Sarah Florini
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479892464
- eISBN:
- 9781479807185
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479892464.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
In a culture dominated by discourses of “colorblindness” but still rife with structural racism, digital and social media have become a resource for Black Americans navigating a society that ...
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In a culture dominated by discourses of “colorblindness” but still rife with structural racism, digital and social media have become a resource for Black Americans navigating a society that simultaneously perpetuates and obscures racial inequality. Though the Ferguson protests made such Black digital networks more broadly visible, these networks did not coalesce in that moment. They were built over the course of years through much less spectacular, though no less important, everyday use, including mundane social exchanges, humor, and fandom. This book explores these everyday practices and their relationship to larger social issues through an in-depth analysis of a network of Black American digital media users and content creators. These digital networks are used not only to cope with and challenge day-to-day experiences of racism, but also as an incubator for the discourses that have since exploded onto the national stage. This book tells the story of an influential subsection of these Black digital networks, including many Black amateur podcasts, the independent media company This Week in Blackness (TWiB!), and the network of Twitter users that has come to be known as “Black Twitter.” Grounded in her active participation in this network and close ethnographic collaboration with TWiB!, Sarah Florini argues that the multimedia, transplatform nature of this network makes it a flexible resource that can then be deployed for a variety of purposes—culturally inflected fan practices, community building, cultural critique, and citizen journalism. Florini argues that these digital media practices are an extension of historic traditions of Black cultural production and resistance.Less
In a culture dominated by discourses of “colorblindness” but still rife with structural racism, digital and social media have become a resource for Black Americans navigating a society that simultaneously perpetuates and obscures racial inequality. Though the Ferguson protests made such Black digital networks more broadly visible, these networks did not coalesce in that moment. They were built over the course of years through much less spectacular, though no less important, everyday use, including mundane social exchanges, humor, and fandom. This book explores these everyday practices and their relationship to larger social issues through an in-depth analysis of a network of Black American digital media users and content creators. These digital networks are used not only to cope with and challenge day-to-day experiences of racism, but also as an incubator for the discourses that have since exploded onto the national stage. This book tells the story of an influential subsection of these Black digital networks, including many Black amateur podcasts, the independent media company This Week in Blackness (TWiB!), and the network of Twitter users that has come to be known as “Black Twitter.” Grounded in her active participation in this network and close ethnographic collaboration with TWiB!, Sarah Florini argues that the multimedia, transplatform nature of this network makes it a flexible resource that can then be deployed for a variety of purposes—culturally inflected fan practices, community building, cultural critique, and citizen journalism. Florini argues that these digital media practices are an extension of historic traditions of Black cultural production and resistance.
Melissa Schwartzberg (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479810512
- eISBN:
- 9781479837564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Protests abound in contemporary political life, including in the United States: One-fifth of Americans reported having participated in a political protest between early 2016 and early 2018. Protest ...
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Protests abound in contemporary political life, including in the United States: One-fifth of Americans reported having participated in a political protest between early 2016 and early 2018. Protest and Dissent examines the justification, strategy, and limits of mass demonstrations and other forms of resistance, drawing, in the distinctive NOMOS fashion, from political science, philosophy, and law. Its linked chapters are informed by African American political thought, Gandhian nonviolence, the history of the Civil Rights Movement, and the dynamics of recent social movements. In the ten chapters of Protest and Dissent, the authors challenge their fellow contributors and readers to reimagine the boundaries between civil and uncivil disagreement, between political reform and radical transformation, and between democratic ends and means. The volume has three parts. The first takes up the justification of civil and uncivil disobedience; the second addresses the strategic logic of political protest; and the third analyzes the democratic implications of protest and dissent, including in comparative perspective.Less
Protests abound in contemporary political life, including in the United States: One-fifth of Americans reported having participated in a political protest between early 2016 and early 2018. Protest and Dissent examines the justification, strategy, and limits of mass demonstrations and other forms of resistance, drawing, in the distinctive NOMOS fashion, from political science, philosophy, and law. Its linked chapters are informed by African American political thought, Gandhian nonviolence, the history of the Civil Rights Movement, and the dynamics of recent social movements. In the ten chapters of Protest and Dissent, the authors challenge their fellow contributors and readers to reimagine the boundaries between civil and uncivil disagreement, between political reform and radical transformation, and between democratic ends and means. The volume has three parts. The first takes up the justification of civil and uncivil disobedience; the second addresses the strategic logic of political protest; and the third analyzes the democratic implications of protest and dissent, including in comparative perspective.
Sarah Florini
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479892464
- eISBN:
- 9781479807185
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479892464.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Beyond Hashtags concludes with a brief discussion of the radical changes in the dominant racial discourse that have taken place since the 2016 presidential election. In noting the decreased ...
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Beyond Hashtags concludes with a brief discussion of the radical changes in the dominant racial discourse that have taken place since the 2016 presidential election. In noting the decreased visibility of the Movement for Black Lives and the constant media coverage of Donald Trump’s presidency and his unprecedented violation of US political norms, it looks at of issues of sustainability and monetization for podcasts that rely on an interstitial mode of production.Less
Beyond Hashtags concludes with a brief discussion of the radical changes in the dominant racial discourse that have taken place since the 2016 presidential election. In noting the decreased visibility of the Movement for Black Lives and the constant media coverage of Donald Trump’s presidency and his unprecedented violation of US political norms, it looks at of issues of sustainability and monetization for podcasts that rely on an interstitial mode of production.
Greg Walker
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199283330
- eISBN:
- 9780191712630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199283330.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 16th-century and Renaissance Literature
This chapter looks at the increasingly public divisions between the clergy and the laity, conservatives and reformers in the early years of the English Reformation. It charts the role of literary ...
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This chapter looks at the increasingly public divisions between the clergy and the laity, conservatives and reformers in the early years of the English Reformation. It charts the role of literary production in both fuelling the hostilities through polemical publications and in attempting to resolve them through a growing literature advocating moderation and tolerance in many aspects of public life. The drama and lyrics of John Heywood are examined as a key example of the latter.Less
This chapter looks at the increasingly public divisions between the clergy and the laity, conservatives and reformers in the early years of the English Reformation. It charts the role of literary production in both fuelling the hostilities through polemical publications and in attempting to resolve them through a growing literature advocating moderation and tolerance in many aspects of public life. The drama and lyrics of John Heywood are examined as a key example of the latter.
Terryl L. Givens and Matthew J. Grow
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195375732
- eISBN:
- 9780199918300
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195375732.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
During Pratt’s imprisonment, the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles prepared to launch a joint British mission. Days after arriving in Illinois, Pratt participated in the mass healing occasion known as ...
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During Pratt’s imprisonment, the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles prepared to launch a joint British mission. Days after arriving in Illinois, Pratt participated in the mass healing occasion known as the “Day of God’s Power.” Weeks later, he departed with his family for New York, port of departure. In the city, he revised several of his works and published his theologically groundbreaking Treatise on Regeneration and Eternal Duration of Matter. After preaching with Joseph Smith in Philadelphia, he sailed to England, where he wrote many pamphlets, dozens of hymns, and edited the church’s periodical Millennial Star. He retrieved his family from the U.S. and labored in the midst of financial hardship. After departure of other apostles, he administered the British mission until he sailed for the “United States in fall 1842.Less
During Pratt’s imprisonment, the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles prepared to launch a joint British mission. Days after arriving in Illinois, Pratt participated in the mass healing occasion known as the “Day of God’s Power.” Weeks later, he departed with his family for New York, port of departure. In the city, he revised several of his works and published his theologically groundbreaking Treatise on Regeneration and Eternal Duration of Matter. After preaching with Joseph Smith in Philadelphia, he sailed to England, where he wrote many pamphlets, dozens of hymns, and edited the church’s periodical Millennial Star. He retrieved his family from the U.S. and labored in the midst of financial hardship. After departure of other apostles, he administered the British mission until he sailed for the “United States in fall 1842.
Joseph Vogel
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041747
- eISBN:
- 9780252050411
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041747.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Few literary figures are as commonly referenced in contemporary culture as James Baldwin. In the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement, the election of Donald Trump, and daily debates about walls, ...
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Few literary figures are as commonly referenced in contemporary culture as James Baldwin. In the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement, the election of Donald Trump, and daily debates about walls, borders, and bans, Baldwin’s righteous indignation and prophetic warnings speak to the urgent mood of the present. His words appear on signs at rallies, in speeches, and on social media sites like Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook; he has been the subject of countless features in major magazines, as well as the inspiration for a new academic journal (the James Baldwin Review) and an Oscar-nominated documentary (I Am Not Your Negro). This Baldwin renaissance, however, follows decades of dismissals and neglect, particularly of his late career. James Baldwin and the 1980s: Witnessing the Reagan Era zeroes in on his final decade, revealing a still-razor-sharp, provocative writer who, with the benefit of hindsight, holds up as one of the most prescient observers of the post-civil rights landscape. Indeed, contrary to the conventional narrative of his decline, Baldwin’s work in the 1980s proves remarkably engaged with the cultural milieu of a new generation, commenting on everything from the culture wars to the deterioration of inner cities, from the Reagan Revolution to the religious Right, from gender-bending in pop culture to the AIDS crisis. A groundbreaking new assessment of Baldwin in the context of the media-saturated Reagan era, James Baldwin and the 1980s offers the first in-depth study of the author’s final decade -- and shows why his work from this period is so relevant to the world we live in today.Less
Few literary figures are as commonly referenced in contemporary culture as James Baldwin. In the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement, the election of Donald Trump, and daily debates about walls, borders, and bans, Baldwin’s righteous indignation and prophetic warnings speak to the urgent mood of the present. His words appear on signs at rallies, in speeches, and on social media sites like Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook; he has been the subject of countless features in major magazines, as well as the inspiration for a new academic journal (the James Baldwin Review) and an Oscar-nominated documentary (I Am Not Your Negro). This Baldwin renaissance, however, follows decades of dismissals and neglect, particularly of his late career. James Baldwin and the 1980s: Witnessing the Reagan Era zeroes in on his final decade, revealing a still-razor-sharp, provocative writer who, with the benefit of hindsight, holds up as one of the most prescient observers of the post-civil rights landscape. Indeed, contrary to the conventional narrative of his decline, Baldwin’s work in the 1980s proves remarkably engaged with the cultural milieu of a new generation, commenting on everything from the culture wars to the deterioration of inner cities, from the Reagan Revolution to the religious Right, from gender-bending in pop culture to the AIDS crisis. A groundbreaking new assessment of Baldwin in the context of the media-saturated Reagan era, James Baldwin and the 1980s offers the first in-depth study of the author’s final decade -- and shows why his work from this period is so relevant to the world we live in today.
David W. McIvor
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781501704956
- eISBN:
- 9781501706189
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501704956.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Recent years have brought public mourning to the heart of American politics, as exemplified by the spread and power of the Black Lives Matter movement, which has gained force through its ...
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Recent years have brought public mourning to the heart of American politics, as exemplified by the spread and power of the Black Lives Matter movement, which has gained force through its identification of pervasive social injustices with individual losses. The deaths of Sandra Bland, Michael Brown, Freddie Gray, Trayvon Martin, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, and so many others have brought private grief into the public sphere. The rhetoric and iconography of mourning has been noteworthy in Black Lives Matter protests, but this text argues that we have paid too little attention to the nature of social mourning—its relationship to private grief, its practices, and its pathologies and democratic possibilities. The book addresses significant and urgent questions about how citizens can mourn traumatic events and enduring injustices in their communities. The book offers a framework for analyzing the politics of mourning, drawing from psychoanalysis, Greek tragedy, and scholarly discourses on truth and reconciliation. This book connects these literatures to ongoing activism surrounding racial injustice, and it contextualizes Black Lives Matter in the broader politics of grief and recognition. The text also examines recent, grassroots-organized truth and reconciliation processes such as the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2004–006), which provided a public examination of the Greensboro Massacre of 1979—a deadly incident involving local members of the Communist Workers Party and the Ku Klux Klan.Less
Recent years have brought public mourning to the heart of American politics, as exemplified by the spread and power of the Black Lives Matter movement, which has gained force through its identification of pervasive social injustices with individual losses. The deaths of Sandra Bland, Michael Brown, Freddie Gray, Trayvon Martin, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, and so many others have brought private grief into the public sphere. The rhetoric and iconography of mourning has been noteworthy in Black Lives Matter protests, but this text argues that we have paid too little attention to the nature of social mourning—its relationship to private grief, its practices, and its pathologies and democratic possibilities. The book addresses significant and urgent questions about how citizens can mourn traumatic events and enduring injustices in their communities. The book offers a framework for analyzing the politics of mourning, drawing from psychoanalysis, Greek tragedy, and scholarly discourses on truth and reconciliation. This book connects these literatures to ongoing activism surrounding racial injustice, and it contextualizes Black Lives Matter in the broader politics of grief and recognition. The text also examines recent, grassroots-organized truth and reconciliation processes such as the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2004–006), which provided a public examination of the Greensboro Massacre of 1979—a deadly incident involving local members of the Communist Workers Party and the Ku Klux Klan.
Amna A. Akbar
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479810512
- eISBN:
- 9781479837564
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter raises four questions about the capacity of Candice Delmas’s uncivil disobedience framework to understand more radical possibilities of protest. First, protest is important not simply ...
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This chapter raises four questions about the capacity of Candice Delmas’s uncivil disobedience framework to understand more radical possibilities of protest. First, protest is important not simply for its capacity to communicate with the broader public, but for its constitutive and expressive function. Second, individual acts of protest cannot be divorced from the larger organizing and social movements in which they operate. Third, a civil disobedience framework may not be compatible with movements that seek structural political, economic, and social transformation. Fourth, elevating a particular form of lawbreaking over others may pose challenges for understanding contemporary movements that seek to denaturalize criminalization altogether.Less
This chapter raises four questions about the capacity of Candice Delmas’s uncivil disobedience framework to understand more radical possibilities of protest. First, protest is important not simply for its capacity to communicate with the broader public, but for its constitutive and expressive function. Second, individual acts of protest cannot be divorced from the larger organizing and social movements in which they operate. Third, a civil disobedience framework may not be compatible with movements that seek structural political, economic, and social transformation. Fourth, elevating a particular form of lawbreaking over others may pose challenges for understanding contemporary movements that seek to denaturalize criminalization altogether.
JosÉ Medina
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479810512
- eISBN:
- 9781479837564
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends a confrontational view of protest that puts civil and uncivil protest in a continuum and argues for the contextual legitimacy of uncivil protest. The chapter argues both against ...
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This chapter defends a confrontational view of protest that puts civil and uncivil protest in a continuum and argues for the contextual legitimacy of uncivil protest. The chapter argues both against conservative views for which protests are legitimate only if previously authorized and in full conformity with law and order, and against liberal views that allow for civil disobedience but, either for principled or for strategic reasons, allow only for protests that remain civil. I argue that contexts of oppression warrant the use of incivility and mild forms of violence for protesting injustice. Elucidating the history of protests in sports, the activism of Act Up, and the counter-protests of Black Lives Matter, I argue that nonviolent movements of resistance can legitimately use incivility and mild forms of violence while still being committed to the mitigation of violence in the long run.Less
This chapter defends a confrontational view of protest that puts civil and uncivil protest in a continuum and argues for the contextual legitimacy of uncivil protest. The chapter argues both against conservative views for which protests are legitimate only if previously authorized and in full conformity with law and order, and against liberal views that allow for civil disobedience but, either for principled or for strategic reasons, allow only for protests that remain civil. I argue that contexts of oppression warrant the use of incivility and mild forms of violence for protesting injustice. Elucidating the history of protests in sports, the activism of Act Up, and the counter-protests of Black Lives Matter, I argue that nonviolent movements of resistance can legitimately use incivility and mild forms of violence while still being committed to the mitigation of violence in the long run.
Tabatha Abu El-Haj
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781479810512
- eISBN:
- 9781479837564
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Recent years have seen the reinvigoration of disruptive political protest — from the Occupy Movement, to Black Lives Matter, to the Women’s Marches. These sorts of disruptive outdoor assemblies, ...
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Recent years have seen the reinvigoration of disruptive political protest — from the Occupy Movement, to Black Lives Matter, to the Women’s Marches. These sorts of disruptive outdoor assemblies, including many of their tactics, have been central to American politics since the Founding, and have long been protected by the First Amendment. Nevertheless, legislatures around the country have been introducing and passing bills that render a wide swath of protest tactics unlawful precisely because they have been effective in drawing attention to claims and issues that typically fall off the legislative radar. More important, these legislative efforts are part of a broader erosion of fundamental democratic norms—from partisan redistricting to rewriting legislative procedures and traditions for judicial nominations—as well as the emerging pattern of attacking the free press and the loyalty of dissenters. Now more than ever, therefore, whatever our personal normative views on either the tactics of contemporary protesters or the parameters of current constitutional doctrine, it is our duty as a scholarly community to reaffirm that recent acts of protest and dissent operate well within the bounds of our American tradition of outdoor assembly and its constitutional protections.Less
Recent years have seen the reinvigoration of disruptive political protest — from the Occupy Movement, to Black Lives Matter, to the Women’s Marches. These sorts of disruptive outdoor assemblies, including many of their tactics, have been central to American politics since the Founding, and have long been protected by the First Amendment. Nevertheless, legislatures around the country have been introducing and passing bills that render a wide swath of protest tactics unlawful precisely because they have been effective in drawing attention to claims and issues that typically fall off the legislative radar. More important, these legislative efforts are part of a broader erosion of fundamental democratic norms—from partisan redistricting to rewriting legislative procedures and traditions for judicial nominations—as well as the emerging pattern of attacking the free press and the loyalty of dissenters. Now more than ever, therefore, whatever our personal normative views on either the tactics of contemporary protesters or the parameters of current constitutional doctrine, it is our duty as a scholarly community to reaffirm that recent acts of protest and dissent operate well within the bounds of our American tradition of outdoor assembly and its constitutional protections.
Dewey W. Hall and Jillmarie Murphy (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781949979046
- eISBN:
- 9781789629705
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781949979046.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
Gendered Ecologies: New Materialist Interpretations of Women Writers in the Long Nineteenth Century is comprised of a diverse collection of essays featuring analyses of literary women writers, ...
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Gendered Ecologies: New Materialist Interpretations of Women Writers in the Long Nineteenth Century is comprised of a diverse collection of essays featuring analyses of literary women writers, ecofeminism, feminist ecocriticism, and the value of the interrelationships that exist among human, nonhuman, and nonliving entities as part of the environs. The book presents a case for the often-disregarded literary women writers of the long nineteenth century, who were active contributors to the discourse of natural history—the diachronic study of participants as part of a vibrant community interconnected by matter. While they were not natural philosophers as in the cases of Sir Isaac Newton, Robert Boyle, and Michael Faraday among others, these women writers did engage in acute observations of materiality in space (e.g., subjects, objects, and abjects), reasoned about their findings, and encoded their discoveries of nature in their literary and artistic productions. The collection includes discussions of the works of influential literary women from the long nineteenth century—Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, Caroline Norton, Charlotte Brontë, George Eliot, Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Jane Johnston Schoolcraft, Margaret Fuller, Susan Fenimore Cooper, Celia Thaxter, Laura Ingalls Wilder, Francis Wright, and Lydia Maria Child—whose multi-directional observations of animate and inanimate objects in the natural domain are based on self-made discoveries while interacting with the environs.Less
Gendered Ecologies: New Materialist Interpretations of Women Writers in the Long Nineteenth Century is comprised of a diverse collection of essays featuring analyses of literary women writers, ecofeminism, feminist ecocriticism, and the value of the interrelationships that exist among human, nonhuman, and nonliving entities as part of the environs. The book presents a case for the often-disregarded literary women writers of the long nineteenth century, who were active contributors to the discourse of natural history—the diachronic study of participants as part of a vibrant community interconnected by matter. While they were not natural philosophers as in the cases of Sir Isaac Newton, Robert Boyle, and Michael Faraday among others, these women writers did engage in acute observations of materiality in space (e.g., subjects, objects, and abjects), reasoned about their findings, and encoded their discoveries of nature in their literary and artistic productions. The collection includes discussions of the works of influential literary women from the long nineteenth century—Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, Caroline Norton, Charlotte Brontë, George Eliot, Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Jane Johnston Schoolcraft, Margaret Fuller, Susan Fenimore Cooper, Celia Thaxter, Laura Ingalls Wilder, Francis Wright, and Lydia Maria Child—whose multi-directional observations of animate and inanimate objects in the natural domain are based on self-made discoveries while interacting with the environs.
Stephen R.L. Clark
- Published in print:
- 1975
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198245162
- eISBN:
- 9780191680847
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198245162.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Ancient Philosophy
The world is best understood in terms of a complex of wholes that are more than the aggregates of their parts and are to be picked out in terms of their ends. Aristotle's talk of Nature, of Being, ...
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The world is best understood in terms of a complex of wholes that are more than the aggregates of their parts and are to be picked out in terms of their ends. Aristotle's talk of Nature, of Being, and of Prime Matter can be explained by reference to the universal Whole, which men can mirror. Teleological analysis is a condition of our seeing the world of common sense at all, and the Whole makes sense in terms of the Aristotelian saint's awareness of it. This chapter argues that certain of Aristotle's remarks about ousia, being, can be explicated with the help of the concept of a teleologically identified whole. Locke's claim that ‘the boundaries of species are as men, and not as nature, makes them’ is in fact true only on a prescientific level. The paradeigmatic ousiai are wholes; the paradeigmatic wholes are living entities; living entities exist dynamically in such a way that they are wholes at any point in their existence but that their growth and nature is completed over a period of time.Less
The world is best understood in terms of a complex of wholes that are more than the aggregates of their parts and are to be picked out in terms of their ends. Aristotle's talk of Nature, of Being, and of Prime Matter can be explained by reference to the universal Whole, which men can mirror. Teleological analysis is a condition of our seeing the world of common sense at all, and the Whole makes sense in terms of the Aristotelian saint's awareness of it. This chapter argues that certain of Aristotle's remarks about ousia, being, can be explicated with the help of the concept of a teleologically identified whole. Locke's claim that ‘the boundaries of species are as men, and not as nature, makes them’ is in fact true only on a prescientific level. The paradeigmatic ousiai are wholes; the paradeigmatic wholes are living entities; living entities exist dynamically in such a way that they are wholes at any point in their existence but that their growth and nature is completed over a period of time.
Joseph R. Fitzgerald
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176499
- eISBN:
- 9780813176529
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176499.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The final chapter briefly touches on Richardson’s second divorce but focuses on her difficulties finding and keeping employment. After holding a series of jobs in various corporate and not-for-profit ...
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The final chapter briefly touches on Richardson’s second divorce but focuses on her difficulties finding and keeping employment. After holding a series of jobs in various corporate and not-for-profit agencies, Richardson eventually earned a permanent civil service position with the City of New York, where she worked until the twenty-first century. In one way or another, all her jobs involved some kind of social justice. Over the last five decades, Richardson has paid close attention to social change movements, including Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter, and this chapter discusses her thoughts about them, particularly her view that young people have the capability and vision to lead the nation to greater freedom, just as young people did in the 1960s. She advises them to replicate the group-centered and member-driven model student activists employed in the early 1960s and to avoid becoming ideological.Less
The final chapter briefly touches on Richardson’s second divorce but focuses on her difficulties finding and keeping employment. After holding a series of jobs in various corporate and not-for-profit agencies, Richardson eventually earned a permanent civil service position with the City of New York, where she worked until the twenty-first century. In one way or another, all her jobs involved some kind of social justice. Over the last five decades, Richardson has paid close attention to social change movements, including Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter, and this chapter discusses her thoughts about them, particularly her view that young people have the capability and vision to lead the nation to greater freedom, just as young people did in the 1960s. She advises them to replicate the group-centered and member-driven model student activists employed in the early 1960s and to avoid becoming ideological.
Sonali Chakravarti
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226654157
- eISBN:
- 9780226654324
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226654324.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Legal Profession and Ethics
While arguments for greater awareness about nullification, the power of a jury to render a not guilty verdict even if the burden of proof has been met, and the critical role it plays within the legal ...
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While arguments for greater awareness about nullification, the power of a jury to render a not guilty verdict even if the burden of proof has been met, and the critical role it plays within the legal system have long existed, its relationship to contemporary movements for racial justice, particularly the Movement for Black Lives, has been underdeveloped. One reason for this is that the movement grew out of a desire for greater accountability for police violence against African-Americans, a pattern that had been largely ignored within the public consciousness and also unpunished within the criminal justice system. However, the need for greater education about the power of jury nullification (including imagining the implications of a three option verdict: guilty, not guilty, nullify) allows for the development of the radically enfranchised citizen in ways that enhance movements calling for dramatic changes within the criminal justice system.Less
While arguments for greater awareness about nullification, the power of a jury to render a not guilty verdict even if the burden of proof has been met, and the critical role it plays within the legal system have long existed, its relationship to contemporary movements for racial justice, particularly the Movement for Black Lives, has been underdeveloped. One reason for this is that the movement grew out of a desire for greater accountability for police violence against African-Americans, a pattern that had been largely ignored within the public consciousness and also unpunished within the criminal justice system. However, the need for greater education about the power of jury nullification (including imagining the implications of a three option verdict: guilty, not guilty, nullify) allows for the development of the radically enfranchised citizen in ways that enhance movements calling for dramatic changes within the criminal justice system.
Natsu Taylor Saito
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780814723944
- eISBN:
- 9780814708170
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814723944.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Comparative Law
In the 1960s, global decolonization and the civil rights movement inspired hope for structural change in the United States, but more than fifty years later, racial disparities in income and wealth, ...
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In the 1960s, global decolonization and the civil rights movement inspired hope for structural change in the United States, but more than fifty years later, racial disparities in income and wealth, education, employment, health, housing, and incarceration remain entrenched. In addition, we have seen a resurgence of overt White supremacy following the election of President Trump. This chapter considers the potential of movements like Black Lives Matter and the Standing Rock water protectors in light of the experiences of the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and other efforts at community empowerment in the “long sixties.”Less
In the 1960s, global decolonization and the civil rights movement inspired hope for structural change in the United States, but more than fifty years later, racial disparities in income and wealth, education, employment, health, housing, and incarceration remain entrenched. In addition, we have seen a resurgence of overt White supremacy following the election of President Trump. This chapter considers the potential of movements like Black Lives Matter and the Standing Rock water protectors in light of the experiences of the Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, and other efforts at community empowerment in the “long sixties.”
Edward Whitley
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252042232
- eISBN:
- 9780252050978
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042232.003.0014
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
Ed Whitley’s chapter describes a project in which students study the curatorial work of Harriet Beecher Stowe in The Key to “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” alongside current examples of digital activism to ...
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Ed Whitley’s chapter describes a project in which students study the curatorial work of Harriet Beecher Stowe in The Key to “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” alongside current examples of digital activism to understand how groups mobilize and share information to effect change. Students “reverse engineer” the composition of Uncle Tom’s Cabin by searching through digital archives of abolitionist texts and images to discover how Stowe’s inclusion of some materials and exclusion of others shaped her novel. Students then consider how social activists similarly sort, organize, select, and reject the documentary record of social injustice appearing online in real-time. As students compare historical periods and media forms, they reflect on the processes through which texts are created, disseminated, structured, stored, and used to change the world.Less
Ed Whitley’s chapter describes a project in which students study the curatorial work of Harriet Beecher Stowe in The Key to “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” alongside current examples of digital activism to understand how groups mobilize and share information to effect change. Students “reverse engineer” the composition of Uncle Tom’s Cabin by searching through digital archives of abolitionist texts and images to discover how Stowe’s inclusion of some materials and exclusion of others shaped her novel. Students then consider how social activists similarly sort, organize, select, and reject the documentary record of social injustice appearing online in real-time. As students compare historical periods and media forms, they reflect on the processes through which texts are created, disseminated, structured, stored, and used to change the world.
Susan G. Davis
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042614
- eISBN:
- 9780252051456
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042614.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, Legman completed and published two volumes of his studies of sexual humor, The Rationale of the Dirty Joke and No Laughing Matter. In these books he presented ...
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During the late 1960s and early 1970s, Legman completed and published two volumes of his studies of sexual humor, The Rationale of the Dirty Joke and No Laughing Matter. In these books he presented thousands of jokes on sexual and bodily topics, framed by his own version of a Freudian approach to humor. This chapter lays out Legman’s organization of the materials dredged up in his decades of joke collecting, outlines his theories of humor, and places his books in the expansion of scholarly interest in humor in the 1960s and 1970s. Legman was almost alone in emphasizing aggression as a largely unconscious motive in joke telling and in emphasizing that jokes expressed unresolved psychic conflicts. The Rationale of the Dirty Joke was more warmly received than Legman’s second volume of jokes, in large part because No Laughing Matter dealt with the nastiest jokes in Legman’s collection. The chapter also examines the academic and popular reactions to both books and details Legman’s difficulties with publishers, especially around the issue of royalties for his work.Less
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, Legman completed and published two volumes of his studies of sexual humor, The Rationale of the Dirty Joke and No Laughing Matter. In these books he presented thousands of jokes on sexual and bodily topics, framed by his own version of a Freudian approach to humor. This chapter lays out Legman’s organization of the materials dredged up in his decades of joke collecting, outlines his theories of humor, and places his books in the expansion of scholarly interest in humor in the 1960s and 1970s. Legman was almost alone in emphasizing aggression as a largely unconscious motive in joke telling and in emphasizing that jokes expressed unresolved psychic conflicts. The Rationale of the Dirty Joke was more warmly received than Legman’s second volume of jokes, in large part because No Laughing Matter dealt with the nastiest jokes in Legman’s collection. The chapter also examines the academic and popular reactions to both books and details Legman’s difficulties with publishers, especially around the issue of royalties for his work.
P. J. Blount and David Miguel Molina
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813066202
- eISBN:
- 9780813065205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813066202.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In this chapter, P. J. Blount and David Molina trace NASA’s attempted counternarrative of social value and a policy of liberal equality rooted in the concept of “all mankind.” They consider whether ...
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In this chapter, P. J. Blount and David Molina trace NASA’s attempted counternarrative of social value and a policy of liberal equality rooted in the concept of “all mankind.” They consider whether this argument for NASA’s value remains a salient one at present as the continued inequalities in American life are increasingly highlighted in the media, and as we face a historical moment in which activists and astronauts alike will be challenged to bridge the distance between Black Lives Matter and Mars.Less
In this chapter, P. J. Blount and David Molina trace NASA’s attempted counternarrative of social value and a policy of liberal equality rooted in the concept of “all mankind.” They consider whether this argument for NASA’s value remains a salient one at present as the continued inequalities in American life are increasingly highlighted in the media, and as we face a historical moment in which activists and astronauts alike will be challenged to bridge the distance between Black Lives Matter and Mars.
Cameron Leader-Picone
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781496824516
- eISBN:
- 9781496824547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496824516.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, African-American Literature
This coda briefly addresses the election of Donald Trump and the implications of an increasingly visible white nationalist movement on the arguments of the book. The coda also analyzes elements of ...
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This coda briefly addresses the election of Donald Trump and the implications of an increasingly visible white nationalist movement on the arguments of the book. The coda also analyzes elements of the Black Lives Matter movement to argue that while much of the optimism of the post era has been mitigated, several of its major theoretical strains—the emphasis on individual agency over racial identity, the turn towards racial identity as performance—remain critical to understanding current activism. It also explains the influence of theoretical frameworks such as intersectionality and Afropessimism on current movements. The coda also looks briefly towards growing and ongoing trends in African American literature, like Afrofuturism.Less
This coda briefly addresses the election of Donald Trump and the implications of an increasingly visible white nationalist movement on the arguments of the book. The coda also analyzes elements of the Black Lives Matter movement to argue that while much of the optimism of the post era has been mitigated, several of its major theoretical strains—the emphasis on individual agency over racial identity, the turn towards racial identity as performance—remain critical to understanding current activism. It also explains the influence of theoretical frameworks such as intersectionality and Afropessimism on current movements. The coda also looks briefly towards growing and ongoing trends in African American literature, like Afrofuturism.
Katherine Isobel Baxter
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474420839
- eISBN:
- 9781474476478
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420839.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
Chapter Four explores the competing demands made upon young Nigerian civil servants in the colonial administration, through an examination of Chinua Achebe’s novel No Longer at Ease. The chapter ...
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Chapter Four explores the competing demands made upon young Nigerian civil servants in the colonial administration, through an examination of Chinua Achebe’s novel No Longer at Ease. The chapter contextualizes the social and sexual pressures under which the novel’s protagonist, Obi, buckles through discussion of contemporary popular culture and the experiences of real-life Nigerian colonial administrators. The novel is also discussed in relation to the British colonial texts to which it responds, notably Joyce Cary’s Mr Johnson and Graham Greene’s The Heart of the Matter. Achebe’s own reflections on the social uses of fiction are also considered. The chapter argues that as readers we are invited by Achebe into judgement of Obi, and in doing so we are brought into larger debates about the nation state and the law.Less
Chapter Four explores the competing demands made upon young Nigerian civil servants in the colonial administration, through an examination of Chinua Achebe’s novel No Longer at Ease. The chapter contextualizes the social and sexual pressures under which the novel’s protagonist, Obi, buckles through discussion of contemporary popular culture and the experiences of real-life Nigerian colonial administrators. The novel is also discussed in relation to the British colonial texts to which it responds, notably Joyce Cary’s Mr Johnson and Graham Greene’s The Heart of the Matter. Achebe’s own reflections on the social uses of fiction are also considered. The chapter argues that as readers we are invited by Achebe into judgement of Obi, and in doing so we are brought into larger debates about the nation state and the law.
