John W. Griffith
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183006
- eISBN:
- 9780191673931
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183006.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, European Literature
This book is a detailed analysis of Conrad’s early fiction, which as a response to his travels in so-called primitive cultures: Malaysia, Borneo, and the Congo. As a sensitive observer of other ...
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This book is a detailed analysis of Conrad’s early fiction, which as a response to his travels in so-called primitive cultures: Malaysia, Borneo, and the Congo. As a sensitive observer of other peoples and a notable émigré acute, he was profoundly aware of the psychological impact of travel, and much of his early fiction portrays both literal and figurative voyages of Europeans into other cultures. By situating Conrad’s work in relation to other writings on ‘primitive’ peoples, the book shows how his fiction draws on a prominent anthropological and biological dilemma: he constantly posed the question of how to bridge conceptual and cultural gaps between various peoples. As the book demonstrates, this was a dilemma which coincided with a larger Victorian debate regarding the progression or retrogression of European civilization.Less
This book is a detailed analysis of Conrad’s early fiction, which as a response to his travels in so-called primitive cultures: Malaysia, Borneo, and the Congo. As a sensitive observer of other peoples and a notable émigré acute, he was profoundly aware of the psychological impact of travel, and much of his early fiction portrays both literal and figurative voyages of Europeans into other cultures. By situating Conrad’s work in relation to other writings on ‘primitive’ peoples, the book shows how his fiction draws on a prominent anthropological and biological dilemma: he constantly posed the question of how to bridge conceptual and cultural gaps between various peoples. As the book demonstrates, this was a dilemma which coincided with a larger Victorian debate regarding the progression or retrogression of European civilization.
Joshua Castellino and Elvira Domínguez Redondo
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199296057
- eISBN:
- 9780191705403
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296057.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This book analyzes the minority rights legal regimes in India, China, Malaysia, and Singapore, and places the discussion in the context of a wider debate on human rights in Asia. It takes a ...
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This book analyzes the minority rights legal regimes in India, China, Malaysia, and Singapore, and places the discussion in the context of a wider debate on human rights in Asia. It takes a multi-disciplinary approach, including comparative constitutional analysis, international relations, and social and cultural anthropology. The book contains detailed case studies, which are supported by critical commentary. India and China, the world's most populous states, face similar problems vis-à-vis minorities, yet tackle these using starkly different techniques. Malaysia and Singapore, vocal in their articulation of ‘Asian Values’, have taken opposing stances over minority rights. Malaysia has sought to establish Malay hegemony using minority rights tools in favour of the majority, while Singapore deliberately adopted a doctrine of meritocracy, nonetheless emphasising ethnic fault-lines within its population. Together the four states reflect not only the complex layers of culture and identity within Asian states, but also the vastly different political systems and contrasting conceptions of the role of law in the continent. Through its examination of minority rights theory and its application in specific cases, this book provides a useful comparative model for the assessment of other states within Asia, thereby taking an important first step towards understanding the situation of minorities within the entire continent.Less
This book analyzes the minority rights legal regimes in India, China, Malaysia, and Singapore, and places the discussion in the context of a wider debate on human rights in Asia. It takes a multi-disciplinary approach, including comparative constitutional analysis, international relations, and social and cultural anthropology. The book contains detailed case studies, which are supported by critical commentary. India and China, the world's most populous states, face similar problems vis-à-vis minorities, yet tackle these using starkly different techniques. Malaysia and Singapore, vocal in their articulation of ‘Asian Values’, have taken opposing stances over minority rights. Malaysia has sought to establish Malay hegemony using minority rights tools in favour of the majority, while Singapore deliberately adopted a doctrine of meritocracy, nonetheless emphasising ethnic fault-lines within its population. Together the four states reflect not only the complex layers of culture and identity within Asian states, but also the vastly different political systems and contrasting conceptions of the role of law in the continent. Through its examination of minority rights theory and its application in specific cases, this book provides a useful comparative model for the assessment of other states within Asia, thereby taking an important first step towards understanding the situation of minorities within the entire continent.
N. Ganesan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the political evolution of Malaysia in relation to minority communities, and compares the Malaysian experience to Western liberal theories of multiculturalism. The first three ...
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This chapter examines the political evolution of Malaysia in relation to minority communities, and compares the Malaysian experience to Western liberal theories of multiculturalism. The first three sections of the chapter focus on the important eras in the political history of the Malaysian model: colonization and migration, political independence, and the 1969 ethnic riots and resulting policy initiatives. The final section explores the constitutional and structural opportunities and constraints facing minority groups, and their relation to Western liberal theories. It is argued that Malaysia practices minority rights within the framework of Western liberalism, which is both a boon and a bane for minority communities.Less
This chapter examines the political evolution of Malaysia in relation to minority communities, and compares the Malaysian experience to Western liberal theories of multiculturalism. The first three sections of the chapter focus on the important eras in the political history of the Malaysian model: colonization and migration, political independence, and the 1969 ethnic riots and resulting policy initiatives. The final section explores the constitutional and structural opportunities and constraints facing minority groups, and their relation to Western liberal theories. It is argued that Malaysia practices minority rights within the framework of Western liberalism, which is both a boon and a bane for minority communities.
Joseph E. Stiglitz, José Antonio Ocampo, Shari Spiegel, Ricardo Ffrench-Davis, and Deepak Nayyar
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199288144
- eISBN:
- 9780191603884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199288143.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Although there is now a general recognition that capital market liberalization failed to help developing countries achieve economic growth and stability, there are still a number of unresolved ...
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Although there is now a general recognition that capital market liberalization failed to help developing countries achieve economic growth and stability, there are still a number of unresolved controversies, including the fundamental issue of what types of capital market interventions governments should undertake, and more centrally, whether there exist any interventions for which the benefits exceed the costs. Given the importance that capital account interventions can play in macroeconomic policy-making, this chapter analyzes alternative modes of regulations, including case studies of Chile, Colombia, and Malaysia. Though economists have a strong proclivity for price-based interventions (taxes and subsidies) over quantity-based interventions (administrative restrictions and controls), theoretical work in economics has shown that sometimes quantity-based restrictions can reduce risk more effectively than price interventions. In addition to direct forms of interventions, such as taxes and restrictions on inflows and outflows, interventions in capital markets can also take on a variety of indirect forms such as limiting banks’ short-term foreign borrowing or applying adverse tax or bankruptcy treatment to foreign-denominated borrowing. Though the regulations vary in their methods, they generally serve to segment (or separate) the domestic and foreign exchange markets. The chapter concludes with a number of arguments for and against the various modes of capital market intervention.Less
Although there is now a general recognition that capital market liberalization failed to help developing countries achieve economic growth and stability, there are still a number of unresolved controversies, including the fundamental issue of what types of capital market interventions governments should undertake, and more centrally, whether there exist any interventions for which the benefits exceed the costs. Given the importance that capital account interventions can play in macroeconomic policy-making, this chapter analyzes alternative modes of regulations, including case studies of Chile, Colombia, and Malaysia. Though economists have a strong proclivity for price-based interventions (taxes and subsidies) over quantity-based interventions (administrative restrictions and controls), theoretical work in economics has shown that sometimes quantity-based restrictions can reduce risk more effectively than price interventions. In addition to direct forms of interventions, such as taxes and restrictions on inflows and outflows, interventions in capital markets can also take on a variety of indirect forms such as limiting banks’ short-term foreign borrowing or applying adverse tax or bankruptcy treatment to foreign-denominated borrowing. Though the regulations vary in their methods, they generally serve to segment (or separate) the domestic and foreign exchange markets. The chapter concludes with a number of arguments for and against the various modes of capital market intervention.
Joshua Castellino and Elvira Domínguez Redondo
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199296057
- eISBN:
- 9780191705403
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296057.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This introductory chapter discusses the primary objectives of this book, which is to contribute to the understanding of minority rights in Asia. It aims to study the domestic legal systems of four ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the primary objectives of this book, which is to contribute to the understanding of minority rights in Asia. It aims to study the domestic legal systems of four states, with a view to extrapolating the legal regimes and institutions that exist for the protection of minority rights within their jurisdictions. The four states are India, China, Malaysia, and Singapore.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the primary objectives of this book, which is to contribute to the understanding of minority rights in Asia. It aims to study the domestic legal systems of four states, with a view to extrapolating the legal regimes and institutions that exist for the protection of minority rights within their jurisdictions. The four states are India, China, Malaysia, and Singapore.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned ...
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Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.Less
Islamism is often associated with oppositional social movements. However, increasingly, Muslim states too have served as agents of Islamism. They have adopted Islamization strategies, and realigned state ideology and policy‐making to reflect Islamist ideals and to fulfill demands of Islamic ideology. They have done so not only as a reaction to Islamist challenges from below but also to harness the energies of Islamism to expand state power and capacity. By co‐opting Islamism, they have strengthened the postcolonial state. Pakistan during the Zia ul‐Haq period, and Malaysia under Mahathir Mohammad have been at the forefront of this trend, devising Islamization from above strategies that allowed these weak states to effectively alleviate limitations before exercise of state power and to pursue goals such as economic growth. The Islamization of the postcolonial state underscores the importance of religion and culture to state power and capacity.
Christof Hartmann
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199249596
- eISBN:
- 9780191600012
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199249598.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Malaysia since its independence in 1957. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Malaysia's political history, outlines the evolution ...
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Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Malaysia since its independence in 1957. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Malaysia's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for parties in parliamentary elections at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the national and regional distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).Less
Includes all relevant information on national elections held in Malaysia since its independence in 1957. Part I gives a comprehensive overview of Malaysia's political history, outlines the evolution of electoral provisions, and presents the current electoral legislation in a standardized manner (suffrage, elected institutions, nomination of candidates, electoral system, organizational context of elections). Part II includes exhaustive electoral statistics in systematic tables (numbers of registered voters, votes cast, the votes for parties in parliamentary elections at both the national and regional level, the electoral participation of political parties, the national and regional distribution of parliamentary seats, etc.).
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Most studies of Islamism have focused on the role of oppositional forces. Increasingly, states are also important Islamist actors. States pursue Islamization not only in reaction to Islamist ...
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Most studies of Islamism have focused on the role of oppositional forces. Increasingly, states are also important Islamist actors. States pursue Islamization not only in reaction to Islamist challenges but also because in Islamism they see the opportunity to address the inherent weaknesses of the postcolonial state structure, and to significantly increase the power and capacity of the state. This trend is most evident in Pakistan and Malaysia where both the weakness of the postcolonial state and the opportunity inherent in Islamization have been greatest. These cases deviate from other models of state formation in the Muslim world, and provide new insights not only into state formation in the Muslim world but also into the study of the role of religion in state expansion in comparative politics.Less
Most studies of Islamism have focused on the role of oppositional forces. Increasingly, states are also important Islamist actors. States pursue Islamization not only in reaction to Islamist challenges but also because in Islamism they see the opportunity to address the inherent weaknesses of the postcolonial state structure, and to significantly increase the power and capacity of the state. This trend is most evident in Pakistan and Malaysia where both the weakness of the postcolonial state and the opportunity inherent in Islamization have been greatest. These cases deviate from other models of state formation in the Muslim world, and provide new insights not only into state formation in the Muslim world but also into the study of the role of religion in state expansion in comparative politics.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Malaysia and Pakistan were created from the rump of British colonialism in India and Southeast Asia. Both states lacked national identity or a unified polity that preceded independence. Both ...
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Malaysia and Pakistan were created from the rump of British colonialism in India and Southeast Asia. Both states lacked national identity or a unified polity that preceded independence. Both confronted social divisions that were the legacy of the colonial era. In fact, in both countries the struggle for independence was not directed against the British, but was a competition of racial, religious, and ethnic rivals. As weak states, they were unable to proceed with effective state formation. Economic Disparities in Malaysia led to racial and ethnic tensions. Weak state institutions and constitutional crises led to ethnic tensions in Pakistan.Less
Malaysia and Pakistan were created from the rump of British colonialism in India and Southeast Asia. Both states lacked national identity or a unified polity that preceded independence. Both confronted social divisions that were the legacy of the colonial era. In fact, in both countries the struggle for independence was not directed against the British, but was a competition of racial, religious, and ethnic rivals. As weak states, they were unable to proceed with effective state formation. Economic Disparities in Malaysia led to racial and ethnic tensions. Weak state institutions and constitutional crises led to ethnic tensions in Pakistan.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of ...
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Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of the soil), and Pakistan, under a military government, pursued aggressive economic growth. However, these strategies did not resolve ethnic tensions as in Malaysia it did not alleviate the economic problems facing Malays, and in Pakistan it favored Punjab at the cost of other provinces, especially East Pakistan. Both states continued to experience serious challenges to their authorities in the form of racial tensions in Malaysia and the Bangladesh movement in Pakistan.Less
Malaysia and Pakistan sought to address their problems through economic growth and the management of ethnic tensions. Malaysia pursued the New Economic Policy (NEP) to favor Malay bumiputras (sons of the soil), and Pakistan, under a military government, pursued aggressive economic growth. However, these strategies did not resolve ethnic tensions as in Malaysia it did not alleviate the economic problems facing Malays, and in Pakistan it favored Punjab at the cost of other provinces, especially East Pakistan. Both states continued to experience serious challenges to their authorities in the form of racial tensions in Malaysia and the Bangladesh movement in Pakistan.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The 1970s was a period of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia and Pakistan. In Malaysia, ABIM and dakwah movements, and in Pakistan, the Jama`at‐i Islami spearheaded Islamist challenge to the secular ...
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The 1970s was a period of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia and Pakistan. In Malaysia, ABIM and dakwah movements, and in Pakistan, the Jama`at‐i Islami spearheaded Islamist challenge to the secular state. These movements grew in popularity, and became the voice of the disgruntled political elements. They also floated new and powerful political concepts and ideas that quickly gained in popularity and framed public debates and influenced political culture.Less
The 1970s was a period of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia and Pakistan. In Malaysia, ABIM and dakwah movements, and in Pakistan, the Jama`at‐i Islami spearheaded Islamist challenge to the secular state. These movements grew in popularity, and became the voice of the disgruntled political elements. They also floated new and powerful political concepts and ideas that quickly gained in popularity and framed public debates and influenced political culture.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the 1980s, Malaysia adopted the policy of state‐led Islamization. The ruling UMNO party co‐opted ABIM, fashioned itself as an Islamically oriented party, and adopted many Islamist ideas. The state ...
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In the 1980s, Malaysia adopted the policy of state‐led Islamization. The ruling UMNO party co‐opted ABIM, fashioned itself as an Islamically oriented party, and adopted many Islamist ideas. The state created Islamic institutions, and supported Islamic cultural, political, and economic activities. It used Islamization to expand its power and to penetrate the Malay society. The state also embarked on rapid economic growth to address racial tensions. It used its control of Islam to manage Islamic politics and define Islamic values with a view of economic growth and accommodating globalization.Less
In the 1980s, Malaysia adopted the policy of state‐led Islamization. The ruling UMNO party co‐opted ABIM, fashioned itself as an Islamically oriented party, and adopted many Islamist ideas. The state created Islamic institutions, and supported Islamic cultural, political, and economic activities. It used Islamization to expand its power and to penetrate the Malay society. The state also embarked on rapid economic growth to address racial tensions. It used its control of Islam to manage Islamic politics and define Islamic values with a view of economic growth and accommodating globalization.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Why did only Malaysia and Pakistan adopt state‐led Islamization as a strategy for expansion of state power? How did this strategy serve their interests? What was the impact of this strategy on these ...
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Why did only Malaysia and Pakistan adopt state‐led Islamization as a strategy for expansion of state power? How did this strategy serve their interests? What was the impact of this strategy on these countries and their societies? In the end, Islamization did serve state interests, but at the cost of laws and procedures that were neither viable in the long run nor were they socially beneficial. Furthermore, Islamization strategy ultimately proved untenable as interests of the state and those of Islamist actors began to diverge, especially with the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis, and implementation of IMF reforms.Less
Why did only Malaysia and Pakistan adopt state‐led Islamization as a strategy for expansion of state power? How did this strategy serve their interests? What was the impact of this strategy on these countries and their societies? In the end, Islamization did serve state interests, but at the cost of laws and procedures that were neither viable in the long run nor were they socially beneficial. Furthermore, Islamization strategy ultimately proved untenable as interests of the state and those of Islamist actors began to diverge, especially with the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis, and implementation of IMF reforms.
Maznah Mohamad
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256457
- eISBN:
- 9780191601989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256454.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores the three phases of political development in Malaysia, and the changing features of women’s movements as they interface with the politics of ethnicity and democratisation. ...
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This chapter explores the three phases of political development in Malaysia, and the changing features of women’s movements as they interface with the politics of ethnicity and democratisation. Gender politics evolved by taking three main facets: political sponsorship, political division, and political inclusion. It is argued that under Malaysia’s current phase of political reconstruction, conflicting gender interests are at risk for being coalesced as ethnic identities and interests are being de-emphasized. However, this process can only be sustained if autonomous feminist movements can withstand pressures to succumb to the agendas of opposition and ruling political parties that exploit the gender discourse for their legitimacy.Less
This chapter explores the three phases of political development in Malaysia, and the changing features of women’s movements as they interface with the politics of ethnicity and democratisation. Gender politics evolved by taking three main facets: political sponsorship, political division, and political inclusion. It is argued that under Malaysia’s current phase of political reconstruction, conflicting gender interests are at risk for being coalesced as ethnic identities and interests are being de-emphasized. However, this process can only be sustained if autonomous feminist movements can withstand pressures to succumb to the agendas of opposition and ruling political parties that exploit the gender discourse for their legitimacy.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 6 examines the period following April 1967, during which the fundamental issue shifted from whether or not Britain should withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore—which had now been decided—to ...
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Chapter 6 examines the period following April 1967, during which the fundamental issue shifted from whether or not Britain should withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore—which had now been decided—to how Britain should withdraw. On the one side, Britain's international allies, Malaysia and Singapore as well as the ANZUS powers, and the defence and foreign policy departments hoped that the public extent of the change in policy would be minimised and the symbolic remnants of Britain's role maximised. On the other side, Labour Party and Cabinet critics of the previous defence policy hoped for as full and public a reversal as possible. These debates produced the strained outcome evidenced in the Wilson Government's 1967 Supplementary Statement on Defence Policy: an announcement of a staged withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore, coupled to a declaration that Britain intended to retain a capability for use in the region to meet its remaining commitments, all wrapped up in the rhetoric of a continuing world role.Less
Chapter 6 examines the period following April 1967, during which the fundamental issue shifted from whether or not Britain should withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore—which had now been decided—to how Britain should withdraw. On the one side, Britain's international allies, Malaysia and Singapore as well as the ANZUS powers, and the defence and foreign policy departments hoped that the public extent of the change in policy would be minimised and the symbolic remnants of Britain's role maximised. On the other side, Labour Party and Cabinet critics of the previous defence policy hoped for as full and public a reversal as possible. These debates produced the strained outcome evidenced in the Wilson Government's 1967 Supplementary Statement on Defence Policy: an announcement of a staged withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore, coupled to a declaration that Britain intended to retain a capability for use in the region to meet its remaining commitments, all wrapped up in the rhetoric of a continuing world role.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Chapter 7 documents the abandonment of the last symbolic remnants of Britain's world role in the aftermath of devaluation. The devaluation of Sterling itself, in November 1967, had little direct ...
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Chapter 7 documents the abandonment of the last symbolic remnants of Britain's world role in the aftermath of devaluation. The devaluation of Sterling itself, in November 1967, had little direct effect on defence and foreign policy. But when Roy Jenkins became the new Chancellor of the Exchequer in December 1967, he set about the task of preparing further economic measures to shore up the Pound at its new, reduced level. The bulk of his proposed cuts came from domestic expenditure: but his strategy for getting the cuts through Cabinet involved the initial symbolic sacrifice of the remnants of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, and an accelerated withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore. Within the Cabinet itself, the old structure of authority that had maintained the Wilson Government's former policies had broken down, enabling Jenkins to guide it to abandon the last echo of Britain's former Empire.Less
Chapter 7 documents the abandonment of the last symbolic remnants of Britain's world role in the aftermath of devaluation. The devaluation of Sterling itself, in November 1967, had little direct effect on defence and foreign policy. But when Roy Jenkins became the new Chancellor of the Exchequer in December 1967, he set about the task of preparing further economic measures to shore up the Pound at its new, reduced level. The bulk of his proposed cuts came from domestic expenditure: but his strategy for getting the cuts through Cabinet involved the initial symbolic sacrifice of the remnants of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, and an accelerated withdrawal from Malaysia and Singapore. Within the Cabinet itself, the old structure of authority that had maintained the Wilson Government's former policies had broken down, enabling Jenkins to guide it to abandon the last echo of Britain's former Empire.
Phuong Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Conclusion summarises the argument of the book about how the Wilson Government came to decide to withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore and the Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role. It notes that there ...
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The Conclusion summarises the argument of the book about how the Wilson Government came to decide to withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore and the Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role. It notes that there was a conflict between Britain's fundamental interests: between its limited economic means and the need to maintain relations with its major allies, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. Once this issue was decided, a second issue arose about how to balance the political pressure for a fast, public and complete withdrawal, against demands that the symbolic remnants of Britain's world role be retained as long as possible. The Conclusion notes that the roles and significance of the key actors through this process changed over time, from the Whitehall departments and their leading ministers, to the Parliamentary Labour Party, to Cabinet.Less
The Conclusion summarises the argument of the book about how the Wilson Government came to decide to withdraw from Malaysia and Singapore and the Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role. It notes that there was a conflict between Britain's fundamental interests: between its limited economic means and the need to maintain relations with its major allies, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. Once this issue was decided, a second issue arose about how to balance the political pressure for a fast, public and complete withdrawal, against demands that the symbolic remnants of Britain's world role be retained as long as possible. The Conclusion notes that the roles and significance of the key actors through this process changed over time, from the Whitehall departments and their leading ministers, to the Parliamentary Labour Party, to Cabinet.
Edmund Terence Gomez
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287345
- eISBN:
- 9780191713514
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287345.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter on Malaysian business groups demonstrates how much Malaysia was influenced by East Asian corporate models, specifically the chaebol and the keiretsu, in the way the national economy ...
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This chapter on Malaysian business groups demonstrates how much Malaysia was influenced by East Asian corporate models, specifically the chaebol and the keiretsu, in the way the national economy developed. In addition, affirmative action policies favoring indigenous Malays, known as Bumiputeras, contributed to the rise of several major business groups. Businesses run by the ethnic Chinese had to accommodate the state in order to survive and expand, which led to these entrepreneurs building connections with politicians. The Asian Crisis had a profound impact on domestic capitalists, especially well-connected ones. Some leading Bumiputeras capitalists lost control of their corporate assets since they were burdened with enormous debts and depended too much on state leaders. Their corporate activities were often influenced by politicians and affected by political crises. As a consequence, business groups with better political connections thrived. Others, with the wrong connections, lost their businesses.Less
This chapter on Malaysian business groups demonstrates how much Malaysia was influenced by East Asian corporate models, specifically the chaebol and the keiretsu, in the way the national economy developed. In addition, affirmative action policies favoring indigenous Malays, known as Bumiputeras, contributed to the rise of several major business groups. Businesses run by the ethnic Chinese had to accommodate the state in order to survive and expand, which led to these entrepreneurs building connections with politicians. The Asian Crisis had a profound impact on domestic capitalists, especially well-connected ones. Some leading Bumiputeras capitalists lost control of their corporate assets since they were burdened with enormous debts and depended too much on state leaders. Their corporate activities were often influenced by politicians and affected by political crises. As a consequence, business groups with better political connections thrived. Others, with the wrong connections, lost their businesses.
P. L. Pham
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580361
- eISBN:
- 9780191722691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580361.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government ...
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In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government had announced that Britain would be withdrawing from its major Southeast Asian bases and abandoning any special military role ‘East of Suez’. The purpose of this book is to document and explain the British policy process leading to the decisions to withdraw.The book argues that the Wilson Government faced two fundamental dilemmas regarding its defence policy. The first was a conflict between Britain's limited economic means, which compelled cuts to the country's defence role, and its need to maintain its relations with its major allies, especially the Johnson Administration in the United States, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. This conflict was fundamentally resolved after the Labour Party revolted over defence policy in early 1967, when the Government decided to withdraw from the bases in Singapore and Malaysia. Thereafter, the Wilson Government faced a second dilemma over whether to minimise the political and symbolic impact of its decisions for the sake of its international allies, or to maximise it for domestic political advantage. This conflict was not fully settled until January 1968, when the Government announced a faster withdrawal and complete abandonment of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, as a means of gaining acceptance for the social cuts it was implementing in the aftermath of the devaluation of the Pound.Less
In 1964, Britain's defence presence in Malaysia and Singapore was the largest and most expensive component of the country's world‐wide role. Yet within three and a half years, the Wilson Government had announced that Britain would be withdrawing from its major Southeast Asian bases and abandoning any special military role ‘East of Suez’. The purpose of this book is to document and explain the British policy process leading to the decisions to withdraw.
The book argues that the Wilson Government faced two fundamental dilemmas regarding its defence policy. The first was a conflict between Britain's limited economic means, which compelled cuts to the country's defence role, and its need to maintain its relations with its major allies, especially the Johnson Administration in the United States, all of whom wanted Britain to maintain a significant military presence in Southeast Asia. This conflict was fundamentally resolved after the Labour Party revolted over defence policy in early 1967, when the Government decided to withdraw from the bases in Singapore and Malaysia. Thereafter, the Wilson Government faced a second dilemma over whether to minimise the political and symbolic impact of its decisions for the sake of its international allies, or to maximise it for domestic political advantage. This conflict was not fully settled until January 1968, when the Government announced a faster withdrawal and complete abandonment of Britain's ‘East of Suez’ role, as a means of gaining acceptance for the social cuts it was implementing in the aftermath of the devaluation of the Pound.
Eddie Tay
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789888028740
- eISBN:
- 9789882206762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888028740.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
The literature of Malaysia and Singapore, the multicultural epicentre of Asia, offers a rich body of source material for appreciating the intellectual heritage of colonial and postcolonial Southeast ...
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The literature of Malaysia and Singapore, the multicultural epicentre of Asia, offers a rich body of source material for appreciating the intellectual heritage of colonial and postcolonial Southeast Asia. Focusing on themes of home and belonging, this book illuminates many aspects of identity anxiety experienced in the region, and helps construct a dialogue between postcolonial theory and the Anglophone literatures of Singapore and Malaysia. A chronologically ordered selection of texts is examined including Swettenham, Bird, Maugham, Burgess, and Thumboo. This genealogy of works includes colonial travel writings and sketches as well as contemporary diasporic novels by Malaysian and Singapore-born authors based outside their countries of origin. The premise is that home is a physical space as well as a symbolic terrain invested with social, political, and cultural meanings.Less
The literature of Malaysia and Singapore, the multicultural epicentre of Asia, offers a rich body of source material for appreciating the intellectual heritage of colonial and postcolonial Southeast Asia. Focusing on themes of home and belonging, this book illuminates many aspects of identity anxiety experienced in the region, and helps construct a dialogue between postcolonial theory and the Anglophone literatures of Singapore and Malaysia. A chronologically ordered selection of texts is examined including Swettenham, Bird, Maugham, Burgess, and Thumboo. This genealogy of works includes colonial travel writings and sketches as well as contemporary diasporic novels by Malaysian and Singapore-born authors based outside their countries of origin. The premise is that home is a physical space as well as a symbolic terrain invested with social, political, and cultural meanings.
