity of urban problems and are interesting for how they link seemingly mundane and unrelated shifts in commerce and technology to changes in people's leisure choices and vacation desires.
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
This chapter tells the story of the NAACP's founding in a new way: by tracing the many bridges from past to future that the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century racial justice leaders ...
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This chapter tells the story of the NAACP's founding in a new way: by tracing the many bridges from past to future that the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century racial justice leaders discussed earlier in the book provided to the NAACP. It shows how these leaders offered formative ideas that propelled the NAACP through its infancy, including ideas about both organizing strategy and substantive issue agendas. It also documents the many lines of transmission of experienced activists from the Afro-American Council and the Niagara Movement to the local and national NAACP committees that provided this new organization with its growth and enduring strength.Less
This chapter tells the story of the NAACP's founding in a new way: by tracing the many bridges from past to future that the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century racial justice leaders discussed earlier in the book provided to the NAACP. It shows how these leaders offered formative ideas that propelled the NAACP through its infancy, including ideas about both organizing strategy and substantive issue agendas. It also documents the many lines of transmission of experienced activists from the Afro-American Council and the Niagara Movement to the local and national NAACP committees that provided this new organization with its growth and enduring strength.
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
This chapter traces the birth of the NAACP's law-focused agenda. It analyzes its earliest criminal defense cases, the beginning of its first national legal committee, and its adoption of a test case ...
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This chapter traces the birth of the NAACP's law-focused agenda. It analyzes its earliest criminal defense cases, the beginning of its first national legal committee, and its adoption of a test case litigation strategy. It also examines its national legislative efforts, tracing their origins to specific National Afro-American Council leaders who suggested particular campaigns to the NAACP. It ends with the story of the NAACP's first Supreme Court victory, in the grandfather clause case titled U.S. v. Guinn, and assesses the NAACP's achievements in its earliest years, attributing its ability to grow in adverse conditions to the experience garnered by the leaders involved in the earlier efforts this book explores.Less
This chapter traces the birth of the NAACP's law-focused agenda. It analyzes its earliest criminal defense cases, the beginning of its first national legal committee, and its adoption of a test case litigation strategy. It also examines its national legislative efforts, tracing their origins to specific National Afro-American Council leaders who suggested particular campaigns to the NAACP. It ends with the story of the NAACP's first Supreme Court victory, in the grandfather clause case titled U.S. v. Guinn, and assesses the NAACP's achievements in its earliest years, attributing its ability to grow in adverse conditions to the experience garnered by the leaders involved in the earlier efforts this book explores.
Patricia Sullivan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195382419
- eISBN:
- 9780199932641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382419.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter chronicles the ways in which NAACP officers tried to harness wartime militancy in the South. The NAACP achieved some notable successes, but experienced just as many frustrations. ...
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This chapter chronicles the ways in which NAACP officers tried to harness wartime militancy in the South. The NAACP achieved some notable successes, but experienced just as many frustrations. Director of Branches Ella Baker worked tirelessly, and to good effect, to ensure that the much-publicized growth in NAACP membership translated into meaningful protest. But at the end of the war she resigned, deeply frustrated by the unwillingness of national leaders to support her efforts. Others—such as W. E. B. Du Bois—would be forced out by the organization’s postwar turn against Communism. Ultimately it would be the “legal insurgency” that took hold in the South that would provide the greatest legacy of the NAACP’s wartime work in the region—an insurgency dependent not just upon the organization’s legal team, however, but also upon the new infrastructure of branches and the heightened aspirations generated by the war.Less
This chapter chronicles the ways in which NAACP officers tried to harness wartime militancy in the South. The NAACP achieved some notable successes, but experienced just as many frustrations. Director of Branches Ella Baker worked tirelessly, and to good effect, to ensure that the much-publicized growth in NAACP membership translated into meaningful protest. But at the end of the war she resigned, deeply frustrated by the unwillingness of national leaders to support her efforts. Others—such as W. E. B. Du Bois—would be forced out by the organization’s postwar turn against Communism. Ultimately it would be the “legal insurgency” that took hold in the South that would provide the greatest legacy of the NAACP’s wartime work in the region—an insurgency dependent not just upon the organization’s legal team, however, but also upon the new infrastructure of branches and the heightened aspirations generated by the war.
Anders Walker
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195181746
- eISBN:
- 9780199870660
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195181746.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on J. P. Coleman's response to Brown in Mississippi. Specifically, his struggle with Roy Wilkins, director of the NAACP, to project a positive image of the state and to thwart ...
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This chapter focuses on J. P. Coleman's response to Brown in Mississippi. Specifically, his struggle with Roy Wilkins, director of the NAACP, to project a positive image of the state and to thwart civil rights protest. It also looks at Coleman's attempts to control white extremism by centralizing law enforcement, modernizing judicial administration, and removing power from local justices of the peace. Finally, it discusses Coleman's efforts to facilitate the continued segregation of schools by shifting classifications from color to moral character. This shift, though dedicated largely to facilitate pupil placement, also became part of Coleman's larger effort to win what he perceived to be a propaganda battle against the NAACP by showcasing social problems endemic to black communities.Less
This chapter focuses on J. P. Coleman's response to Brown in Mississippi. Specifically, his struggle with Roy Wilkins, director of the NAACP, to project a positive image of the state and to thwart civil rights protest. It also looks at Coleman's attempts to control white extremism by centralizing law enforcement, modernizing judicial administration, and removing power from local justices of the peace. Finally, it discusses Coleman's efforts to facilitate the continued segregation of schools by shifting classifications from color to moral character. This shift, though dedicated largely to facilitate pupil placement, also became part of Coleman's larger effort to win what he perceived to be a propaganda battle against the NAACP by showcasing social problems endemic to black communities.
David Cunningham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199752027
- eISBN:
- 9780199979431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199752027.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter focuses on the Ku Klux Klan's uneven presence across North Carolina counties, and explains how the significant variation in Klan presence related to the patterning of racial competition ...
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This chapter focuses on the Ku Klux Klan's uneven presence across North Carolina counties, and explains how the significant variation in Klan presence related to the patterning of racial competition in different regions of the state. Focusing on demographic, economic, and political dimensions of competition, the analysis demonstrates how the racial composition of neighborhoods, public spaces, and the labor market, as well as voter registration patterns and NAACP organizing efforts, shaped the contours of KKK mobilization. The chapter also emphasizes the spatial character of competition, showing how certain dimensions operated in a highly-localized manner while others had diffuse effects on Klan presence.Less
This chapter focuses on the Ku Klux Klan's uneven presence across North Carolina counties, and explains how the significant variation in Klan presence related to the patterning of racial competition in different regions of the state. Focusing on demographic, economic, and political dimensions of competition, the analysis demonstrates how the racial composition of neighborhoods, public spaces, and the labor market, as well as voter registration patterns and NAACP organizing efforts, shaped the contours of KKK mobilization. The chapter also emphasizes the spatial character of competition, showing how certain dimensions operated in a highly-localized manner while others had diffuse effects on Klan presence.
Peter Charles Hoffer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226614281
- eISBN:
- 9780226614458
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226614458.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
The Search for Justice is a study of the role of lawyers in the Civil Rights Revolution. The work focuses on school desegregation from 1950 to 1975 and includes counsel on both sides of the struggle ...
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The Search for Justice is a study of the role of lawyers in the Civil Rights Revolution. The work focuses on school desegregation from 1950 to 1975 and includes counsel on both sides of the struggle in the courtroom and in Congress, the federal and state judges and justices, and law school constitutional authorities. Key cases include Sweatt v. Painter, Brown v. Board of Education, and NAACP v. Alabama. Key players include Thurgood Marshall, Robert L. Carter, John W. Davis, Earl Warren, James Patterson, Strom Thurmond, Richard Russell, Alexander Bickel, and Herbert Wechsler. The argument is that the outcome of the struggle was never inevitable: lawyers for segregation did an able job of representing their clients, and in some sense were successful with resegregating neighborhood schools.Less
The Search for Justice is a study of the role of lawyers in the Civil Rights Revolution. The work focuses on school desegregation from 1950 to 1975 and includes counsel on both sides of the struggle in the courtroom and in Congress, the federal and state judges and justices, and law school constitutional authorities. Key cases include Sweatt v. Painter, Brown v. Board of Education, and NAACP v. Alabama. Key players include Thurgood Marshall, Robert L. Carter, John W. Davis, Earl Warren, James Patterson, Strom Thurmond, Richard Russell, Alexander Bickel, and Herbert Wechsler. The argument is that the outcome of the struggle was never inevitable: lawyers for segregation did an able job of representing their clients, and in some sense were successful with resegregating neighborhood schools.
Linda O. McMurry
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195139273
- eISBN:
- 9780199848911
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195139273.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses Wells-Barnett's activism in 1910. Failing to find an adequate institutional base for her crusade, she began creating her own vehicles for activism. She continued to fight ...
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This chapter discusses Wells-Barnett's activism in 1910. Failing to find an adequate institutional base for her crusade, she began creating her own vehicles for activism. She continued to fight injustice through protests, and became increasingly involved in self-help programs and legal action for racial advancement. Because she still believed in racial unity, Wells-Barnett persisted in her efforts to affiliate with national organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Association for Colored Women (NACW) and joined new protest movements.Less
This chapter discusses Wells-Barnett's activism in 1910. Failing to find an adequate institutional base for her crusade, she began creating her own vehicles for activism. She continued to fight injustice through protests, and became increasingly involved in self-help programs and legal action for racial advancement. Because she still believed in racial unity, Wells-Barnett persisted in her efforts to affiliate with national organizations such as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Association for Colored Women (NACW) and joined new protest movements.
Gary Dorrien
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300205602
- eISBN:
- 9780300216332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300205602.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The civil rights movement began in 1884 with a call for what became the National Afro-American League; it had a brilliant movement of hope in the Niagara Movement of 1905 to 1909; it entered a second ...
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The civil rights movement began in 1884 with a call for what became the National Afro-American League; it had a brilliant movement of hope in the Niagara Movement of 1905 to 1909; it entered a second phase of activism in 1909 with the founding of the NAACP; and the black social gospel provided a home and ballast for the NAACP across the country. The black social gospel tradition that led to King came mostly from the radical and reform schools of the social gospel housed in the NAACP and the black churches.Less
The civil rights movement began in 1884 with a call for what became the National Afro-American League; it had a brilliant movement of hope in the Niagara Movement of 1905 to 1909; it entered a second phase of activism in 1909 with the founding of the NAACP; and the black social gospel provided a home and ballast for the NAACP across the country. The black social gospel tradition that led to King came mostly from the radical and reform schools of the social gospel housed in the NAACP and the black churches.
Gary Dorrien
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300205602
- eISBN:
- 9780300216332
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300205602.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Reverdy C. Ransom and Alexander Walters were prominent founders of the black social gospel, alike in eloquence, influence, productivity, protest militancy, and rising to bishop’s chairs respectively ...
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Reverdy C. Ransom and Alexander Walters were prominent founders of the black social gospel, alike in eloquence, influence, productivity, protest militancy, and rising to bishop’s chairs respectively in the African Methodist Episcopal and African Methodist Episcopal Zion churches. Ransom was embattled everywhere and Walters had a smoother run, but both epitomized the effort to convert the black churches to social gospel activism.Less
Reverdy C. Ransom and Alexander Walters were prominent founders of the black social gospel, alike in eloquence, influence, productivity, protest militancy, and rising to bishop’s chairs respectively in the African Methodist Episcopal and African Methodist Episcopal Zion churches. Ransom was embattled everywhere and Walters had a smoother run, but both epitomized the effort to convert the black churches to social gospel activism.
Edmund L. Drago
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823229376
- eISBN:
- 9780823234912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823229376.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter discusses the two conflicting legacies of Civil War and Reconstruction which competed for hegemony in South Carolina after the 1890s. The present conflict evolved out of the triumph of ...
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This chapter discusses the two conflicting legacies of Civil War and Reconstruction which competed for hegemony in South Carolina after the 1890s. The present conflict evolved out of the triumph of Racial Radicalism in South Carolina. Racial Radicalism, by establishing Jim Crow segregation, nurtured the growth of a black professional class who provided the leadership to establish the South Carolina Chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). On the eve of the sesquicentennial of the firing on Fort Sumter, the issue of slavery seems to be the key to the reconciliation of conflicting legacies.Less
This chapter discusses the two conflicting legacies of Civil War and Reconstruction which competed for hegemony in South Carolina after the 1890s. The present conflict evolved out of the triumph of Racial Radicalism in South Carolina. Racial Radicalism, by establishing Jim Crow segregation, nurtured the growth of a black professional class who provided the leadership to establish the South Carolina Chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). On the eve of the sesquicentennial of the firing on Fort Sumter, the issue of slavery seems to be the key to the reconciliation of conflicting legacies.
Gordon A. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737899
- eISBN:
- 9781604737905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737899.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on another government witness, Benjamin Franklin “B. F.” Bourn, who ran the grocery and meat market in the heart of black Hattiesburg. In 1946 he helped establish Forrest ...
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This chapter focuses on another government witness, Benjamin Franklin “B. F.” Bourn, who ran the grocery and meat market in the heart of black Hattiesburg. In 1946 he helped establish Forrest County’s NAACP chapter.Less
This chapter focuses on another government witness, Benjamin Franklin “B. F.” Bourn, who ran the grocery and meat market in the heart of black Hattiesburg. In 1946 he helped establish Forrest County’s NAACP chapter.
Gordon A. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737899
- eISBN:
- 9781604737905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737899.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on government witness Vernon Dahmer, who served as president of Forrest County’s tiny, furtive, but durable NAACP chapter until the year before his death. Dahmer was also a ...
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This chapter focuses on government witness Vernon Dahmer, who served as president of Forrest County’s tiny, furtive, but durable NAACP chapter until the year before his death. Dahmer was also a generous, courageous, and respected community leader. His testimony helped demonstrate the pattern of discrimination in the county.Less
This chapter focuses on government witness Vernon Dahmer, who served as president of Forrest County’s tiny, furtive, but durable NAACP chapter until the year before his death. Dahmer was also a generous, courageous, and respected community leader. His testimony helped demonstrate the pattern of discrimination in the county.
Richard A. Rosen and Joseph Mosnier
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469628547
- eISBN:
- 9781469628561
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628547.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Born in the hamlet of Mount Gilead, North Carolina, Julius Chambers (1936–2013) escaped the fetters of the Jim Crow South to emerge in the 1960s and 1970s as the nation’s leading African American ...
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Born in the hamlet of Mount Gilead, North Carolina, Julius Chambers (1936–2013) escaped the fetters of the Jim Crow South to emerge in the 1960s and 1970s as the nation’s leading African American civil rights attorney. After blazing a unique path through the world of higher education, including becoming the first black student ever to be editor-in-chief of the law review at a historically white southern law school, Chambers was selected as the initial intern for NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund’s civil rights internship program. Following passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Chambers worked closely with LDF in forwarding the strategic litigation campaign for civil rights, with Chambers arguing and ultimately winning landmark school and employment desegregation cases at the U.S. Supreme Court. Aided by a small group of white and black attorneys and support staff which he gathered together in a truly integrated law firm, and undaunted by the dynamiting of his home and the arson that destroyed the offices of his law practice, Chambers pushed federal civil rights law to its high-water mark. This book connects the details of Chambers’s life to the wider struggle to secure racial equality through the development of modern civil rights law. Tracing his path from a dilapidated black elementary school to counsel’s lectern at the Supreme Court and beyond, the authors reveal Chambers’s singular influence on the evolution of federal civil rights law after 1964.Less
Born in the hamlet of Mount Gilead, North Carolina, Julius Chambers (1936–2013) escaped the fetters of the Jim Crow South to emerge in the 1960s and 1970s as the nation’s leading African American civil rights attorney. After blazing a unique path through the world of higher education, including becoming the first black student ever to be editor-in-chief of the law review at a historically white southern law school, Chambers was selected as the initial intern for NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund’s civil rights internship program. Following passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Chambers worked closely with LDF in forwarding the strategic litigation campaign for civil rights, with Chambers arguing and ultimately winning landmark school and employment desegregation cases at the U.S. Supreme Court. Aided by a small group of white and black attorneys and support staff which he gathered together in a truly integrated law firm, and undaunted by the dynamiting of his home and the arson that destroyed the offices of his law practice, Chambers pushed federal civil rights law to its high-water mark. This book connects the details of Chambers’s life to the wider struggle to secure racial equality through the development of modern civil rights law. Tracing his path from a dilapidated black elementary school to counsel’s lectern at the Supreme Court and beyond, the authors reveal Chambers’s singular influence on the evolution of federal civil rights law after 1964.
Davis W. Houck and David E. Dixon
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604731071
- eISBN:
- 9781604737608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604731071.003.0029
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Born on March 17, 1933, in Vicksburg, Mississippi, Myrlie Beasley Evers was a civil rights activist like her husband, Medgar Evers. In 1954, the couple moved to the state capital of Jackson, where ...
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Born on March 17, 1933, in Vicksburg, Mississippi, Myrlie Beasley Evers was a civil rights activist like her husband, Medgar Evers. In 1954, the couple moved to the state capital of Jackson, where Medgar became the first state field secretary for the NAACP’s Mississippi chapter. When Medgar was assassinated by Byron de la Beckwith in 1963, Myrlie Evers and her three young children moved to Claremont, California, and married Walter Williams in 1975. In the 1990s she convinced Mississippi officials to reopen the case against de la Beckwith, was found guilty in a third trial in 1994. On November 26, 1963, Evers delivered an acceptance speech for the Freedom House Award on behalf of her late husband in New York City. This chapter reproduces Evers’s speech, in which she recounted her husband’s final moments before his assassination and lashed at the nameless masses who are guilty for his murder and that of President John F. Kennedy.Less
Born on March 17, 1933, in Vicksburg, Mississippi, Myrlie Beasley Evers was a civil rights activist like her husband, Medgar Evers. In 1954, the couple moved to the state capital of Jackson, where Medgar became the first state field secretary for the NAACP’s Mississippi chapter. When Medgar was assassinated by Byron de la Beckwith in 1963, Myrlie Evers and her three young children moved to Claremont, California, and married Walter Williams in 1975. In the 1990s she convinced Mississippi officials to reopen the case against de la Beckwith, was found guilty in a third trial in 1994. On November 26, 1963, Evers delivered an acceptance speech for the Freedom House Award on behalf of her late husband in New York City. This chapter reproduces Evers’s speech, in which she recounted her husband’s final moments before his assassination and lashed at the nameless masses who are guilty for his murder and that of President John F. Kennedy.
Anita L. Allen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195141375
- eISBN:
- 9780199918126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195141375.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy, General
This chapter defends a sceptical perspective on “racial privacy,’ and explores the grounds policymakers can and should rely on for declining to coerce a form of arguably sensitive data. Informational ...
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This chapter defends a sceptical perspective on “racial privacy,’ and explores the grounds policymakers can and should rely on for declining to coerce a form of arguably sensitive data. Informational privacy receives protection in contemporary US law through a large volume of constitutional, statutory and common law rules. However "racial" information received little legal protection. This has always been true in the US. Far from banning racial identification and data collection out of regard for privacy, US legislation requires classification by race. It is required through the decennial census; and it is required by federal labour and employment regulations. A California referendum to ban racial data collection failed. Too many Californians were convinced that the capacity to collect information about race was essential to protect civil rights and health. Race is well recognized in the European Union as a category of "sensitive" information. The same is not true in the US although race can be a socially sensitive subject matter, and the concept of racial privacy does make rare appearances in US case law. But racial privacy requirements remain absent from the massive, main body of information privacy law. The treatment of race as a private matter is impractical given the ease with which what Americans think of as a person's "race" can be discerned from their physical appearance. The First Amendment of the United States Constitution protects the group association rights. In NAACP v. Alabama, the Supreme Court held that the membership list of a civil rights group need not be released to state government. While the creation of a racial privacy right in the United States makes little sense, the continued recognition of the right of persons of all races to privately associate contributes to racial justice.Less
This chapter defends a sceptical perspective on “racial privacy,’ and explores the grounds policymakers can and should rely on for declining to coerce a form of arguably sensitive data. Informational privacy receives protection in contemporary US law through a large volume of constitutional, statutory and common law rules. However "racial" information received little legal protection. This has always been true in the US. Far from banning racial identification and data collection out of regard for privacy, US legislation requires classification by race. It is required through the decennial census; and it is required by federal labour and employment regulations. A California referendum to ban racial data collection failed. Too many Californians were convinced that the capacity to collect information about race was essential to protect civil rights and health. Race is well recognized in the European Union as a category of "sensitive" information. The same is not true in the US although race can be a socially sensitive subject matter, and the concept of racial privacy does make rare appearances in US case law. But racial privacy requirements remain absent from the massive, main body of information privacy law. The treatment of race as a private matter is impractical given the ease with which what Americans think of as a person's "race" can be discerned from their physical appearance. The First Amendment of the United States Constitution protects the group association rights. In NAACP v. Alabama, the Supreme Court held that the membership list of a civil rights group need not be released to state government. While the creation of a racial privacy right in the United States makes little sense, the continued recognition of the right of persons of all races to privately associate contributes to racial justice.
