Tamar W. Carroll
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469619880
- eISBN:
- 9781469619903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469619880.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Examining three interconnected case studies, this book demonstrates the ability of grassroots community activism to bridge racial and cultural differences and effect social change. Drawing on an ...
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Examining three interconnected case studies, this book demonstrates the ability of grassroots community activism to bridge racial and cultural differences and effect social change. Drawing on an array of oral histories, archival records, newspapers, films, and photographs from post-World War II New York City, the text shows how poor people transformed the antipoverty organization Mobilization for Youth and shaped the subsequent War on Poverty. Highlighting the little-known National Congress of Neighborhood Women, it reveals the significant participation of working-class white ethnic women and women of color in New York City's feminist activism. Finally, the text traces the partnership between the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) and Women's Health Action Mobilization (WHAM!), showing how gay men and feminists collaborated to create a supportive community for those affected by the AIDS epidemic, to improve health care, and to oppose homophobia and misogyny during the culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s. The book contends that social policies that encourage the political mobilization of marginalized groups and foster coalitions across identity differences are the most effective means of solving social problems and realizing democracy.Less
Examining three interconnected case studies, this book demonstrates the ability of grassroots community activism to bridge racial and cultural differences and effect social change. Drawing on an array of oral histories, archival records, newspapers, films, and photographs from post-World War II New York City, the text shows how poor people transformed the antipoverty organization Mobilization for Youth and shaped the subsequent War on Poverty. Highlighting the little-known National Congress of Neighborhood Women, it reveals the significant participation of working-class white ethnic women and women of color in New York City's feminist activism. Finally, the text traces the partnership between the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) and Women's Health Action Mobilization (WHAM!), showing how gay men and feminists collaborated to create a supportive community for those affected by the AIDS epidemic, to improve health care, and to oppose homophobia and misogyny during the culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s. The book contends that social policies that encourage the political mobilization of marginalized groups and foster coalitions across identity differences are the most effective means of solving social problems and realizing democracy.
Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter traces the institutional consequences of Kuwait’s coalitional strategy upon national development, revealing how new economic and political institutions after the 1950s kept the Sabah ...
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This chapter traces the institutional consequences of Kuwait’s coalitional strategy upon national development, revealing how new economic and political institutions after the 1950s kept the Sabah family in close contact with Kuwaiti society through the provision of patronage and protection to different coalitional allies. This made the autocracy well prepared to deal with two disastrous crises, the 1980s financial collapse and the 1990 Gulf War, which nearly ended its rule altogether.Less
This chapter traces the institutional consequences of Kuwait’s coalitional strategy upon national development, revealing how new economic and political institutions after the 1950s kept the Sabah family in close contact with Kuwaiti society through the provision of patronage and protection to different coalitional allies. This made the autocracy well prepared to deal with two disastrous crises, the 1980s financial collapse and the 1990 Gulf War, which nearly ended its rule altogether.
Thomas J. Laub
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199539321
- eISBN:
- 9780191715808
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199539321.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Military History, European Modern History
To redress manpower shortages created by protracted military operations in Russia, Hitler appointed Fritz Sauckel to serve as Germany's Plenipotentiary for the Mobilization of Labor and directed the ...
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To redress manpower shortages created by protracted military operations in Russia, Hitler appointed Fritz Sauckel to serve as Germany's Plenipotentiary for the Mobilization of Labor and directed the latter to impress every available worker. With help from the military administration, Sauckel negotiated with Pierre Laval and established the Relève program which returned one French prisoner of war in exchange for every three French men who volunteered to work in Germany. Once the pool of volunteers ran dry, Sauckel persuaded Laval to implement an obligatory labor service (Service du Travail Obligatoire) that sent additional workers to Germany but exempted supporters of the Vichy regime. By negotiating with the Vichy regime, cooperating with the military administration, and accommodating some of the concerns that other French and German institutions had, Sauckel sent approximately 900,000 French laborers to work in German factories. In part because it failed to cooperate with other agencies, Himmler's SS could only deport approximately 80,000 Jews. As German defeats in North Africa and Russia mounted, Laval's labor schemes declined in popularity, created réfractaires or people who avoided the STO, and created a security problem. By 1944, military and SS ‘security’ operations in Marseille and rural portions of southern France targeted suspected partisans, réfractaires, Jews, and everyone else who ‘looked askance’.Less
To redress manpower shortages created by protracted military operations in Russia, Hitler appointed Fritz Sauckel to serve as Germany's Plenipotentiary for the Mobilization of Labor and directed the latter to impress every available worker. With help from the military administration, Sauckel negotiated with Pierre Laval and established the Relève program which returned one French prisoner of war in exchange for every three French men who volunteered to work in Germany. Once the pool of volunteers ran dry, Sauckel persuaded Laval to implement an obligatory labor service (Service du Travail Obligatoire) that sent additional workers to Germany but exempted supporters of the Vichy regime. By negotiating with the Vichy regime, cooperating with the military administration, and accommodating some of the concerns that other French and German institutions had, Sauckel sent approximately 900,000 French laborers to work in German factories. In part because it failed to cooperate with other agencies, Himmler's SS could only deport approximately 80,000 Jews. As German defeats in North Africa and Russia mounted, Laval's labor schemes declined in popularity, created réfractaires or people who avoided the STO, and created a security problem. By 1944, military and SS ‘security’ operations in Marseille and rural portions of southern France targeted suspected partisans, réfractaires, Jews, and everyone else who ‘looked askance’.
Ben-Ami Shillony
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202608
- eISBN:
- 9780191675447
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202608.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This introductory chapter discusses the events leading up to the Pacific War. It details Japan's shift towards totalitarianism led by Prince Konoe Fumimaro, who was Prime Minister from June 1937 ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the events leading up to the Pacific War. It details Japan's shift towards totalitarianism led by Prince Konoe Fumimaro, who was Prime Minister from June 1937 until January 1939, and again from July 1940 to October 1941; the passage of the National Mobilization Law in April 1938 that empowered the government to control manpower, resources, production, prices, and wages, and to suppress undesired meetings and publications; establishment of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, a tool used by authorities to mobilize public support; passage of the Major Industries Association Ordinance that empowered the government to set up ‘control associations’ in vital industries; and the propaganda campaign to marshal support for the war effort.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the events leading up to the Pacific War. It details Japan's shift towards totalitarianism led by Prince Konoe Fumimaro, who was Prime Minister from June 1937 until January 1939, and again from July 1940 to October 1941; the passage of the National Mobilization Law in April 1938 that empowered the government to control manpower, resources, production, prices, and wages, and to suppress undesired meetings and publications; establishment of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, a tool used by authorities to mobilize public support; passage of the Major Industries Association Ordinance that empowered the government to set up ‘control associations’ in vital industries; and the propaganda campaign to marshal support for the war effort.
Markus Steinbrecher and Hans Rattinger
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199602346
- eISBN:
- 9780191739163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602346.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on a key behavioural component of EU engagement – turnout in European Parliament elections – and ascertains the extent to which EU citizenship attitudes explain electoral ...
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This chapter focuses on a key behavioural component of EU engagement – turnout in European Parliament elections – and ascertains the extent to which EU citizenship attitudes explain electoral participation. Citizenship explanations are tested against a range of traditional determinants of EU turnout (instrumental calculations, partisan cues, sense of civic duties, affective commitment and demographic characteristics). Voters/non voters are grouped in four types, according to whether they voted in both EU and national elections, voted in neither, or voted in one election but not in the other. The analysis shows that, with the partial exception of European identity, European attitudes are not important predictors of the (low) level of turnout at the European Parliament elections. Traditional explanations – mainly associated with political and cognitive mobilization – are far more important, suggesting out that low turnout does not signal specific anti-European sentiments.Less
This chapter focuses on a key behavioural component of EU engagement – turnout in European Parliament elections – and ascertains the extent to which EU citizenship attitudes explain electoral participation. Citizenship explanations are tested against a range of traditional determinants of EU turnout (instrumental calculations, partisan cues, sense of civic duties, affective commitment and demographic characteristics). Voters/non voters are grouped in four types, according to whether they voted in both EU and national elections, voted in neither, or voted in one election but not in the other. The analysis shows that, with the partial exception of European identity, European attitudes are not important predictors of the (low) level of turnout at the European Parliament elections. Traditional explanations – mainly associated with political and cognitive mobilization – are far more important, suggesting out that low turnout does not signal specific anti-European sentiments.
Paul-Brian McInerney
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804785129
- eISBN:
- 9780804789066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804785129.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter discusses the inauspicious roots of the Circuit Rider movement, explaining how early adherents mobilized others by convincing them of the worth of information technology in the nonprofit ...
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This chapter discusses the inauspicious roots of the Circuit Rider movement, explaining how early adherents mobilized others by convincing them of the worth of information technology in the nonprofit sector. Mobilization was accomplished through the development and articulation of accounts, i.e., stories about the role of information technology for social change and how to deliver it to nonprofit and grassroots organizations. The movement grew as the Circuit Rider model became established as the movement began to develop a collective identity to mobilize new adherents. As the movement grew, the collective identity expanded to include new actors, who did not meet the original criteria for Circuit Riders. This created a collective identity problem for them as they attempted to balance the need to grow with the need to maintain an authentic definition of their movement. This chapter shows how social movements’ appeals to idealism enable mobilization while constraining future movement activities.Less
This chapter discusses the inauspicious roots of the Circuit Rider movement, explaining how early adherents mobilized others by convincing them of the worth of information technology in the nonprofit sector. Mobilization was accomplished through the development and articulation of accounts, i.e., stories about the role of information technology for social change and how to deliver it to nonprofit and grassroots organizations. The movement grew as the Circuit Rider model became established as the movement began to develop a collective identity to mobilize new adherents. As the movement grew, the collective identity expanded to include new actors, who did not meet the original criteria for Circuit Riders. This created a collective identity problem for them as they attempted to balance the need to grow with the need to maintain an authentic definition of their movement. This chapter shows how social movements’ appeals to idealism enable mobilization while constraining future movement activities.
Amalia Pallares and Nilda Flores-González
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520267541
- eISBN:
- 9780520948914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520267541.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
In spring 2006, immigrants and their supporters staged the largest mass mobilizations in Chicago’s history. This chapter examines the participation of new actors who united their voices with more ...
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In spring 2006, immigrants and their supporters staged the largest mass mobilizations in Chicago’s history. This chapter examines the participation of new actors who united their voices with more seasoned activists to demand immigrant rights in Chicago. It argues that the conceptual framework guiding immigrant protests in Chicago was not a cohesive body of shared meanings that might characterize what we traditionally have considered social movements. Rather, this framework is best characterized as a set of common referents provided by the lived experiences of communities of immigrants, their non-immigrant family members, and Latinos at large. This chapter explores how the common referent of family has become a source of political identification and mobilization among mixed-status families and youth. The work presented here is part of the larger Immigrant Mobilization Project at the University of Illinois, Chicago.Less
In spring 2006, immigrants and their supporters staged the largest mass mobilizations in Chicago’s history. This chapter examines the participation of new actors who united their voices with more seasoned activists to demand immigrant rights in Chicago. It argues that the conceptual framework guiding immigrant protests in Chicago was not a cohesive body of shared meanings that might characterize what we traditionally have considered social movements. Rather, this framework is best characterized as a set of common referents provided by the lived experiences of communities of immigrants, their non-immigrant family members, and Latinos at large. This chapter explores how the common referent of family has become a source of political identification and mobilization among mixed-status families and youth. The work presented here is part of the larger Immigrant Mobilization Project at the University of Illinois, Chicago.
Aurélie Daher
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190495893
- eISBN:
- 9780190943004
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190495893.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying ...
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Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel? The first Arab national resistance to have ever defeated Tel Aviv's troops? A patriotic and respectable party or a fascist network having managed to control all levels of Lebanese political life? How did this organization acquire such an important role in the Middle-Eastern game and in Lebanese politics?
This book has three purposes. Firstly, to clearly articulate a definition of Hezbollah, presenting a thorough history of the party, describing its internal structure and the large scope of its social and political action. Secondly, to explain the evolution of the party's mobilization. And finally, to illustrate another path, political but mainly identity-related: that of the Shiite community, the main constituent of Lebanese society today.
Through a rigorous and richly documented study, based on primary sources including hundreds of interviews with rank and file members, executives and officials of the party, and research material never examined before, the author unveils brand new aspects of this organization, thus completing our understanding of both the "Hezbollah phenomenon" and Lebanese politics of the last two decades.Less
Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel? The first Arab national resistance to have ever defeated Tel Aviv's troops? A patriotic and respectable party or a fascist network having managed to control all levels of Lebanese political life? How did this organization acquire such an important role in the Middle-Eastern game and in Lebanese politics?
This book has three purposes. Firstly, to clearly articulate a definition of Hezbollah, presenting a thorough history of the party, describing its internal structure and the large scope of its social and political action. Secondly, to explain the evolution of the party's mobilization. And finally, to illustrate another path, political but mainly identity-related: that of the Shiite community, the main constituent of Lebanese society today.
Through a rigorous and richly documented study, based on primary sources including hundreds of interviews with rank and file members, executives and officials of the party, and research material never examined before, the author unveils brand new aspects of this organization, thus completing our understanding of both the "Hezbollah phenomenon" and Lebanese politics of the last two decades.
William Lasser
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300088793
- eISBN:
- 9780300128888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300088793.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes Cohen's role in the war effort. The discussions include his appointment as general counsel to the newly created Office of Economic Stabilization in 1942; the establishment on ...
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This chapter describes Cohen's role in the war effort. The discussions include his appointment as general counsel to the newly created Office of Economic Stabilization in 1942; the establishment on May 27, 1943 of the Office of War Mobilization by executive order, which was drafted by Cohen and Donald Russell; and Cohen's involvement with the Roosevelt administration's decision to remove thousands of Japanese Americans from their homes on the West Coast and intern them in concentration camps throughout the western states.Less
This chapter describes Cohen's role in the war effort. The discussions include his appointment as general counsel to the newly created Office of Economic Stabilization in 1942; the establishment on May 27, 1943 of the Office of War Mobilization by executive order, which was drafted by Cohen and Donald Russell; and Cohen's involvement with the Roosevelt administration's decision to remove thousands of Japanese Americans from their homes on the West Coast and intern them in concentration camps throughout the western states.
Mariz Tadros
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789774165917
- eISBN:
- 9781617975479
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165917.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the light of the escalation of sectarian tensions during and after Mubarak’s reign, the predicament of the Arab world’s largest religious minority, the Copts, has come to the forefront. This book ...
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In the light of the escalation of sectarian tensions during and after Mubarak’s reign, the predicament of the Arab world’s largest religious minority, the Copts, has come to the forefront. This book poses such questions as why there has been a mass exodus of Copts from Egypt, and how this relates to other religious minorities in the Arab region; why it is that sectarian violence increased during and after the 2011 Revolution, which epitomized the highest degree of national unity since 1919; and how the new configuration of power has influenced the extent to which a vision of a political order is being based on the principles of inclusive democracy. The book examines the relations among the state, the Church, Coptic citizenry, and political and civil society against the backdrop of the increasing diversification of actors, the change of political leadership in the country, protest and mobilization within Coptic communities, and the transformations occurring in the region. An informative historical background is provided, and new fieldwork and statistical data inform a thoughtful exploration of what it takes to build an inclusive democracy in post-Mubarak Egypt.Less
In the light of the escalation of sectarian tensions during and after Mubarak’s reign, the predicament of the Arab world’s largest religious minority, the Copts, has come to the forefront. This book poses such questions as why there has been a mass exodus of Copts from Egypt, and how this relates to other religious minorities in the Arab region; why it is that sectarian violence increased during and after the 2011 Revolution, which epitomized the highest degree of national unity since 1919; and how the new configuration of power has influenced the extent to which a vision of a political order is being based on the principles of inclusive democracy. The book examines the relations among the state, the Church, Coptic citizenry, and political and civil society against the backdrop of the increasing diversification of actors, the change of political leadership in the country, protest and mobilization within Coptic communities, and the transformations occurring in the region. An informative historical background is provided, and new fieldwork and statistical data inform a thoughtful exploration of what it takes to build an inclusive democracy in post-Mubarak Egypt.
Jocelyn Viterna
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199843633
- eISBN:
- 9780199369591
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199843633.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change, Gender and Sexuality
Over the past several decades, women have joined insurgent armies in significant and surprising numbers. Why do women become guerrilla insurgents? What experiences do they have in guerrilla armies? ...
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Over the past several decades, women have joined insurgent armies in significant and surprising numbers. Why do women become guerrilla insurgents? What experiences do they have in guerrilla armies? What are the long-term repercussions of this participation for the women themselves and the societies in which they live? Women in War answers these questions while providing a rare look at guerrilla life from the viewpoint of rank and-file participants in the FMLN rebel army. Using data from 230 in-depth interviews with men and women guerrillas, guerrilla supporters, and non-participants in rural El Salvador, this book investigates why some women were able to channel their wartime actions into post-war gains, and how those patterns differed from the benefits that accrued to men. In the process, Women in War makes theoretical contributions to studies of gender, revolution, civil war, and political violence. Most centrally, Women in War develops a new micro-level theory of mobilization that challenges several assumptions embedded within more macro- and meso-level approaches, and extends our understanding of the causes and consequences of mobilization in many social movement settings.Less
Over the past several decades, women have joined insurgent armies in significant and surprising numbers. Why do women become guerrilla insurgents? What experiences do they have in guerrilla armies? What are the long-term repercussions of this participation for the women themselves and the societies in which they live? Women in War answers these questions while providing a rare look at guerrilla life from the viewpoint of rank and-file participants in the FMLN rebel army. Using data from 230 in-depth interviews with men and women guerrillas, guerrilla supporters, and non-participants in rural El Salvador, this book investigates why some women were able to channel their wartime actions into post-war gains, and how those patterns differed from the benefits that accrued to men. In the process, Women in War makes theoretical contributions to studies of gender, revolution, civil war, and political violence. Most centrally, Women in War develops a new micro-level theory of mobilization that challenges several assumptions embedded within more macro- and meso-level approaches, and extends our understanding of the causes and consequences of mobilization in many social movement settings.
Mariz Tadros
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9789774165917
- eISBN:
- 9781617975479
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165917.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter is about agency in the form of resistance, subversion, and protest, exploring Coptic mobilization and specific grievances. It draws a distinction between “Coptic protests” (that fight ...
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This chapter is about agency in the form of resistance, subversion, and protest, exploring Coptic mobilization and specific grievances. It draws a distinction between “Coptic protests” (that fight religious discrimination) and “Copts in protest” (that address broader social and political movements not specific to Coptic rights), looking at specific actors, movements, and events—such as the Maspero Youth Movement and the garbage collectors protests. This chapter looks at narratives of dispossession and persecution, and argues that civil and political activism has challenged the mediation of Church leadership.Less
This chapter is about agency in the form of resistance, subversion, and protest, exploring Coptic mobilization and specific grievances. It draws a distinction between “Coptic protests” (that fight religious discrimination) and “Copts in protest” (that address broader social and political movements not specific to Coptic rights), looking at specific actors, movements, and events—such as the Maspero Youth Movement and the garbage collectors protests. This chapter looks at narratives of dispossession and persecution, and argues that civil and political activism has challenged the mediation of Church leadership.
Bruce Dancis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452420
- eISBN:
- 9780801470417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452420.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The author talks about how he became involved with the draft resistance movement while studying at Cornell University. During his sophomore year at Cornell in September 1966, he began conferring with ...
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The author talks about how he became involved with the draft resistance movement while studying at Cornell University. During his sophomore year at Cornell in September 1966, he began conferring with Tom Bell, a fellow member of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), about organizing a draft resistance union in Ithaca. The author discusses important developments that further linked the draft resistance and antiwar movements during his time at Cornell, including the establishment of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (“the Mobe”). He also recounts his election as president of Cornell SDS; his involvement in the so-called “Button Incident” at Cornell; his decision to destroy his draft card and severe his ties to the Selective Service System; his romance with a fellow Cornell student; and the controversy surrounding the campus literary magazine The Trojan Horse.Less
The author talks about how he became involved with the draft resistance movement while studying at Cornell University. During his sophomore year at Cornell in September 1966, he began conferring with Tom Bell, a fellow member of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), about organizing a draft resistance union in Ithaca. The author discusses important developments that further linked the draft resistance and antiwar movements during his time at Cornell, including the establishment of the Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (“the Mobe”). He also recounts his election as president of Cornell SDS; his involvement in the so-called “Button Incident” at Cornell; his decision to destroy his draft card and severe his ties to the Selective Service System; his romance with a fellow Cornell student; and the controversy surrounding the campus literary magazine The Trojan Horse.
Bruce Dancis
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452420
- eISBN:
- 9780801470417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452420.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The author recounts important developments that happened in the summer of 1967, which he describes as an intense period of antiwar and antidraft organizing and civil disobedience. He talks about ...
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The author recounts important developments that happened in the summer of 1967, which he describes as an intense period of antiwar and antidraft organizing and civil disobedience. He talks about Robert Greenblatt’s efforts to develop a new strategy for the antiwar movement following the success of the Spring Mobilization and draft card burning, culminating in the establishment of the Mobilization Direct Action Project. He also narrates an incident where he and his group were attacked by counterdemonstrators at Flatbush and Nostrand Avenues on July 11; his arrest, trial, and eventual acquittal on August 24; and how hippies, led by Abbie Hoffman, collaborated with radicals during an invasion of the New York Stock Exchange on August 24. Finally, he discusses the black militancy and urban disorders that erupted in black ghettos around the country and the antiwar movement’s plan to “confront the war makers” in Pentagon on October 21–22.Less
The author recounts important developments that happened in the summer of 1967, which he describes as an intense period of antiwar and antidraft organizing and civil disobedience. He talks about Robert Greenblatt’s efforts to develop a new strategy for the antiwar movement following the success of the Spring Mobilization and draft card burning, culminating in the establishment of the Mobilization Direct Action Project. He also narrates an incident where he and his group were attacked by counterdemonstrators at Flatbush and Nostrand Avenues on July 11; his arrest, trial, and eventual acquittal on August 24; and how hippies, led by Abbie Hoffman, collaborated with radicals during an invasion of the New York Stock Exchange on August 24. Finally, he discusses the black militancy and urban disorders that erupted in black ghettos around the country and the antiwar movement’s plan to “confront the war makers” in Pentagon on October 21–22.
Tamar W. Carroll
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469619880
- eISBN:
- 9781469619903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469619880.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter explores the Mobilization for Youth (MFY), a social program aimed to assist Puerto Rican and African American male youths in achieving upward mobility and full inclusion in American ...
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This chapter explores the Mobilization for Youth (MFY), a social program aimed to assist Puerto Rican and African American male youths in achieving upward mobility and full inclusion in American society. MFY was conducted in the Lower East Side, a neighborhood inhabited by successive waves of poor immigrants during the 1940s through the 1970s. Lloyd Ohlin and Richard Cloward conceptualized MFY as a top-down, expert intervention program aimed at low-income Puerto Rican and African American male youths and focused on remedial education and job training. It helped secure decent housing and quality education, inspiring social workers to develop a new model of client advocacy.Less
This chapter explores the Mobilization for Youth (MFY), a social program aimed to assist Puerto Rican and African American male youths in achieving upward mobility and full inclusion in American society. MFY was conducted in the Lower East Side, a neighborhood inhabited by successive waves of poor immigrants during the 1940s through the 1970s. Lloyd Ohlin and Richard Cloward conceptualized MFY as a top-down, expert intervention program aimed at low-income Puerto Rican and African American male youths and focused on remedial education and job training. It helped secure decent housing and quality education, inspiring social workers to develop a new model of client advocacy.
Tamar W. Carroll
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469619880
- eISBN:
- 9781469619903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469619880.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter demonstrates how MFY helped generate and influence the development of the legal services, welfare rights, and Black Arts movements in the US. Foremost was the way the research staff, ...
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This chapter demonstrates how MFY helped generate and influence the development of the legal services, welfare rights, and Black Arts movements in the US. Foremost was the way the research staff, Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, encouraged a range of grassroots activity, including the proactive canvassing of individuals and families eligible for benefits. In conjunction to the contribution of the two, Lyndon Johnson's administration took many of MFY's innovations and included them in the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act, particularly the employment of paraprofessionals—neighborhood residents who did not have formal education but who were valued for their experiential knowledge—as well as the concept of maximum feasible participation: the idea that poor people themselves should be involved in decision making in antipoverty programs.Less
This chapter demonstrates how MFY helped generate and influence the development of the legal services, welfare rights, and Black Arts movements in the US. Foremost was the way the research staff, Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, encouraged a range of grassroots activity, including the proactive canvassing of individuals and families eligible for benefits. In conjunction to the contribution of the two, Lyndon Johnson's administration took many of MFY's innovations and included them in the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act, particularly the employment of paraprofessionals—neighborhood residents who did not have formal education but who were valued for their experiential knowledge—as well as the concept of maximum feasible participation: the idea that poor people themselves should be involved in decision making in antipoverty programs.
Paul-Brian McInerney
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804785129
- eISBN:
- 9780804789066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804785129.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter discusses the growth of the movement and how decisions about how to organize and construct a collective identity produced unintended consequences that would change the movement’s ...
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This chapter discusses the growth of the movement and how decisions about how to organize and construct a collective identity produced unintended consequences that would change the movement’s direction dramatically. To spread their accounts of Circuit Riding, leaders put together two sets of meetings: the Riders Roundups, which were designed to articulate a collective identity for the movement in order to enroll new members, and the National Strategy for Nonprofit Technology, which targeted foundations and was intended to secure resources for the movement’s growth as well as to institutionalize Circuit Riding. The two sets of meetings highlight a tension in the development of organizational fields between forces of stabilization and those of change. However, their organizing strategy created opportunities for a challenger to gain foothold in the field and led to the conventionalization of a set of practices different from those espoused by the Circuit Riders.Less
This chapter discusses the growth of the movement and how decisions about how to organize and construct a collective identity produced unintended consequences that would change the movement’s direction dramatically. To spread their accounts of Circuit Riding, leaders put together two sets of meetings: the Riders Roundups, which were designed to articulate a collective identity for the movement in order to enroll new members, and the National Strategy for Nonprofit Technology, which targeted foundations and was intended to secure resources for the movement’s growth as well as to institutionalize Circuit Riding. The two sets of meetings highlight a tension in the development of organizational fields between forces of stabilization and those of change. However, their organizing strategy created opportunities for a challenger to gain foothold in the field and led to the conventionalization of a set of practices different from those espoused by the Circuit Riders.
Jocelyn Viterna
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199843633
- eISBN:
- 9780199369591
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199843633.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter introduces the central questions of the book, explains why a micro-level approach is necessary to answer these questions, and foreshadows the answers. It also reviews the data and ...
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This chapter introduces the central questions of the book, explains why a micro-level approach is necessary to answer these questions, and foreshadows the answers. It also reviews the data and methods on which the analysis of women guerrillas in the FMLN is based. It then briefly summarizes the book’s theoretical contributions to studies of social movements, gender, and political violence, as well as its contributions to the historiography of civil war in El Salvador.Less
This chapter introduces the central questions of the book, explains why a micro-level approach is necessary to answer these questions, and foreshadows the answers. It also reviews the data and methods on which the analysis of women guerrillas in the FMLN is based. It then briefly summarizes the book’s theoretical contributions to studies of social movements, gender, and political violence, as well as its contributions to the historiography of civil war in El Salvador.
Jocelyn Viterna
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199843633
- eISBN:
- 9780199369591
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199843633.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter introduces a new theory of micro-level mobilization that challenges and extends the more common macro- and meso-level approaches to social movement studies. Rooted in the concept of ...
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This chapter introduces a new theory of micro-level mobilization that challenges and extends the more common macro- and meso-level approaches to social movement studies. Rooted in the concept of identity, the theory allows scholars to capture and explain individual-level variations in how people participate across three key moments of a social movement: initial mobilization, on-going participation, and re- or de-mobilization. Social movement organizers regularly use emotion-laden narratives to target specific identities for recruitment. Individuals are most likely to accept these invitations when a shifting macro-level context—conceptualized as an “arena”—re-shapes their network memberships and encourages the expansion of their existing identities. Once mobilized, movements assign participants to different tasks, and limit the number and kind of social ties they can form, thus structuring how their identities might change through participation. Finally, the different identities developed through initial mobilization and on-going participation interact in the post-movement environment to determine whether a participant will remain politically active after the initial social movement ends (re-mobilization), or will eschew future political participation (demobilization). The chapter concludes that capturing individual-level variations across participants will improve scholars’ answers to central questions like why social movements begin, how they endure, and whether they change the societies they target.Less
This chapter introduces a new theory of micro-level mobilization that challenges and extends the more common macro- and meso-level approaches to social movement studies. Rooted in the concept of identity, the theory allows scholars to capture and explain individual-level variations in how people participate across three key moments of a social movement: initial mobilization, on-going participation, and re- or de-mobilization. Social movement organizers regularly use emotion-laden narratives to target specific identities for recruitment. Individuals are most likely to accept these invitations when a shifting macro-level context—conceptualized as an “arena”—re-shapes their network memberships and encourages the expansion of their existing identities. Once mobilized, movements assign participants to different tasks, and limit the number and kind of social ties they can form, thus structuring how their identities might change through participation. Finally, the different identities developed through initial mobilization and on-going participation interact in the post-movement environment to determine whether a participant will remain politically active after the initial social movement ends (re-mobilization), or will eschew future political participation (demobilization). The chapter concludes that capturing individual-level variations across participants will improve scholars’ answers to central questions like why social movements begin, how they endure, and whether they change the societies they target.
Jocelyn Viterna
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199843633
- eISBN:
- 9780199369591
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199843633.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter examines the other side of mobilization—which recruited individuals adopted the identity of “guerrilla,” and why? Women’s mobilization experiences varied according to the identities they ...
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This chapter examines the other side of mobilization—which recruited individuals adopted the identity of “guerrilla,” and why? Women’s mobilization experiences varied according to the identities they held, the networks in which they were embedded, and the specific historical moment of their recruitment. These patterned variations resulted in three separate mobilization paths for women guerrillas, labelled “politicized,” “reluctant,” and “recruited.” Although distinct, each path was undergirded by one common, powerful narrative: that of the FMLN as a righteous organization. Again, gender norms were central to the success of this narrative, and focused on young women’s concerns about escaping rape in war torn El Salvador.Less
This chapter examines the other side of mobilization—which recruited individuals adopted the identity of “guerrilla,” and why? Women’s mobilization experiences varied according to the identities they held, the networks in which they were embedded, and the specific historical moment of their recruitment. These patterned variations resulted in three separate mobilization paths for women guerrillas, labelled “politicized,” “reluctant,” and “recruited.” Although distinct, each path was undergirded by one common, powerful narrative: that of the FMLN as a righteous organization. Again, gender norms were central to the success of this narrative, and focused on young women’s concerns about escaping rape in war torn El Salvador.
