Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter addresses two important questions: Which governments are online? What is the relative capacity of their information infrastructure? There are many aspects to the information society, and ...
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This chapter addresses two important questions: Which governments are online? What is the relative capacity of their information infrastructure? There are many aspects to the information society, and the chapter reviews the e-government literature relevant to Muslim countries. It traces the recent history of technology adoption by Muslim governments and presents some unique data—collected by the World Information Access project and the Project on Information Technology and Political Islam—which allows for the comparison of wired states. It is shown that there is a surprising amount of dependency in the global information society, with much of the information infrastructure of Muslim countries actually residing in advanced democracies such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. While information technologies seem to be at the heart of newfound efficiency, transparency, and accountability in emerging democracies, pursuing economic benefits and extending state capacity have forced even the most authoritarian states to make policy trade-offs that create the conditions for transparency and accountability.Less
This chapter addresses two important questions: Which governments are online? What is the relative capacity of their information infrastructure? There are many aspects to the information society, and the chapter reviews the e-government literature relevant to Muslim countries. It traces the recent history of technology adoption by Muslim governments and presents some unique data—collected by the World Information Access project and the Project on Information Technology and Political Islam—which allows for the comparison of wired states. It is shown that there is a surprising amount of dependency in the global information society, with much of the information infrastructure of Muslim countries actually residing in advanced democracies such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada. While information technologies seem to be at the heart of newfound efficiency, transparency, and accountability in emerging democracies, pursuing economic benefits and extending state capacity have forced even the most authoritarian states to make policy trade-offs that create the conditions for transparency and accountability.
Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter shows that political parties play different roles in Muslim countries. In some, parties participate in competitive elections; in others, a single political party manages the state ...
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This chapter shows that political parties play different roles in Muslim countries. In some, parties participate in competitive elections; in others, a single political party manages the state apparatus; and in yet others, political parties are hollow and ineffectual. The majority of these political parties support a vibrant secular political discourse online. The chapter traces the recent history of technology adoption by political parties and presents two findings. First, whereas in the past political parties could easily own, control, and incapacitate the news media, today it is much more difficult for them to maintain the same control over digital media. Second, contrary to received wisdom, the internet has not been taken up significantly by minor parties and radical challenger groups. Rather, it is the large, long-standing political organizations that have invested in information and communication technologies (ICTs) in a big way.Less
This chapter shows that political parties play different roles in Muslim countries. In some, parties participate in competitive elections; in others, a single political party manages the state apparatus; and in yet others, political parties are hollow and ineffectual. The majority of these political parties support a vibrant secular political discourse online. The chapter traces the recent history of technology adoption by political parties and presents two findings. First, whereas in the past political parties could easily own, control, and incapacitate the news media, today it is much more difficult for them to maintain the same control over digital media. Second, contrary to received wisdom, the internet has not been taken up significantly by minor parties and radical challenger groups. Rather, it is the large, long-standing political organizations that have invested in information and communication technologies (ICTs) in a big way.
Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter explores the more pernicious applications of ICTs, which are used in many Muslim countries not simply for censorship but for actively managing collective identity. The first part of the ...
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This chapter explores the more pernicious applications of ICTs, which are used in many Muslim countries not simply for censorship but for actively managing collective identity. The first part of the chapter explores the ways that political culture is now produced and consumed in Muslim countries. It reviews the most recent findings about techniques for political censorship and the efforts of activists to overcome these constraints. The chapter then demonstrates how political elites have effectively used the new media to construct and manage a transnational Muslim identity for people with significantly different cultural backgrounds. Through digital technologies, social elites attempt more than news censorship and email surveillance. They work to manage particular domains of Islamic political culture and identity formation for youth.Less
This chapter explores the more pernicious applications of ICTs, which are used in many Muslim countries not simply for censorship but for actively managing collective identity. The first part of the chapter explores the ways that political culture is now produced and consumed in Muslim countries. It reviews the most recent findings about techniques for political censorship and the efforts of activists to overcome these constraints. The chapter then demonstrates how political elites have effectively used the new media to construct and manage a transnational Muslim identity for people with significantly different cultural backgrounds. Through digital technologies, social elites attempt more than news censorship and email surveillance. They work to manage particular domains of Islamic political culture and identity formation for youth.
Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
One of the most important changes over the last decade has been in the business and practice of journalism in countries with large Muslim communities. This chapter reviews the ways in which the ...
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One of the most important changes over the last decade has been in the business and practice of journalism in countries with large Muslim communities. This chapter reviews the ways in which the internet has changed the organization of the newsrooms and the resources available to journalists. It documents the rise of an important new political actor—citizen-journalists. Equipped with a cell-phone camera or blog, they have had tangible impacts on the local and global news supply during political and security crises.Less
One of the most important changes over the last decade has been in the business and practice of journalism in countries with large Muslim communities. This chapter reviews the ways in which the internet has changed the organization of the newsrooms and the resources available to journalists. It documents the rise of an important new political actor—citizen-journalists. Equipped with a cell-phone camera or blog, they have had tangible impacts on the local and global news supply during political and security crises.
Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter develops grounded theory about the role of information and communication technologies in civil society development. Civic groups are important for democratization because they are, by ...
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This chapter develops grounded theory about the role of information and communication technologies in civil society development. Civic groups are important for democratization because they are, by definition, social organizations independent of the state. Across the Muslim world, civic associations are sprouting up as a result of the new, supportive information infrastructure provided by ICTs. Relatively cheap consumer electronics allow such civic groups to find new members and build affiliations with groups in cities and other countries. Such groups are particularly important in Muslim countries where political parties are illegal. The chapter reviews the ways in which the internet has had an impact on the political pacts negotiated between social elites and authoritarian regimes—pacts that determine the pace of political change.Less
This chapter develops grounded theory about the role of information and communication technologies in civil society development. Civic groups are important for democratization because they are, by definition, social organizations independent of the state. Across the Muslim world, civic associations are sprouting up as a result of the new, supportive information infrastructure provided by ICTs. Relatively cheap consumer electronics allow such civic groups to find new members and build affiliations with groups in cities and other countries. Such groups are particularly important in Muslim countries where political parties are illegal. The chapter reviews the ways in which the internet has had an impact on the political pacts negotiated between social elites and authoritarian regimes—pacts that determine the pace of political change.
Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199736416
- eISBN:
- 9780199866441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199736416.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
This chapter takes a transnational approach to answering a crucial question: What role does the internet have in the democratic transitions of Muslim countries? The previous four chapters reviewed ...
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This chapter takes a transnational approach to answering a crucial question: What role does the internet have in the democratic transitions of Muslim countries? The previous four chapters reviewed the impact of ICTs on four principal political actors: states, political parties, citizens, and journalists, exploring the causal pathways that particular countries have taken to becoming strong, resilient democracies. This chapter puts it all together using an innovative new statistical approach—fuzzy set logic—to summarize the real-world relationships between technology diffusion and democratic change. Using original data and data from established sources in original ways, it is shown that technology diffusion has had a crucial causal role in improvements in democratic institutions.Less
This chapter takes a transnational approach to answering a crucial question: What role does the internet have in the democratic transitions of Muslim countries? The previous four chapters reviewed the impact of ICTs on four principal political actors: states, political parties, citizens, and journalists, exploring the causal pathways that particular countries have taken to becoming strong, resilient democracies. This chapter puts it all together using an innovative new statistical approach—fuzzy set logic—to summarize the real-world relationships between technology diffusion and democratic change. Using original data and data from established sources in original ways, it is shown that technology diffusion has had a crucial causal role in improvements in democratic institutions.
Manlio Graziano
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780231174626
- eISBN:
- 9780231543910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231174626.003.0011
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter studies the cases in which it is possible to identify a role of religions in internal and international conflicts.
This chapter studies the cases in which it is possible to identify a role of religions in internal and international conflicts.
M. Steven Fish
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199769209
- eISBN:
- 9780190252502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199769209.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the relationship between Islam and social disorder, with particular reference to corruption and crime. Using data drawn from the World Values Survey (WVS), it evaluates whether ...
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This chapter examines the relationship between Islam and social disorder, with particular reference to corruption and crime. Using data drawn from the World Values Survey (WVS), it evaluates whether Muslims are more (or less) corrupt and more (or less) prone to violent crime than non-Muslims. In this chapter, corruption is measured by Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). Corruption is compared in the largest Muslim (for example, Indonesia, Sudan, and Malaysia) and Christian countries (United States, Philippines, UK etc.). The chapter also looks at homicide rates in Muslim countries versus non-Muslim countries.Less
This chapter examines the relationship between Islam and social disorder, with particular reference to corruption and crime. Using data drawn from the World Values Survey (WVS), it evaluates whether Muslims are more (or less) corrupt and more (or less) prone to violent crime than non-Muslims. In this chapter, corruption is measured by Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). Corruption is compared in the largest Muslim (for example, Indonesia, Sudan, and Malaysia) and Christian countries (United States, Philippines, UK etc.). The chapter also looks at homicide rates in Muslim countries versus non-Muslim countries.
Robert Springborg
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639687
- eISBN:
- 9780748653171
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639687.003.0020
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This concluding chapter aims to draw out from the preceding chapters answers to key questions about the transportability to Muslim countries of development models, particularly the Chinese model. ...
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This concluding chapter aims to draw out from the preceding chapters answers to key questions about the transportability to Muslim countries of development models, particularly the Chinese model. These questions turn on perceptions of the model at the sending and receiving ends; the viability and sustainability of the model itself; the economic, political, and cultural bilateral and regional relations that provide the context within which the model is perceived and acted upon; preconditions for the adoption and success of the model; the role of competitive models; and the type of governance assumed by the model and whether viable functional substitutes for governance institutions can be found. Answers to these questions may, in turn, enable an assessment of the relevance of models for development, especially across Muslim majority countries.Less
This concluding chapter aims to draw out from the preceding chapters answers to key questions about the transportability to Muslim countries of development models, particularly the Chinese model. These questions turn on perceptions of the model at the sending and receiving ends; the viability and sustainability of the model itself; the economic, political, and cultural bilateral and regional relations that provide the context within which the model is perceived and acted upon; preconditions for the adoption and success of the model; the role of competitive models; and the type of governance assumed by the model and whether viable functional substitutes for governance institutions can be found. Answers to these questions may, in turn, enable an assessment of the relevance of models for development, especially across Muslim majority countries.
Nancy J. Davis, Robert V. Robinson, and Tom VanHeuvelen
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190269098
- eISBN:
- 9780190633929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190269098.003.0007
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
Through analyses of World Values Surveys of six predominantly Muslim countries (Algeria, Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, and Pakistan), the authors explore the religious, social, and contextual ...
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Through analyses of World Values Surveys of six predominantly Muslim countries (Algeria, Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, and Pakistan), the authors explore the religious, social, and contextual bases of nonelectoral activism, ranging from discussing politics; to petitions, boycotts, and lawful demonstrations; to illegal strikes and building or factory occupation. The authors tested social movement theories, positing that political engagement results from differential recruitment, relative deprivation, social dislocation, embeddedness in preexisting networks of activists, and open (vs. closed or repressive) political systems. They found that the most politically engaged citizens were male, young or old (vs. middle-aged), had no or few children, were highly educated (but often with low incomes), were embedded in social networks, had a strong interest in politics, and lived in countries with greater foreign investment and with low or high (vs. middle levels) of repression. Poverty and inequality do not increase political engagement. The implications of these findings for political activism in the Muslim world today were discussed.Less
Through analyses of World Values Surveys of six predominantly Muslim countries (Algeria, Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, and Pakistan), the authors explore the religious, social, and contextual bases of nonelectoral activism, ranging from discussing politics; to petitions, boycotts, and lawful demonstrations; to illegal strikes and building or factory occupation. The authors tested social movement theories, positing that political engagement results from differential recruitment, relative deprivation, social dislocation, embeddedness in preexisting networks of activists, and open (vs. closed or repressive) political systems. They found that the most politically engaged citizens were male, young or old (vs. middle-aged), had no or few children, were highly educated (but often with low incomes), were embedded in social networks, had a strong interest in politics, and lived in countries with greater foreign investment and with low or high (vs. middle levels) of repression. Poverty and inequality do not increase political engagement. The implications of these findings for political activism in the Muslim world today were discussed.
Arskal Salim
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824832377
- eISBN:
- 9780824868963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824832377.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter presents debates over the idea of nationalism and Islam–state relations in pre-independence Indonesia (from the 1920s to the early 1940s). It identifies a widespread conviction that ...
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This chapter presents debates over the idea of nationalism and Islam–state relations in pre-independence Indonesia (from the 1920s to the early 1940s). It identifies a widespread conviction that nationalism in Muslim countries was a direct result of the foreign, non-Muslim colonialism of Islamic lands. Thus, in the light of colonialism, nationalism was often understood as a shared response of Muslim peoples to the foreign infidel power. This nationalism devoted to resisting Western imperialism was furthermore compatible with Islam in its traditional, in its religious, and its social and every other aspect. For this reason, it is no wonder that as early as the twentieth century some Muslim leaders in Indonesia were prone to perceive Islam automatically as nation.Less
This chapter presents debates over the idea of nationalism and Islam–state relations in pre-independence Indonesia (from the 1920s to the early 1940s). It identifies a widespread conviction that nationalism in Muslim countries was a direct result of the foreign, non-Muslim colonialism of Islamic lands. Thus, in the light of colonialism, nationalism was often understood as a shared response of Muslim peoples to the foreign infidel power. This nationalism devoted to resisting Western imperialism was furthermore compatible with Islam in its traditional, in its religious, and its social and every other aspect. For this reason, it is no wonder that as early as the twentieth century some Muslim leaders in Indonesia were prone to perceive Islam automatically as nation.
Jocelyne Cesari (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198788553
- eISBN:
- 9780191830419
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198788553.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam, Religion and Society
The existing literature on women’s rights and Islam falls short of addressing the relationship between the religious debate on women’s rights and the existing rules of law in Muslim-majority ...
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The existing literature on women’s rights and Islam falls short of addressing the relationship between the religious debate on women’s rights and the existing rules of law in Muslim-majority countries. This chapter will bridge this gap by analyzing the status of women in the legal systems of Egypt, Turkey, and Morocco. It will evaluate the influence of Islam on the shaping of these laws, compared to other factors like culture, socioeconomic development, and education. Except in marginal cases like Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan under the Taliban, women’s rights in politics, the economy, and education have advanced in all Muslim countries. But there are some limitations placed upon women’s rights using religious arguments. Everywhere, personal rights about family life, sexuality, and dress code remain discriminatory against women. In this regard, the woman’s body has become the main site of the politicization of Islam, by state and non-state actors alike.Less
The existing literature on women’s rights and Islam falls short of addressing the relationship between the religious debate on women’s rights and the existing rules of law in Muslim-majority countries. This chapter will bridge this gap by analyzing the status of women in the legal systems of Egypt, Turkey, and Morocco. It will evaluate the influence of Islam on the shaping of these laws, compared to other factors like culture, socioeconomic development, and education. Except in marginal cases like Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan under the Taliban, women’s rights in politics, the economy, and education have advanced in all Muslim countries. But there are some limitations placed upon women’s rights using religious arguments. Everywhere, personal rights about family life, sexuality, and dress code remain discriminatory against women. In this regard, the woman’s body has become the main site of the politicization of Islam, by state and non-state actors alike.
Arskal Salim
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824832377
- eISBN:
- 9780824868963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824832377.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter explores what Islamic constitutionalism means and its implications for Muslim countries. It looks at the variety of Islamic constitutionalism available in the Muslim world and ...
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This chapter explores what Islamic constitutionalism means and its implications for Muslim countries. It looks at the variety of Islamic constitutionalism available in the Muslim world and demonstrates a basic dissonance in Islamic constitutionalism across the globe. There are at least four types of Muslim countries with regard to the constitutional recognition of state religion. The first is states that proclaim themselves as “Islamic states”; such as Afghanistan, Bahrain, Brunei, Iran, Maldives, Mauritania, Oman, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. The second is those states that have declared Islam to be the “state religion,” like Bangladesh, Egypt, and Malaysia. The third is states that have no constitutional declaration about the state religion—Indonesia, Syria, and Uzbekistan, among others. And the fourth is states that acknowledge themselves to be secular states. Examples of this kind of state are Azerbaijan, Senegal, and Turkey.Less
This chapter explores what Islamic constitutionalism means and its implications for Muslim countries. It looks at the variety of Islamic constitutionalism available in the Muslim world and demonstrates a basic dissonance in Islamic constitutionalism across the globe. There are at least four types of Muslim countries with regard to the constitutional recognition of state religion. The first is states that proclaim themselves as “Islamic states”; such as Afghanistan, Bahrain, Brunei, Iran, Maldives, Mauritania, Oman, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen. The second is those states that have declared Islam to be the “state religion,” like Bangladesh, Egypt, and Malaysia. The third is states that have no constitutional declaration about the state religion—Indonesia, Syria, and Uzbekistan, among others. And the fourth is states that acknowledge themselves to be secular states. Examples of this kind of state are Azerbaijan, Senegal, and Turkey.
John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, and John O. Voll
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195147988
- eISBN:
- 9780190263799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195147988.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam, Religion and Society
This introductory chapter begins by considering the failure of the Arab Spring uprisings to produce democracy in the Muslim world. It then turns to modernization theory and its corollary, the ...
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This introductory chapter begins by considering the failure of the Arab Spring uprisings to produce democracy in the Muslim world. It then turns to modernization theory and its corollary, the secularization hypothesis—the main reasons why the Arab Spring caught Western analysts by surprise. This is followed by discussions of the changing relationships between Islam and democracy, and democratization movements in the Muslim world at the beginning of the 21st century. Samuel Huntington’s description of long “wave” cycles of democratization is discussed, and the problems inherent to seeing religion as the relevant variable are outlined. Evidence from the recent history of the Arab Spring is marshaled to demonstrate that opposition to secularism is not equivalent to opposition to democracy.Less
This introductory chapter begins by considering the failure of the Arab Spring uprisings to produce democracy in the Muslim world. It then turns to modernization theory and its corollary, the secularization hypothesis—the main reasons why the Arab Spring caught Western analysts by surprise. This is followed by discussions of the changing relationships between Islam and democracy, and democratization movements in the Muslim world at the beginning of the 21st century. Samuel Huntington’s description of long “wave” cycles of democratization is discussed, and the problems inherent to seeing religion as the relevant variable are outlined. Evidence from the recent history of the Arab Spring is marshaled to demonstrate that opposition to secularism is not equivalent to opposition to democracy.
John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, and John O. Voll
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780195147988
- eISBN:
- 9780190263799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195147988.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam, Religion and Society
This concluding chapter summarizes the case studies in the preceding chapters and presents some final thoughts. It discusses how democratization has been ongoing in Muslim-majority countries for well ...
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This concluding chapter summarizes the case studies in the preceding chapters and presents some final thoughts. It discusses how democratization has been ongoing in Muslim-majority countries for well over a century and has taken a variety of forms. It argues that the basic question is not whether Islam is compatible with democracy—most Muslims have already answered that question affirmatively. The question now is what forms a democratic state can take in a Muslim-majority society. The variety of visions and programs, from North and West Africa to Southeast Asia, shows that Muslims are actively engaged in this task.Less
This concluding chapter summarizes the case studies in the preceding chapters and presents some final thoughts. It discusses how democratization has been ongoing in Muslim-majority countries for well over a century and has taken a variety of forms. It argues that the basic question is not whether Islam is compatible with democracy—most Muslims have already answered that question affirmatively. The question now is what forms a democratic state can take in a Muslim-majority society. The variety of visions and programs, from North and West Africa to Southeast Asia, shows that Muslims are actively engaged in this task.
Arskal Salim
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780824832377
- eISBN:
- 9780824868963
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Hawai'i Press
- DOI:
- 10.21313/hawaii/9780824832377.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This book examines Muslim efforts to incorporate sharia (religious law) into modern Indonesia's legal system from the time of independence in 1945 to the present. The book argues that attempts to ...
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This book examines Muslim efforts to incorporate sharia (religious law) into modern Indonesia's legal system from the time of independence in 1945 to the present. The book argues that attempts to formally implement sharia in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim state, have always been marked by tensions between the political aspirations of proponents and opponents of sharia and by resistance from the national government. As a result, although pro-sharia movements have made significant progress in recent years, sharia remains tightly confined within Indonesia's secular legal system. The book first places developments in Indonesia within a broad historical and geographic context, offering an analysis of the Ottoman empire's millet system and comparisons of different approaches to pro-sharia movements in other Muslim countries (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan). It then describes early aspirations for the formal implementation of sharia in Indonesia. Later chapters explore the efforts of Islamic parties in Indonesia to include sharia in national law. The book offers a detailed analysis of debates over the constitution and possible amendments to it concerning the obligation of Indonesian Muslims to follow Islamic law. A study of the Zakat Law illustrates the complicated relationship between the religious duties of Muslim citizens and the nonreligious character of the modern nation-state. The book concludes with a review of the profound conflicts and tensions found in the motivations behind Islamization.Less
This book examines Muslim efforts to incorporate sharia (religious law) into modern Indonesia's legal system from the time of independence in 1945 to the present. The book argues that attempts to formally implement sharia in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim state, have always been marked by tensions between the political aspirations of proponents and opponents of sharia and by resistance from the national government. As a result, although pro-sharia movements have made significant progress in recent years, sharia remains tightly confined within Indonesia's secular legal system. The book first places developments in Indonesia within a broad historical and geographic context, offering an analysis of the Ottoman empire's millet system and comparisons of different approaches to pro-sharia movements in other Muslim countries (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan). It then describes early aspirations for the formal implementation of sharia in Indonesia. Later chapters explore the efforts of Islamic parties in Indonesia to include sharia in national law. The book offers a detailed analysis of debates over the constitution and possible amendments to it concerning the obligation of Indonesian Muslims to follow Islamic law. A study of the Zakat Law illustrates the complicated relationship between the religious duties of Muslim citizens and the nonreligious character of the modern nation-state. The book concludes with a review of the profound conflicts and tensions found in the motivations behind Islamization.
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- July 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190910648
- eISBN:
- 9780190910679
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190910648.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam, Religion and Society
The introductory chapter provides an overview of the book, the level of interest in the subject, and how shariah crimes and penalties feature in the larger discourse of Islamic revivalism/resurgence. ...
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The introductory chapter provides an overview of the book, the level of interest in the subject, and how shariah crimes and penalties feature in the larger discourse of Islamic revivalism/resurgence. Then it offers a bird’s-eye view of the major themes and outstanding issues in the book. It also discusses how the Muslim masses experience public sensitivity about scriptural issues. These factors present limitations for researchers generally, with a greater effect perhaps in some Muslim countries more than others.Less
The introductory chapter provides an overview of the book, the level of interest in the subject, and how shariah crimes and penalties feature in the larger discourse of Islamic revivalism/resurgence. Then it offers a bird’s-eye view of the major themes and outstanding issues in the book. It also discusses how the Muslim masses experience public sensitivity about scriptural issues. These factors present limitations for researchers generally, with a greater effect perhaps in some Muslim countries more than others.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226645605
- eISBN:
- 9780226645643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226645643.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter discusses the failure of the United States to address suicide terrorism. It highlights the facts that American military policies have not stopped the rising wave of extremism in the ...
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This chapter discusses the failure of the United States to address suicide terrorism. It highlights the facts that American military policies have not stopped the rising wave of extremism in the Muslim world and that anti-American suicide terrorism is rapidly rising worldwide. This trend may be attributed to America's occupation of two large Muslim countries and the deployment of special forces in numerous Muslim countries. The chapter argues that by ending the perception that the United States and its allies are occupiers, it will be possible to “cut the fuse” to the suicide terrorism threat.Less
This chapter discusses the failure of the United States to address suicide terrorism. It highlights the facts that American military policies have not stopped the rising wave of extremism in the Muslim world and that anti-American suicide terrorism is rapidly rising worldwide. This trend may be attributed to America's occupation of two large Muslim countries and the deployment of special forces in numerous Muslim countries. The chapter argues that by ending the perception that the United States and its allies are occupiers, it will be possible to “cut the fuse” to the suicide terrorism threat.
Alfred Stepan and Mirjam Künkler (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231161916
- eISBN:
- 9780231535052
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231161916.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In this volume, political scientists, religious scholars, legal theorists, and anthropologists examine the theory and practice of Indonesia's democratic transition and consider whether it can serve ...
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In this volume, political scientists, religious scholars, legal theorists, and anthropologists examine the theory and practice of Indonesia's democratic transition and consider whether it can serve as a model for other Muslim countries. It looks at the events of 1998, when Indonesia's military government collapsed, igniting fears that economic, religious and political conflicts would complicate any democratic transition. It shows that, despite these concerns, in every year since 2006, the world's most populous Muslim country has received high marks from international democracy-ranking organizations. The book compares the Indonesian example with similar scenarios in Chile, Spain, India and Tunisia, as well as with the failed transitions of Yugoslavia, Egypt and Iran. The chapters explore the relationship between religion and politics and the ways in which Muslims became supportive of democracy even before change occurred. They also describe how innovative policies prevented dissident military groups, violent religious activists and secessionists from disrupting Indonesia's democratic evolution. The book concludes with a discussion of Indonesia's emerging “legal pluralism” and asks which of its forms are rights-eroding and which are rights-protecting.Less
In this volume, political scientists, religious scholars, legal theorists, and anthropologists examine the theory and practice of Indonesia's democratic transition and consider whether it can serve as a model for other Muslim countries. It looks at the events of 1998, when Indonesia's military government collapsed, igniting fears that economic, religious and political conflicts would complicate any democratic transition. It shows that, despite these concerns, in every year since 2006, the world's most populous Muslim country has received high marks from international democracy-ranking organizations. The book compares the Indonesian example with similar scenarios in Chile, Spain, India and Tunisia, as well as with the failed transitions of Yugoslavia, Egypt and Iran. The chapters explore the relationship between religion and politics and the ways in which Muslims became supportive of democracy even before change occurred. They also describe how innovative policies prevented dissident military groups, violent religious activists and secessionists from disrupting Indonesia's democratic evolution. The book concludes with a discussion of Indonesia's emerging “legal pluralism” and asks which of its forms are rights-eroding and which are rights-protecting.
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- July 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190910648
- eISBN:
- 9780190910679
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190910648.003.0023
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam, Religion and Society
As the last and final portion of this book, part three begins with an overview of twentieth-century developments in Ottoman Turkey, Egypt, and Southern Soviet republics. The balance of part three ...
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As the last and final portion of this book, part three begins with an overview of twentieth-century developments in Ottoman Turkey, Egypt, and Southern Soviet republics. The balance of part three provides a bird’s-eye view of similar developments in Islamic criminal law in fourteen other Muslim countries, each in a brief chapter.Less
As the last and final portion of this book, part three begins with an overview of twentieth-century developments in Ottoman Turkey, Egypt, and Southern Soviet republics. The balance of part three provides a bird’s-eye view of similar developments in Islamic criminal law in fourteen other Muslim countries, each in a brief chapter.
