Jennifer M. Welsh
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Outlines and evaluates the political, legal, and ethical objections to humanitarian intervention. In so doing, it questions not only whether the doctrine of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ has taken ...
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Outlines and evaluates the political, legal, and ethical objections to humanitarian intervention. In so doing, it questions not only whether the doctrine of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ has taken hold in international society, but also whether it should – particularly in the form suggested by Western states. The author argues that the ethical position of pluralism – as articulated by non-Western states – represents the most compelling case against humanitarian intervention, by emphasizing the impact on international society of relaxing the norm of non-intervention. Despite these pluralist objections, military intervention in cases of supreme humanitarian emergency can be defended on moral grounds, provided the intervention meets certain tests of legitimacy. Given the unintended consequences of military action, the author also suggests that more attention should be paid to the non-military means of operationalizing ‘sovereignty as responsibility’.Less
Outlines and evaluates the political, legal, and ethical objections to humanitarian intervention. In so doing, it questions not only whether the doctrine of ‘sovereignty as responsibility’ has taken hold in international society, but also whether it should – particularly in the form suggested by Western states. The author argues that the ethical position of pluralism – as articulated by non-Western states – represents the most compelling case against humanitarian intervention, by emphasizing the impact on international society of relaxing the norm of non-intervention. Despite these pluralist objections, military intervention in cases of supreme humanitarian emergency can be defended on moral grounds, provided the intervention meets certain tests of legitimacy. Given the unintended consequences of military action, the author also suggests that more attention should be paid to the non-military means of operationalizing ‘sovereignty as responsibility’.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned ...
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Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.Less
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.
Avi Max Spiegel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159843
- eISBN:
- 9781400866434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter considers the question of how an authoritarian Arab state enables or encumbers Islamist mobilization. It elucidates a different model of state action—different in both content and form: ...
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This chapter considers the question of how an authoritarian Arab state enables or encumbers Islamist mobilization. It elucidates a different model of state action—different in both content and form: in what policies are pursued and in how they are implemented. The chapter suggests that the Moroccan state under King Mohammed VI has not simply elevated one Islamist group at the expense of the other, but rather, it has aimed to impede and impel distinct forms of activism within groups—in this case, attempting to draw new divides between religious and political modes of activism. These are policies that can be understood not simply by the old theory of divide and conquer, but by one more aptly conceptualized as selective suppression.Less
This chapter considers the question of how an authoritarian Arab state enables or encumbers Islamist mobilization. It elucidates a different model of state action—different in both content and form: in what policies are pursued and in how they are implemented. The chapter suggests that the Moroccan state under King Mohammed VI has not simply elevated one Islamist group at the expense of the other, but rather, it has aimed to impede and impel distinct forms of activism within groups—in this case, attempting to draw new divides between religious and political modes of activism. These are policies that can be understood not simply by the old theory of divide and conquer, but by one more aptly conceptualized as selective suppression.
Paul M. Sniderman, Michael Bang Petersen, Rune Slothuus, and Rune Stubager
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161105
- eISBN:
- 9781400852673
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161105.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In 2005, twelve cartoons mocking the prophet Mohammed appeared in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, igniting a political firestorm over demands by some Muslims that the claims of their religious ...
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In 2005, twelve cartoons mocking the prophet Mohammed appeared in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, igniting a political firestorm over demands by some Muslims that the claims of their religious faith take precedence over freedom of expression. Given the explosive reaction from Middle Eastern governments, Muslim clerics, and some Danish politicians, the stage was set for a backlash against Muslims in Denmark. But no such backlash occurred. This book shows how the majority of ordinary Danish citizens provided a solid wall of support for the rights of their country's growing Muslim minority, drawing a sharp distinction between Muslim immigrants and Islamic fundamentalists and supporting the civil rights of Muslim immigrants as fully as those of fellow Danes—for example, Christian fundamentalists. Building on randomized experiments conducted as part of large, nationally representative opinion surveys, the book also demonstrates how the moral covenant underpinning the welfare state simultaneously promotes equal treatment for some Muslim immigrants and opens the door to discrimination against others. Revealing the strength of Denmark's commitment to democratic values, the book underlines the challenges of inclusion but offers hope to those seeking to reconcile the secular values of liberal democracy and the religious faith of Muslim immigrants in Europe.Less
In 2005, twelve cartoons mocking the prophet Mohammed appeared in the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten, igniting a political firestorm over demands by some Muslims that the claims of their religious faith take precedence over freedom of expression. Given the explosive reaction from Middle Eastern governments, Muslim clerics, and some Danish politicians, the stage was set for a backlash against Muslims in Denmark. But no such backlash occurred. This book shows how the majority of ordinary Danish citizens provided a solid wall of support for the rights of their country's growing Muslim minority, drawing a sharp distinction between Muslim immigrants and Islamic fundamentalists and supporting the civil rights of Muslim immigrants as fully as those of fellow Danes—for example, Christian fundamentalists. Building on randomized experiments conducted as part of large, nationally representative opinion surveys, the book also demonstrates how the moral covenant underpinning the welfare state simultaneously promotes equal treatment for some Muslim immigrants and opens the door to discrimination against others. Revealing the strength of Denmark's commitment to democratic values, the book underlines the challenges of inclusion but offers hope to those seeking to reconcile the secular values of liberal democracy and the religious faith of Muslim immigrants in Europe.
Jane Idleman Smith
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195307313
- eISBN:
- 9780199867875
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195307313.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
American Muslims comprise the most diverse Islamic community that has ever existed. They are immigrants and American born, with more than 30 percent of their population African Americans. Most are ...
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American Muslims comprise the most diverse Islamic community that has ever existed. They are immigrants and American born, with more than 30 percent of their population African Americans. Most are Sunni, though Shi̒ites have increased to about 20 percent. Some American Muslims hope to keep alive in their religious practices customs from their country of origin, while others are looking for ways to formulate an American Islam that is at home in the West. Most American Muslims are orthodox in belief and practice, although America fosters a wide range of heterodox movements that often claim to be Muslim. This chapter asks who American Muslims are, what are their major issues and concerns, and in what ways have they been involved in Christian-Muslim dialogue.Less
American Muslims comprise the most diverse Islamic community that has ever existed. They are immigrants and American born, with more than 30 percent of their population African Americans. Most are Sunni, though Shi̒ites have increased to about 20 percent. Some American Muslims hope to keep alive in their religious practices customs from their country of origin, while others are looking for ways to formulate an American Islam that is at home in the West. Most American Muslims are orthodox in belief and practice, although America fosters a wide range of heterodox movements that often claim to be Muslim. This chapter asks who American Muslims are, what are their major issues and concerns, and in what ways have they been involved in Christian-Muslim dialogue.
Stephen Spector
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368024
- eISBN:
- 9780199867646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368024.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Judaism
For Christian Zionists, the conflict between Israel and its Arab and Muslim neighbors is even more than a clash of civilizations. It is a contest between God and Allah. Several of the most prominent ...
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For Christian Zionists, the conflict between Israel and its Arab and Muslim neighbors is even more than a clash of civilizations. It is a contest between God and Allah. Several of the most prominent American evangelicals have denounced not just Islamic radicals but Islam itself and the prophet Mohammed. Many born-again leaders stress brutality as a defining quality of Islam. They consider the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians to be a struggle over whether the word of God is true. Many Christian Zionists believe that the devil created anti-Semitism in order to frustrate God’s plan to save the world through the Jews. They declare that Muslims have become Satan’s army in this ancient struggle. By 2006, Ahmadinejad had become a central villain to Christian Zionists, who repeatedly pointed out the messianic underpinnings of his actions. The charge that mainstream Islam is inherently violent is a distortion, note prominent scholars of religion and other observers. Some conservative Christians are not hostile to Muslims, but rather engage in dialogue with Muslim leaders and recognize the perspectives that they share. Some evangelicals argue that to bless Israel can mean rejecting the idea of a Greater Israel that includes the occupied territories.Less
For Christian Zionists, the conflict between Israel and its Arab and Muslim neighbors is even more than a clash of civilizations. It is a contest between God and Allah. Several of the most prominent American evangelicals have denounced not just Islamic radicals but Islam itself and the prophet Mohammed. Many born-again leaders stress brutality as a defining quality of Islam. They consider the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians to be a struggle over whether the word of God is true. Many Christian Zionists believe that the devil created anti-Semitism in order to frustrate God’s plan to save the world through the Jews. They declare that Muslims have become Satan’s army in this ancient struggle. By 2006, Ahmadinejad had become a central villain to Christian Zionists, who repeatedly pointed out the messianic underpinnings of his actions. The charge that mainstream Islam is inherently violent is a distortion, note prominent scholars of religion and other observers. Some conservative Christians are not hostile to Muslims, but rather engage in dialogue with Muslim leaders and recognize the perspectives that they share. Some evangelicals argue that to bless Israel can mean rejecting the idea of a Greater Israel that includes the occupied territories.
Wayne Hudson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195369786
- eISBN:
- 9780199871292
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369786.003.013
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter argues that Joseph Smith is a genuine prophet of world historical importance. In a bold reversal (a non-Mormon), it takes such status as a historical given and a starting point that can ...
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This chapter argues that Joseph Smith is a genuine prophet of world historical importance. In a bold reversal (a non-Mormon), it takes such status as a historical given and a starting point that can enrich our study of various prophethoods, rather than as a laurel to be disputed about in religiously provincial and self-serving ways. This position is based largely on the enduring consequences of Smith's prophetic output, and then turns to analyze the constituent elements of his prophetic vocation: intelligibility, sincerity, charismatic force, cognitive complexity, and effectiveness. The chapter's main contribution in this regard is to probe the possibilities of taking prophecy seriously as an aspect of religious experience and cultural import, both objective and culturally mediated, but to do so without lapsing into irrationalism.Less
This chapter argues that Joseph Smith is a genuine prophet of world historical importance. In a bold reversal (a non-Mormon), it takes such status as a historical given and a starting point that can enrich our study of various prophethoods, rather than as a laurel to be disputed about in religiously provincial and self-serving ways. This position is based largely on the enduring consequences of Smith's prophetic output, and then turns to analyze the constituent elements of his prophetic vocation: intelligibility, sincerity, charismatic force, cognitive complexity, and effectiveness. The chapter's main contribution in this regard is to probe the possibilities of taking prophecy seriously as an aspect of religious experience and cultural import, both objective and culturally mediated, but to do so without lapsing into irrationalism.
Paul D. Numrich
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195386219
- eISBN:
- 9780199866731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195386219.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The Catholic Focolare Movement was founded by the late Chiara Lubich in Italy during World War II in order to rediscover the communal love and spirituality of the early Christians. The movement ...
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The Catholic Focolare Movement was founded by the late Chiara Lubich in Italy during World War II in order to rediscover the communal love and spirituality of the early Christians. The movement includes several “minicities” around the world, each called a permanent Mariapolis (after Mary, Mother of Unity). The Focolare engage in “dialogues of love” with spiritually minded members of other faiths, including Buddhists, Hindus, Jews, and Sikhs. This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Focolare movement and the American Society of Muslims, the largest African American Muslim group in the United States, followers of mainstream Islam under the leadership of the late Imam Warith Deen Mohammed. The chapter features testimonies by Focolare members and Muslims about their dialogues of love. “For us it is encountering Jesus in every person,” says the codirector of the Chicago Focolare community. “We love everybody who comes our way.”Less
The Catholic Focolare Movement was founded by the late Chiara Lubich in Italy during World War II in order to rediscover the communal love and spirituality of the early Christians. The movement includes several “minicities” around the world, each called a permanent Mariapolis (after Mary, Mother of Unity). The Focolare engage in “dialogues of love” with spiritually minded members of other faiths, including Buddhists, Hindus, Jews, and Sikhs. This chapter focuses on the relationship between the Focolare movement and the American Society of Muslims, the largest African American Muslim group in the United States, followers of mainstream Islam under the leadership of the late Imam Warith Deen Mohammed. The chapter features testimonies by Focolare members and Muslims about their dialogues of love. “For us it is encountering Jesus in every person,” says the codirector of the Chicago Focolare community. “We love everybody who comes our way.”
Robert R. Bianchi
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195171075
- eISBN:
- 9780199835102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195171071.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Modernist Islamic thinkers see the hajj as a treasure house of fluid symbols carrying infinite meanings everyone is free to interpret and reinterpret as they choose. In their view, “reading” the ...
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Modernist Islamic thinkers see the hajj as a treasure house of fluid symbols carrying infinite meanings everyone is free to interpret and reinterpret as they choose. In their view, “reading” the hajj’s inner meanings is similar to reading any sacred text, including the Qur’an–every mortal mind can grasp a fraction of God’s message, but no human authority, no matter how learned and esteemed, can monopolize the discussion or claim the final word. Three writers have produced widely influential reinterpretations portraying the hajj as a powerful agent of social and political reform–Muhammad Iqbal of India, ‘Ali Shari‘ati of Iran, and Mohammed Arkoun of Algeria. Iqbal’s revivalism, Shari‘ati’s rebelliousness, and Arkoun’s humanism have merged into a modernist stream of hajj interpretation that enjoys mass audiences in dozens of languages and nations. Their views are constantly discussed and debated by a cosmopolitan hajj community that is increasingly youthful, female, educated, urban, and non-Middle Eastern.Less
Modernist Islamic thinkers see the hajj as a treasure house of fluid symbols carrying infinite meanings everyone is free to interpret and reinterpret as they choose. In their view, “reading” the hajj’s inner meanings is similar to reading any sacred text, including the Qur’an–every mortal mind can grasp a fraction of God’s message, but no human authority, no matter how learned and esteemed, can monopolize the discussion or claim the final word. Three writers have produced widely influential reinterpretations portraying the hajj as a powerful agent of social and political reform–Muhammad Iqbal of India, ‘Ali Shari‘ati of Iran, and Mohammed Arkoun of Algeria. Iqbal’s revivalism, Shari‘ati’s rebelliousness, and Arkoun’s humanism have merged into a modernist stream of hajj interpretation that enjoys mass audiences in dozens of languages and nations. Their views are constantly discussed and debated by a cosmopolitan hajj community that is increasingly youthful, female, educated, urban, and non-Middle Eastern.
Gregory White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199794829
- eISBN:
- 9780199919284
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199794829.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter treats North Africa, known in Arabic as the Maghreb. The chapter focuses on Morocco as a way of illuminating the role of transit states situated “in-between” sending and receiving ...
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This chapter treats North Africa, known in Arabic as the Maghreb. The chapter focuses on Morocco as a way of illuminating the role of transit states situated “in-between” sending and receiving dynamics. Admittedly, “transit state” is a bit of a misnomer, as migrants are more often blocked and not really in transit. Nonetheless, the label as “host country” or “country of immigration” does not work either; the new population does not comprise immigrants who are seeking to settle, as is the case in advanced-industrialized economies. Chapter 4 treats the politics of CIM within a transit state and the ways in which CIM is used to “reborder” a country, cement territorial claims, and control the national space. CIM is also used by transit states as a bargaining chip to enhance the status of their own emigrants—both legal and undocumented—living in North Atlantic countries. Finally, chapter 4 treats the ways in which CIM enhances collaboration between North Atlantic and transit state officials and facilitates the elaboration of a transnational security state—that is, the internationalization of security apparatuses and interior ministries.Less
This chapter treats North Africa, known in Arabic as the Maghreb. The chapter focuses on Morocco as a way of illuminating the role of transit states situated “in-between” sending and receiving dynamics. Admittedly, “transit state” is a bit of a misnomer, as migrants are more often blocked and not really in transit. Nonetheless, the label as “host country” or “country of immigration” does not work either; the new population does not comprise immigrants who are seeking to settle, as is the case in advanced-industrialized economies. Chapter 4 treats the politics of CIM within a transit state and the ways in which CIM is used to “reborder” a country, cement territorial claims, and control the national space. CIM is also used by transit states as a bargaining chip to enhance the status of their own emigrants—both legal and undocumented—living in North Atlantic countries. Finally, chapter 4 treats the ways in which CIM enhances collaboration between North Atlantic and transit state officials and facilitates the elaboration of a transnational security state—that is, the internationalization of security apparatuses and interior ministries.
Paul M. Sniderman, Michael Bang Petersen, Rune Slothuus, and Rune Stubager
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161105
- eISBN:
- 9781400852673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161105.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the political controversy generated by the publication of twelve cartoons, some satirizing the prophet Mohammed, by Danish ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the political controversy generated by the publication of twelve cartoons, some satirizing the prophet Mohammed, by Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in 2005. The reactions of some Middle Eastern governments and religious leaders outside Denmark, not to mention those of some Danish politicians, could not have been better calculated to provoke a backlash against Muslims in Denmark. But there was no backlash, which is, by orders of magnitude, the most important finding. The chapter then explains the present study offers that its many predecessors have not and explains underlying concepts, including the role of categorization in political judgments, the notion of opposing forces, and the paradoxical ethos of liberal democracy.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the political controversy generated by the publication of twelve cartoons, some satirizing the prophet Mohammed, by Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten in 2005. The reactions of some Middle Eastern governments and religious leaders outside Denmark, not to mention those of some Danish politicians, could not have been better calculated to provoke a backlash against Muslims in Denmark. But there was no backlash, which is, by orders of magnitude, the most important finding. The chapter then explains the present study offers that its many predecessors have not and explains underlying concepts, including the role of categorization in political judgments, the notion of opposing forces, and the paradoxical ethos of liberal democracy.
Alexander Bitis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263273
- eISBN:
- 9780191734700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263273.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter outlines the strategic implications of Russia's support of the Porte during the Mohammed Ali crisis and, following the formation of an anti-Russian Anglo-French coalition, Nicholas l's ...
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This chapter outlines the strategic implications of Russia's support of the Porte during the Mohammed Ali crisis and, following the formation of an anti-Russian Anglo-French coalition, Nicholas l's attempts to solve the army's manpower problems. The great event challenging Russia's somewhat guarded commitment to the preservation of the Ottoman Empire came in 1832–3 with the onset of the Mohammed Ali crisis. The ambitious Pasha of Egypt dreamed of conquering the Middle East to create an Arab empire and, like Mustafa, sought as his allies Muslims discontented by the Sultan's reforms. With France supporting Mohammed, the Sultan had little choice but to turn to Russia. The chapter also considers the Russian response and the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi and its consequences.Less
This chapter outlines the strategic implications of Russia's support of the Porte during the Mohammed Ali crisis and, following the formation of an anti-Russian Anglo-French coalition, Nicholas l's attempts to solve the army's manpower problems. The great event challenging Russia's somewhat guarded commitment to the preservation of the Ottoman Empire came in 1832–3 with the onset of the Mohammed Ali crisis. The ambitious Pasha of Egypt dreamed of conquering the Middle East to create an Arab empire and, like Mustafa, sought as his allies Muslims discontented by the Sultan's reforms. With France supporting Mohammed, the Sultan had little choice but to turn to Russia. The chapter also considers the Russian response and the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi and its consequences.
Jon Hegglund
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796106
- eISBN:
- 9780199932771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796106.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, World Literature
This chapter explicitly treats geopolitical and fictional drawings of the boundary line—a fundamental yet strangely ephemeral component of the territorial nation-state. It first examines the debates ...
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This chapter explicitly treats geopolitical and fictional drawings of the boundary line—a fundamental yet strangely ephemeral component of the territorial nation-state. It first examines the debates surrounding the proposed partition of the Indian subcontinent that was to follow British decolonization, including writings and speeches by Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammed Jinnah, Mulk Raj Anand, and A. M. Ambedkar. In these debates partition emerges as the final stage in the metageography of the nation-state, implying that cultural differences can be prescribed by the drawing of boundary lines. In response to what would prove to be the tragically violent process of partition, Amitav Ghosh's novel, The Shadow Lines, presents a critical and ironic treatment of the fetish of the boundary line in the partition of India and Pakistan. Through a narrator who attempts to make sense of partition decades later, the line is rescued from its image as a border, a space of cultural and metaphysical difference in the politics of partition, and reimagined as a space of connection, able to link histories and geographies arbitrarily sundered through the metageography of national form.Less
This chapter explicitly treats geopolitical and fictional drawings of the boundary line—a fundamental yet strangely ephemeral component of the territorial nation-state. It first examines the debates surrounding the proposed partition of the Indian subcontinent that was to follow British decolonization, including writings and speeches by Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammed Jinnah, Mulk Raj Anand, and A. M. Ambedkar. In these debates partition emerges as the final stage in the metageography of the nation-state, implying that cultural differences can be prescribed by the drawing of boundary lines. In response to what would prove to be the tragically violent process of partition, Amitav Ghosh's novel, The Shadow Lines, presents a critical and ironic treatment of the fetish of the boundary line in the partition of India and Pakistan. Through a narrator who attempts to make sense of partition decades later, the line is rescued from its image as a border, a space of cultural and metaphysical difference in the politics of partition, and reimagined as a space of connection, able to link histories and geographies arbitrarily sundered through the metageography of national form.
Dawn-Marie Gibson and Jamillah Karim
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814769959
- eISBN:
- 9780814771242
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814769959.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
With vocal public figures such as Malcolm X, Elijah Muhammad, and Louis Farrakhan, the Nation of Islam (NOI) often appears to be a male-centric religious movement, and over 60 years of scholarship ...
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With vocal public figures such as Malcolm X, Elijah Muhammad, and Louis Farrakhan, the Nation of Islam (NOI) often appears to be a male-centric religious movement, and over 60 years of scholarship have perpetuated that notion. Yet, women have been pivotal in the NOI's development, playing a major role in creating the public image that made it appealing and captivating. This book draws on oral histories and interviews with approximately one hundred women across several cities to provide an overview of women's historical contributions and their varied experiences of the NOI, including both its continuing community under Farrakhan and its offshoot into Sunni Islam under Imam W. D. Mohammed. The book examines how women have interpreted and navigated the NOI's gender ideologies and practices, illuminating the experiences of African-American, Latina, and Native American women within the NOI and their changing roles within this patriarchal movement. The book argues that the NOI experience for women has been characterized by an expression of Islam sensitive to American cultural messages about race and gender, but also by gender and race ideals in the Islamic tradition.Less
With vocal public figures such as Malcolm X, Elijah Muhammad, and Louis Farrakhan, the Nation of Islam (NOI) often appears to be a male-centric religious movement, and over 60 years of scholarship have perpetuated that notion. Yet, women have been pivotal in the NOI's development, playing a major role in creating the public image that made it appealing and captivating. This book draws on oral histories and interviews with approximately one hundred women across several cities to provide an overview of women's historical contributions and their varied experiences of the NOI, including both its continuing community under Farrakhan and its offshoot into Sunni Islam under Imam W. D. Mohammed. The book examines how women have interpreted and navigated the NOI's gender ideologies and practices, illuminating the experiences of African-American, Latina, and Native American women within the NOI and their changing roles within this patriarchal movement. The book argues that the NOI experience for women has been characterized by an expression of Islam sensitive to American cultural messages about race and gender, but also by gender and race ideals in the Islamic tradition.
Mohamed Nimer
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195148053
- eISBN:
- 9780199849277
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195148053.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter focuses on groups that identify themselves as Islamic and work to carve out a place for Muslims in the American mainstream and does not include the activities of ethnicity-based groups, ...
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This chapter focuses on groups that identify themselves as Islamic and work to carve out a place for Muslims in the American mainstream and does not include the activities of ethnicity-based groups, whether religious or secular. The American Muslim community has experienced rapid growth over the past three decades. This is in part a result of the movement triggered by the decision of Warith Deen Mohammed to move the Nation of Islam to mainstream Islamic teachings. It also reflects the growing number of immigrants coming from Muslim-majority countries since the 1965 liberalization of immigration laws. Muslims have established more than 1,200 mosques and prayer halls in America. Several Muslim public affairs groups have emerged locally and nationally since the early 1990s, working to defend Muslims against discrimination and defamation, to give them a voice in the public arena, and to represent their needs before governmental and nongovernmental bodies.Less
This chapter focuses on groups that identify themselves as Islamic and work to carve out a place for Muslims in the American mainstream and does not include the activities of ethnicity-based groups, whether religious or secular. The American Muslim community has experienced rapid growth over the past three decades. This is in part a result of the movement triggered by the decision of Warith Deen Mohammed to move the Nation of Islam to mainstream Islamic teachings. It also reflects the growing number of immigrants coming from Muslim-majority countries since the 1965 liberalization of immigration laws. Muslims have established more than 1,200 mosques and prayer halls in America. Several Muslim public affairs groups have emerged locally and nationally since the early 1990s, working to defend Muslims against discrimination and defamation, to give them a voice in the public arena, and to represent their needs before governmental and nongovernmental bodies.
Keith Ward
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198263937
- eISBN:
- 9780191682681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198263937.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, World Religions
This chapter discusses a Muslim view of God as expounded by Mohammed Iqbal, one of the most renowned 20th-century poet-philosophers of Islam. Iqbal set out to construct a Muslim doctrine of God and ...
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This chapter discusses a Muslim view of God as expounded by Mohammed Iqbal, one of the most renowned 20th-century poet-philosophers of Islam. Iqbal set out to construct a Muslim doctrine of God and creation that would be free of the classical, Greek philosophical influences which had marked the work of the great medieval Muslim philosophers. His claim is that the central message of the Koran is the spiritual nature of reality, coupled with an urgent insistence upon the unitary nature of reality. According to the chapter, Iqbal's threefold God, who is the Infinite, the Cosmic Ego or Self, and the creative coworker with and guide of finite selves, by no means reflects the Christian doctrine of the Trinity exactly.Less
This chapter discusses a Muslim view of God as expounded by Mohammed Iqbal, one of the most renowned 20th-century poet-philosophers of Islam. Iqbal set out to construct a Muslim doctrine of God and creation that would be free of the classical, Greek philosophical influences which had marked the work of the great medieval Muslim philosophers. His claim is that the central message of the Koran is the spiritual nature of reality, coupled with an urgent insistence upon the unitary nature of reality. According to the chapter, Iqbal's threefold God, who is the Infinite, the Cosmic Ego or Self, and the creative coworker with and guide of finite selves, by no means reflects the Christian doctrine of the Trinity exactly.
A. G. Noorani
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195670561
- eISBN:
- 9780199080618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195670561.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter presents several documents relating to the deterioration of communal relations in some states which culminated in riots. These documents include Dr Syed Mahmud’s moves for the Muslim ...
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This chapter presents several documents relating to the deterioration of communal relations in some states which culminated in riots. These documents include Dr Syed Mahmud’s moves for the Muslim Convention; Jayaprakash Narayan’s letter to the Speaker of both Houses of Parliament on the spread of communal riots; The Hindustan Times editorial of 11 February 1967 and the chief minister of West Bengal, Siddhartha Shankar Ray’s plea, on 2 January 1975, for recruitment of Muslims in the police force; Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah’s message to Indian Muslims; and West Bengal Chief Minister’s assurance to meet major Muslim demands.Less
This chapter presents several documents relating to the deterioration of communal relations in some states which culminated in riots. These documents include Dr Syed Mahmud’s moves for the Muslim Convention; Jayaprakash Narayan’s letter to the Speaker of both Houses of Parliament on the spread of communal riots; The Hindustan Times editorial of 11 February 1967 and the chief minister of West Bengal, Siddhartha Shankar Ray’s plea, on 2 January 1975, for recruitment of Muslims in the police force; Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah’s message to Indian Muslims; and West Bengal Chief Minister’s assurance to meet major Muslim demands.
A.G. Noorani
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198074083
- eISBN:
- 9780199080786
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198074083.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter describes the resolution of the All J&K National Conference on convening a Constituent Assembly for the state; Sheikh Abdullah’s letter to Ayyangar on 16 January 1951 and Ayyangar’s ...
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This chapter describes the resolution of the All J&K National Conference on convening a Constituent Assembly for the state; Sheikh Abdullah’s letter to Ayyangar on 16 January 1951 and Ayyangar’s comments; and Union Home Minister C. Rajagopalachari’s comments on the letter in his letter to Ayyangar; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed in the Constituent Assembly of Kashmir. It also presents the proclamation dated 1 May 1951 convening Jammu & Kashmir’s Constituent Assembly; Sheikh Abdullah’s speech to the Constituent Assembly on 5 November 1951; the appointment of an Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights and citizenship; the appointment of a Basic Principles Committee; the election of Jammu & Kashmir’s representatives to both Houses of Parliament on 25 March 1952; the resolution on the state’s flag; the interim report of the Basic Principles Committee; and the adoption of the report by the Constituent Assembly.Less
This chapter describes the resolution of the All J&K National Conference on convening a Constituent Assembly for the state; Sheikh Abdullah’s letter to Ayyangar on 16 January 1951 and Ayyangar’s comments; and Union Home Minister C. Rajagopalachari’s comments on the letter in his letter to Ayyangar; Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed in the Constituent Assembly of Kashmir. It also presents the proclamation dated 1 May 1951 convening Jammu & Kashmir’s Constituent Assembly; Sheikh Abdullah’s speech to the Constituent Assembly on 5 November 1951; the appointment of an Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights and citizenship; the appointment of a Basic Principles Committee; the election of Jammu & Kashmir’s representatives to both Houses of Parliament on 25 March 1952; the resolution on the state’s flag; the interim report of the Basic Principles Committee; and the adoption of the report by the Constituent Assembly.
Mark Kukis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231156929
- eISBN:
- 9780231527569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231156929.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
In this chapter, Mohammed Ra'ad Ahmed talks about his experience during the Iraq war. Sometime shortly after the U.S. invasion, neighboring Iran began to offer training, arms, and funds to Iraqis out ...
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In this chapter, Mohammed Ra'ad Ahmed talks about his experience during the Iraq war. Sometime shortly after the U.S. invasion, neighboring Iran began to offer training, arms, and funds to Iraqis out to fight American forces in Iraq. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Iraqis journeyed from Iraq to Iran for training in guerrilla tactics. The Iraqi fighters who returned to Iraq formed cells American forces came to call “Special Groups.” Ahmed was a career military officer in the Saddam Hussein years and fought against Iranian forces in the Iran-Iraq war. But anger at the U.S. occupation drove him to get involved with the Iranian Qods Force, a paramilitary arm of the Tehran's Revolutionary Guards that organized and backed Iraqi guerrillas fighting U.S. troops in Iraq.Less
In this chapter, Mohammed Ra'ad Ahmed talks about his experience during the Iraq war. Sometime shortly after the U.S. invasion, neighboring Iran began to offer training, arms, and funds to Iraqis out to fight American forces in Iraq. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Iraqis journeyed from Iraq to Iran for training in guerrilla tactics. The Iraqi fighters who returned to Iraq formed cells American forces came to call “Special Groups.” Ahmed was a career military officer in the Saddam Hussein years and fought against Iranian forces in the Iran-Iraq war. But anger at the U.S. occupation drove him to get involved with the Iranian Qods Force, a paramilitary arm of the Tehran's Revolutionary Guards that organized and backed Iraqi guerrillas fighting U.S. troops in Iraq.
Mark Kukis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231156929
- eISBN:
- 9780231527569
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231156929.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
In this chapter, Ali Mohammed Hial recounts his experience during the Iraq war. Ali Mohammed Hial is from a Shi'ite area of northwestern Baghdad. His left arm is missing, and his right hand is badly ...
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In this chapter, Ali Mohammed Hial recounts his experience during the Iraq war. Ali Mohammed Hial is from a Shi'ite area of northwestern Baghdad. His left arm is missing, and his right hand is badly scarred with burns. He was working at a vegetable stand before the invasion. Things were fine for his family then. Everybody in the family was financially doing well. As the war drew nearer, they were all happy inwardly even so to see the end of Saddam Hussein's regime. The years after the invasion were not good for them financially, however. In 2005, a car bomb exploded and Ali Mohammed Hial was one of the victims. He wound up with a lot of small pieces of shrapnel in his body. After a long and difficult recovery, he established a nongovernmental organization dedicated to helping civilian victims in 2006.Less
In this chapter, Ali Mohammed Hial recounts his experience during the Iraq war. Ali Mohammed Hial is from a Shi'ite area of northwestern Baghdad. His left arm is missing, and his right hand is badly scarred with burns. He was working at a vegetable stand before the invasion. Things were fine for his family then. Everybody in the family was financially doing well. As the war drew nearer, they were all happy inwardly even so to see the end of Saddam Hussein's regime. The years after the invasion were not good for them financially, however. In 2005, a car bomb exploded and Ali Mohammed Hial was one of the victims. He wound up with a lot of small pieces of shrapnel in his body. After a long and difficult recovery, he established a nongovernmental organization dedicated to helping civilian victims in 2006.
