Olivier Cadot, Antoni Estevadeordal, Akiko Suwa-Eisenmann, and Thierry Verdier
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199290482
- eISBN:
- 9780191603471
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199290482.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter looks at the role of Rules of Origin in the implementation of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) in the southern cone region of Latin America. It considers the (imperfect) Custom Union ...
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This chapter looks at the role of Rules of Origin in the implementation of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) in the southern cone region of Latin America. It considers the (imperfect) Custom Union (CU) of Mercosur and the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed between Mercosur and Chile, and Mercosur and Bolivia. These PTAs allow the study of the potential contrast in the design of ROOs under CU and FTA. The following key questions are addressed: Was there any significant difference in the design of ROOs under CU and FTAs? Were the latter more restrictive? To what extent did normative vis-à-vis political economy considerations play any role in the determination of ROOs in the Southern Cone?Less
This chapter looks at the role of Rules of Origin in the implementation of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) in the southern cone region of Latin America. It considers the (imperfect) Custom Union (CU) of Mercosur and the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) signed between Mercosur and Chile, and Mercosur and Bolivia. These PTAs allow the study of the potential contrast in the design of ROOs under CU and FTA. The following key questions are addressed: Was there any significant difference in the design of ROOs under CU and FTAs? Were the latter more restrictive? To what extent did normative vis-à-vis political economy considerations play any role in the determination of ROOs in the Southern Cone?
Hal Klepak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral ...
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The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral institutions/organizations in the Americas in which it has taken part. The examples of the Pan American Union (PAU) Organization of American States (OAS) and of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are used to show this state of affairs in play; the most attention is paid to the OAS because of the lessons that can be derived from the very long history of US membership of this organization. In another case, that of Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur, or the Common Market of the South), it is shown how, even where the US is not a member of a multilateral organization in the hemisphere, its weight is still felt in terms of the aims and behaviour of that body. At the same time, it is seen that such organizations may on occasion be useful for the smaller states in restraining to at least some extent US behaviour, although in general such a restraining role is reserved for moments when US vital interests tend not to be involved and where Latin American, or more recently Canadian, actions to limit US unilateralism do not negatively affect goals perceived to be key by Washington. The first section gives an overview of the US and the hemisphere over the more than two centuries of its diplomatic and related action therein, the next looks at the specific experience of the PAU and the OAS, and the following two at NAFTA and Mercosur.Less
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral institutions/organizations in the Americas in which it has taken part. The examples of the Pan American Union (PAU) Organization of American States (OAS) and of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are used to show this state of affairs in play; the most attention is paid to the OAS because of the lessons that can be derived from the very long history of US membership of this organization. In another case, that of Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur, or the Common Market of the South), it is shown how, even where the US is not a member of a multilateral organization in the hemisphere, its weight is still felt in terms of the aims and behaviour of that body. At the same time, it is seen that such organizations may on occasion be useful for the smaller states in restraining to at least some extent US behaviour, although in general such a restraining role is reserved for moments when US vital interests tend not to be involved and where Latin American, or more recently Canadian, actions to limit US unilateralism do not negatively affect goals perceived to be key by Washington. The first section gives an overview of the US and the hemisphere over the more than two centuries of its diplomatic and related action therein, the next looks at the specific experience of the PAU and the OAS, and the following two at NAFTA and Mercosur.
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations for the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional ...
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This monograph seeks to examine the motivations for the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. This monograph argues that the dominant explanations in the literature -- balancing the US, global aspirations, being an external federator, long-standing economic and cultural ties, economic interdependence, and the Europeanization of Spanish and Portuguese national foreign policies – fail to adequately explain the EU’s policy. In particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing extensive primary documents, this monograph argues that the major developments in the relationship -- the 1992 Inter-institutional Agreement and the 1995 Europe Mercosur Inter-regional Framework Cooperation Agreement – were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. This means that rather than the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive.Less
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations for the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. This monograph argues that the dominant explanations in the literature -- balancing the US, global aspirations, being an external federator, long-standing economic and cultural ties, economic interdependence, and the Europeanization of Spanish and Portuguese national foreign policies – fail to adequately explain the EU’s policy. In particular, these accounts tend to infer the EU’s motives from its activity. Drawing extensive primary documents, this monograph argues that the major developments in the relationship -- the 1992 Inter-institutional Agreement and the 1995 Europe Mercosur Inter-regional Framework Cooperation Agreement – were initiated by Mercosur and supported mainly by Spain. This means that rather than the EU pursuing a strategy, as implied by most of the existing literature, the EU was largely responsive.
Alicia Maguid
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199269006
- eISBN:
- 9780191601309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199269009.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
Until 1991, Argentina experienced rising immigration from border countries to fulfill a segmented demand for labour within specific sectors; but structural economic change had negative consequences ...
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Until 1991, Argentina experienced rising immigration from border countries to fulfill a segmented demand for labour within specific sectors; but structural economic change had negative consequences for employment, as the number of jobs in construction, industry, and services contracted. Given the narrowing of employment options and the shrinking of Argentine employment, it is not clear what will happen to immigration from border countries, but the data presented here suggest that the concentration of border workers will increase in construction and services and that within these sectors they will be employed on increasingly unfavourable terms.Less
Until 1991, Argentina experienced rising immigration from border countries to fulfill a segmented demand for labour within specific sectors; but structural economic change had negative consequences for employment, as the number of jobs in construction, industry, and services contracted. Given the narrowing of employment options and the shrinking of Argentine employment, it is not clear what will happen to immigration from border countries, but the data presented here suggest that the concentration of border workers will increase in construction and services and that within these sectors they will be employed on increasingly unfavourable terms.
John Williamson
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195155358
- eISBN:
- 9780199832989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195155351.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter argues that dollarization should not be debated in the abstract, assuming that the advantages are the same everywhere. Policy should differ in accordance with different circumstances. It ...
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This chapter argues that dollarization should not be debated in the abstract, assuming that the advantages are the same everywhere. Policy should differ in accordance with different circumstances. It urges Mercosur to consider the establishment of its own monetary union, rather than for its members to adopt the currency of another country that is unwilling to share its monetary sovereignty.Less
This chapter argues that dollarization should not be debated in the abstract, assuming that the advantages are the same everywhere. Policy should differ in accordance with different circumstances. It urges Mercosur to consider the establishment of its own monetary union, rather than for its members to adopt the currency of another country that is unwilling to share its monetary sovereignty.
José María Fanelli
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195155358
- eISBN:
- 9780199832989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195155351.003.0024
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
This chapter examines the pros and cons of macroeconomic policy coordination in Mercosur. It reviews the macroeconomic functioning of the Argentine economy under convertibility, and the exchange ...
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This chapter examines the pros and cons of macroeconomic policy coordination in Mercosur. It reviews the macroeconomic functioning of the Argentine economy under convertibility, and the exchange regimes and trade structure of Mercosur countries. It argues that Mercosur countries would greatly benefit from gradually advancing into macro coordination. The first step is to reduce the remaining volatility in the evolution of nominal and relative prices within the bloc.Less
This chapter examines the pros and cons of macroeconomic policy coordination in Mercosur. It reviews the macroeconomic functioning of the Argentine economy under convertibility, and the exchange regimes and trade structure of Mercosur countries. It argues that Mercosur countries would greatly benefit from gradually advancing into macro coordination. The first step is to reduce the remaining volatility in the evolution of nominal and relative prices within the bloc.
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations behind the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional ...
More
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations behind the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. In order to investigate the motivations (or lack there of), this monograph will examine the contribution of the main policy and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions within both institutions. By doing so, it will be possible to show the degree of “involvement”/”engagement” reflected in the EU’s policy towards Mercosur, which is the dependent variable in this study. The analysis offered here examines the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: The non-institutionalized relations (1986-1990), official relations (1991-1995), and the negotiations of an association agreement (1996-2007 and 2010-present). This degree of engagement will be measured using a scale of low, medium and high degree. The outcome of the measure is created by analysing two factors, the level of “ambition” and “commitment”.Less
This monograph seeks to examine the motivations behind the European Union’s (EU) policy towards the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the EU’s most important relationship with another regional economic integration organisation. In order to investigate the motivations (or lack there of), this monograph will examine the contribution of the main policy and decision-makers, the European Commission and the Council of Ministers, as well as the different contributions within both institutions. By doing so, it will be possible to show the degree of “involvement”/”engagement” reflected in the EU’s policy towards Mercosur, which is the dependent variable in this study. The analysis offered here examines the development of EU policy towards Mercosur in relation to three key stages: The non-institutionalized relations (1986-1990), official relations (1991-1995), and the negotiations of an association agreement (1996-2007 and 2010-present). This degree of engagement will be measured using a scale of low, medium and high degree. The outcome of the measure is created by analysing two factors, the level of “ambition” and “commitment”.
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter establishes the analytical framework that will be used to examine EU- Mercosur relations. The chapter begins by offering a critical review of the existing literature. Until now, the ...
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This chapter establishes the analytical framework that will be used to examine EU- Mercosur relations. The chapter begins by offering a critical review of the existing literature. Until now, the existing literature on EU-Mercosur has been very descriptive but not very analytical. It has tended to cover very specific moments of the relations and as a consequence it has forgotten to look at the bigger picture. Most authors have chosen to explain EU-Mercosur relations by using more than one argument at the same time without choosing one as the most representative. Furthermore, some authors explicitly say that until the end of the negotiations of the Association Agreement there will not be a final answer. This is hardly a clear and strong debate on a policy.Less
This chapter establishes the analytical framework that will be used to examine EU- Mercosur relations. The chapter begins by offering a critical review of the existing literature. Until now, the existing literature on EU-Mercosur has been very descriptive but not very analytical. It has tended to cover very specific moments of the relations and as a consequence it has forgotten to look at the bigger picture. Most authors have chosen to explain EU-Mercosur relations by using more than one argument at the same time without choosing one as the most representative. Furthermore, some authors explicitly say that until the end of the negotiations of the Association Agreement there will not be a final answer. This is hardly a clear and strong debate on a policy.
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter covers a new stage in EU policy towards Mercosur and Latin America. This stage started with a new framework of policies within which agreements between the European Union and Latin ...
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This chapter covers a new stage in EU policy towards Mercosur and Latin America. This stage started with a new framework of policies within which agreements between the European Union and Latin American countries, including the Mercosur countries, were made. By explaining EU-Mercosur agreements within the general context of EU-LA relations it is possible to bring some clarity to the EU level of engagement with Mercosur in relative terms so it is neither over nor underestimated. In doing so it will show how EU-Mercosur relations were the most important ones within the EU-LA framework. As has been established before, the level of engagement will be explained by discussing two aspects of it, “ambition” and “commitment”. This chapter shows that there is a medium level of “ambition” and a high level of “commitment” which helps to explain the outcome of a medium level of engagement.
In relation to this stage, in the literature it has been accepted that, in 1990, the EU’s means of dealing with Latin America changed (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Bizzozero 1995; Laporte Galli 1996; Birochi 1999). Detailed explanations for this have not yet been offered. Some indicate that these changes were due to wider changes in the international arena. With the end of Cold War, the EU was given a chance to develop a global vision and a space in which to do it (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Birochi 1999). The internal changes in the European Union, especially its increased integration, have also been mentioned in this regard (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995).Less
This chapter covers a new stage in EU policy towards Mercosur and Latin America. This stage started with a new framework of policies within which agreements between the European Union and Latin American countries, including the Mercosur countries, were made. By explaining EU-Mercosur agreements within the general context of EU-LA relations it is possible to bring some clarity to the EU level of engagement with Mercosur in relative terms so it is neither over nor underestimated. In doing so it will show how EU-Mercosur relations were the most important ones within the EU-LA framework. As has been established before, the level of engagement will be explained by discussing two aspects of it, “ambition” and “commitment”. This chapter shows that there is a medium level of “ambition” and a high level of “commitment” which helps to explain the outcome of a medium level of engagement.
In relation to this stage, in the literature it has been accepted that, in 1990, the EU’s means of dealing with Latin America changed (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Bizzozero 1995; Laporte Galli 1996; Birochi 1999). Detailed explanations for this have not yet been offered. Some indicate that these changes were due to wider changes in the international arena. With the end of Cold War, the EU was given a chance to develop a global vision and a space in which to do it (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995; Birochi 1999). The internal changes in the European Union, especially its increased integration, have also been mentioned in this regard (Aldecoa Luzarraga 1995).
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter aims to explain the phase in EU-Mercosur relations which negotiated the association agreement without reaching a successful ending. Both parties developed those negotiations under the ...
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This chapter aims to explain the phase in EU-Mercosur relations which negotiated the association agreement without reaching a successful ending. Both parties developed those negotiations under the European Mercosur Interregional Cooperation Agreement (EMIFCA). It was agreed that this agreement would be carried out in two phases. The first phase related to the preparation of the ground for future negotiations by comparing standards, statistical systems, trade procedures, whilst the second phase focussed on trade liberalization. The second phase of this agreement was also focussed on the actual negotiations. In the end, both parties were unable to reach an agreement and the negotiations were stopped in October 2004. This chapter will focus on the period up until the period where the EU became set on developing a political partnership with Brazil. In doing so, this decision marked the beginning of a new stage in history of EU policy towards Mercosur.
By looking at how these two parts of the policy were developed, and how far both sides went in both their statements and actions it will be possible to discuss the level of engagement on the EU side towards Mercosur. It seems that there were actors within the EU willing to both increase and decrease the level of “ambition” and “commitment”. Also, Mercosur countries helped to overcome some of the obstacles and this should be considered in order not to attribute the whole outcome solely to EU behaviour. The EU developed the association agreement towards Mercosur at this stage because of the efforts of the Commissioner in charge of the policy until 1999.Less
This chapter aims to explain the phase in EU-Mercosur relations which negotiated the association agreement without reaching a successful ending. Both parties developed those negotiations under the European Mercosur Interregional Cooperation Agreement (EMIFCA). It was agreed that this agreement would be carried out in two phases. The first phase related to the preparation of the ground for future negotiations by comparing standards, statistical systems, trade procedures, whilst the second phase focussed on trade liberalization. The second phase of this agreement was also focussed on the actual negotiations. In the end, both parties were unable to reach an agreement and the negotiations were stopped in October 2004. This chapter will focus on the period up until the period where the EU became set on developing a political partnership with Brazil. In doing so, this decision marked the beginning of a new stage in history of EU policy towards Mercosur.
By looking at how these two parts of the policy were developed, and how far both sides went in both their statements and actions it will be possible to discuss the level of engagement on the EU side towards Mercosur. It seems that there were actors within the EU willing to both increase and decrease the level of “ambition” and “commitment”. Also, Mercosur countries helped to overcome some of the obstacles and this should be considered in order not to attribute the whole outcome solely to EU behaviour. The EU developed the association agreement towards Mercosur at this stage because of the efforts of the Commissioner in charge of the policy until 1999.
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur ...
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From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur “continued” negotiating the Association Agreement but it is fair to say that after such a failure at the last minute in October 2004, both sides becoming cautious in their hopes for a successful agreement. Considering that the negotiations failed publicly it is understandable to expect some years of “healing” before considering a new attempt.
One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the re-launching of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe is the one recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak Eurozone, while in Latin America this international crisis did not have that much of an effect. However in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups or individual countries were being successful. At the same time a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the puzzle, China. To some extent this could be seen as a better scenario for a successful agreement between both regions. The facilitator of the re-launching of the negotiations was one more time the Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in mid June in Brussels 2015.Less
From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur “continued” negotiating the Association Agreement but it is fair to say that after such a failure at the last minute in October 2004, both sides becoming cautious in their hopes for a successful agreement. Considering that the negotiations failed publicly it is understandable to expect some years of “healing” before considering a new attempt.
One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the re-launching of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe is the one recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak Eurozone, while in Latin America this international crisis did not have that much of an effect. However in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups or individual countries were being successful. At the same time a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the puzzle, China. To some extent this could be seen as a better scenario for a successful agreement between both regions. The facilitator of the re-launching of the negotiations was one more time the Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in mid June in Brussels 2015.
Arantza Gomez Arana
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719096945
- eISBN:
- 9781526123992
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719096945.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
“(…) Russia and China, as well as partners in Latin-America, deserve a clear European strategy. Africa has, unfortunately, been absent from the EU’s strategic agenda for years and needs to be ...
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“(…) Russia and China, as well as partners in Latin-America, deserve a clear European strategy. Africa has, unfortunately, been absent from the EU’s strategic agenda for years and needs to be reengaged. (…)The Union can be a global actor considering we possess the objectives, principles and instruments. Unfortunately the political will is often lacking and the question is whether the EU Member States will take action to change this.” (Miguel Angel Moratinos, Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, 20 January 2010).
The views of Miguel Angel Moratinos during the Spanish Presidency recognize a series of gaps in the strategic behaviour, the existence of partiality in the strategic agenda, and a lack of will in the European Union external relations. These quote suggest that if this has the situation in 2010, then EU policies during the 1980s and 1990s towards a Latin-American region such as Mercosur were not the most structured nor did the EU develop these policies to their full EU potential. At the same time, the EU’s internal institutional and legal frameworks also changed as a result of different treaties and enlargements. These internal changes affected either positively or negatively EU relations with Latin America. On the one hand, the Iberian enlargement affected EU policy positively towards Latin America, whilst on the other hand, policy towards Central and Easter European countries which culminated in the 2004 enlargement was affected negatively on EU-Latin America relations.Less
“(…) Russia and China, as well as partners in Latin-America, deserve a clear European strategy. Africa has, unfortunately, been absent from the EU’s strategic agenda for years and needs to be reengaged. (…)The Union can be a global actor considering we possess the objectives, principles and instruments. Unfortunately the political will is often lacking and the question is whether the EU Member States will take action to change this.” (Miguel Angel Moratinos, Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, 20 January 2010).
The views of Miguel Angel Moratinos during the Spanish Presidency recognize a series of gaps in the strategic behaviour, the existence of partiality in the strategic agenda, and a lack of will in the European Union external relations. These quote suggest that if this has the situation in 2010, then EU policies during the 1980s and 1990s towards a Latin-American region such as Mercosur were not the most structured nor did the EU develop these policies to their full EU potential. At the same time, the EU’s internal institutional and legal frameworks also changed as a result of different treaties and enlargements. These internal changes affected either positively or negatively EU relations with Latin America. On the one hand, the Iberian enlargement affected EU policy positively towards Latin America, whilst on the other hand, policy towards Central and Easter European countries which culminated in the 2004 enlargement was affected negatively on EU-Latin America relations.
Edward D. Mansfield
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199680405
- eISBN:
- 9780191760266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680405.003.0019
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Edward Mansfield examines the establishment, institutional design, political economy, and economic and political effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and Mercosur. Both ...
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Edward Mansfield examines the establishment, institutional design, political economy, and economic and political effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and Mercosur. Both agreements have met with some success, but face continuing challenges. NAFTA confronts various agricultural, illegal immigration, and environmental issues that have strained relations among the member states. For its part, Mercosur has few mechanisms for institutionalization, and any further expansion will be difficult if new states have different policy preferences. Both agreements feature one particularly large country, and smaller participants have bridled at the tendency for these regional hegemons to discount the interests of other member states. However, the experiences of NAFTA and Mercosur suggest that preferential trade agreements help to defuse conflicts and stabilize political relations among members and illustrate how preferential trade agreements can be used to foster economic and political reform in participating countries and limit the ability of states to roll back reforms.Less
Edward Mansfield examines the establishment, institutional design, political economy, and economic and political effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and Mercosur. Both agreements have met with some success, but face continuing challenges. NAFTA confronts various agricultural, illegal immigration, and environmental issues that have strained relations among the member states. For its part, Mercosur has few mechanisms for institutionalization, and any further expansion will be difficult if new states have different policy preferences. Both agreements feature one particularly large country, and smaller participants have bridled at the tendency for these regional hegemons to discount the interests of other member states. However, the experiences of NAFTA and Mercosur suggest that preferential trade agreements help to defuse conflicts and stabilize political relations among members and illustrate how preferential trade agreements can be used to foster economic and political reform in participating countries and limit the ability of states to roll back reforms.
Karen J. Alter and Laurence R. Helfer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199680788
- eISBN:
- 9780191760723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680788.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Comparative Law
This chapter considers the geopolitical factors now threatening the Andean Community and explains how the Andean Tribunal of Justice (ATJ) has responded to this crisis. It also explains why the ATJ's ...
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This chapter considers the geopolitical factors now threatening the Andean Community and explains how the Andean Tribunal of Justice (ATJ) has responded to this crisis. It also explains why the ATJ's intellectual property (IP) island continues to thrive even as threats to the larger integration project loom larger. It then returns to the Ecuador noncompliance dispute, introduced in Chapter 6, and considers how developments in the Andean integration process may affect the influence and power of the ATJ going forward. Divisions in the Andean Community, together with the pull of competing regional projects such as Mercosur and UNASUR — a merger of the Andean Community and Mercosur — have impeded the longstanding goal of creating an Andean common market and led to significantly reduced government support for the Andean integration project as a whole. This chapter thus attempts to understand what happened to the ATJ's authority during this crisis.Less
This chapter considers the geopolitical factors now threatening the Andean Community and explains how the Andean Tribunal of Justice (ATJ) has responded to this crisis. It also explains why the ATJ's intellectual property (IP) island continues to thrive even as threats to the larger integration project loom larger. It then returns to the Ecuador noncompliance dispute, introduced in Chapter 6, and considers how developments in the Andean integration process may affect the influence and power of the ATJ going forward. Divisions in the Andean Community, together with the pull of competing regional projects such as Mercosur and UNASUR — a merger of the Andean Community and Mercosur — have impeded the longstanding goal of creating an Andean common market and led to significantly reduced government support for the Andean integration project as a whole. This chapter thus attempts to understand what happened to the ATJ's authority during this crisis.
