A. Raghuramaraju
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693027
- eISBN:
- 9780199080359
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693027.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This book elucidates the debate between Swami Vivekananda and Mahatma Gandhi, V.D. Savarkar and Gandhi, and Sri Aurobindo and Krishnachandra Bhattacharyya. It also compares and contrasts for the ...
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This book elucidates the debate between Swami Vivekananda and Mahatma Gandhi, V.D. Savarkar and Gandhi, and Sri Aurobindo and Krishnachandra Bhattacharyya. It also compares and contrasts for the first time, scholars like Sudhir Kakar and Tapan Raychaudhuri. The debates in classical, colonial and contemporary Indian philosophy are specifically reported. A discussion on Indian state, civil society, religion and politics is presented. Moreover, the association between science and spiritualism is explained.Less
This book elucidates the debate between Swami Vivekananda and Mahatma Gandhi, V.D. Savarkar and Gandhi, and Sri Aurobindo and Krishnachandra Bhattacharyya. It also compares and contrasts for the first time, scholars like Sudhir Kakar and Tapan Raychaudhuri. The debates in classical, colonial and contemporary Indian philosophy are specifically reported. A discussion on Indian state, civil society, religion and politics is presented. Moreover, the association between science and spiritualism is explained.
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075042
- eISBN:
- 9780199080816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075042.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
This chapter examines Gandhi’s ideas on Indian civilization through Hind Swaraj (1909). India, Gandhi said, need not have the expulsion of the British as the aim; it could accommodate them, but not ...
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This chapter examines Gandhi’s ideas on Indian civilization through Hind Swaraj (1909). India, Gandhi said, need not have the expulsion of the British as the aim; it could accommodate them, but not Western civilization. The book was an unusual political tract which subordinated the political agenda to the civilizational discourse. In many respects, the text anticipates Gandhi’s future agenda of action and line of thinking. He anticipated the nationalist ideology of a pluralist reconciliation of diversities over the assertion of a Hindu civilization.Less
This chapter examines Gandhi’s ideas on Indian civilization through Hind Swaraj (1909). India, Gandhi said, need not have the expulsion of the British as the aim; it could accommodate them, but not Western civilization. The book was an unusual political tract which subordinated the political agenda to the civilizational discourse. In many respects, the text anticipates Gandhi’s future agenda of action and line of thinking. He anticipated the nationalist ideology of a pluralist reconciliation of diversities over the assertion of a Hindu civilization.
Mushirul Hasan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198063322
- eISBN:
- 9780199080502
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198063322.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter focuses on Halide’s admiration for Mahatma Gandhi. As Gandhi’s best interpreter in Turkey, Halide wanted to study his ideas seriously, for he offered one of the ways for the West to ...
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This chapter focuses on Halide’s admiration for Mahatma Gandhi. As Gandhi’s best interpreter in Turkey, Halide wanted to study his ideas seriously, for he offered one of the ways for the West to cooperate with a free, strong, moral, and peaceful East. Using a multilayered approach that crosses the boundaries of more than one discipline, Halide discussed Gandhi for two reasons. First, his activities were in certain ways a continuation, and in others a turning point in Hinduism. Secondly, they embraced politics as well as other moral and ethical dilemmas and predicaments of the modern world. Inspired by what she learnt, Halide, hitherto largely untutored in the intricacies of Indian politics and society, comprehended Gandhi’s vision, soft, gentle, and yet clear in outline and purpose.Less
This chapter focuses on Halide’s admiration for Mahatma Gandhi. As Gandhi’s best interpreter in Turkey, Halide wanted to study his ideas seriously, for he offered one of the ways for the West to cooperate with a free, strong, moral, and peaceful East. Using a multilayered approach that crosses the boundaries of more than one discipline, Halide discussed Gandhi for two reasons. First, his activities were in certain ways a continuation, and in others a turning point in Hinduism. Secondly, they embraced politics as well as other moral and ethical dilemmas and predicaments of the modern world. Inspired by what she learnt, Halide, hitherto largely untutored in the intricacies of Indian politics and society, comprehended Gandhi’s vision, soft, gentle, and yet clear in outline and purpose.
Fabrizio de Donno
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264317
- eISBN:
- 9780191734472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264317.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter explores Mahatma Gandhi's engagement with Mazzinian ideas. It seeks to address the ways in which Giuseppe Mazzini and his doctrine became ‘Gandhian’; that is, how they were appropriated ...
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This chapter explores Mahatma Gandhi's engagement with Mazzinian ideas. It seeks to address the ways in which Giuseppe Mazzini and his doctrine became ‘Gandhian’; that is, how they were appropriated by the Indian as he incorporated them in his own thought. It is argued that the Gandhian use of Mazzini does not point to a direct influence of the Italian on the Indian, but to a reworking of the Italian's ideas based on the impact they had already had on Indian nationalism prior to Gandhi's appearance. While building on the Mazzinian foundation of Indian liberalism, but in contrast to the extremists who had given prominence to the insurrectionist aspects of Mazzini's thought and practice, Gandhi erects his own non-violent form of democratic nationalism, thus providing a non-violent interpretation of the Italian's figure and doctrine, and framing Mazzini's ‘truth’ within Gandhi's project of self-rule.Less
This chapter explores Mahatma Gandhi's engagement with Mazzinian ideas. It seeks to address the ways in which Giuseppe Mazzini and his doctrine became ‘Gandhian’; that is, how they were appropriated by the Indian as he incorporated them in his own thought. It is argued that the Gandhian use of Mazzini does not point to a direct influence of the Italian on the Indian, but to a reworking of the Italian's ideas based on the impact they had already had on Indian nationalism prior to Gandhi's appearance. While building on the Mazzinian foundation of Indian liberalism, but in contrast to the extremists who had given prominence to the insurrectionist aspects of Mazzini's thought and practice, Gandhi erects his own non-violent form of democratic nationalism, thus providing a non-violent interpretation of the Italian's figure and doctrine, and framing Mazzini's ‘truth’ within Gandhi's project of self-rule.
Balmiki Prasad Singh
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198060635
- eISBN:
- 9780199080250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198060635.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Indian civilization is deep-rooted and far-reaching. There were four encounters that have been seminal in Indian civilization. Each of these four civilizational encounters has deeply influenced the ...
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Indian civilization is deep-rooted and far-reaching. There were four encounters that have been seminal in Indian civilization. Each of these four civilizational encounters has deeply influenced the society, families, and individual beings and are living parts of consciousness and ways of living. The fifth civilizational encounter, encompassing all aspects of our living is the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) Revolution. Based on connectivity, ICT is radically transforming production and consumption pattern; access to information; governance; and politics. As warned by Mahatma Gandhi, it is also necessary to be aware of the evils associated with machines. There are two divergent views about Mahatma Gandhi's attitude towards ‘machines’ and ‘modernization’. The comments of Rabindranath Tagore, Jawaharlal Nehru and Ernest Fritz Schumacher are chosen for further discussion.Less
Indian civilization is deep-rooted and far-reaching. There were four encounters that have been seminal in Indian civilization. Each of these four civilizational encounters has deeply influenced the society, families, and individual beings and are living parts of consciousness and ways of living. The fifth civilizational encounter, encompassing all aspects of our living is the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) Revolution. Based on connectivity, ICT is radically transforming production and consumption pattern; access to information; governance; and politics. As warned by Mahatma Gandhi, it is also necessary to be aware of the evils associated with machines. There are two divergent views about Mahatma Gandhi's attitude towards ‘machines’ and ‘modernization’. The comments of Rabindranath Tagore, Jawaharlal Nehru and Ernest Fritz Schumacher are chosen for further discussion.
Leah Renold
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195674835
- eISBN:
- 9780199081493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195674835.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter takes a look at the contrasting responses of Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Malaviya towards colonialism. It states that while Gandhi and Malaviya were both champions of nationalism, they had ...
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This chapter takes a look at the contrasting responses of Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Malaviya towards colonialism. It states that while Gandhi and Malaviya were both champions of nationalism, they had conflicting ideas on national education. It first describes the evolution of a national system of education at the start of the twentieth century and the emergence of British universities in India. It studies their education philosophies. Gandhi's targeted the BHU because it received Government of India's funding and Malaviya's subsequent response which was based on his idea of well-educated students. This chapter also introduces the Kashi Vidyapith, an organization that fully supported Gandhi's views towards national education, and Gandhi's formation of ashram education.Less
This chapter takes a look at the contrasting responses of Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Malaviya towards colonialism. It states that while Gandhi and Malaviya were both champions of nationalism, they had conflicting ideas on national education. It first describes the evolution of a national system of education at the start of the twentieth century and the emergence of British universities in India. It studies their education philosophies. Gandhi's targeted the BHU because it received Government of India's funding and Malaviya's subsequent response which was based on his idea of well-educated students. This chapter also introduces the Kashi Vidyapith, an organization that fully supported Gandhi's views towards national education, and Gandhi's formation of ashram education.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were at odds during the crisis in the Congress leadership in 1936. However, this was not the first time that the two men had differed. They clashed in 1922 over ...
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Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were at odds during the crisis in the Congress leadership in 1936. However, this was not the first time that the two men had differed. They clashed in 1922 over the aftermath of the Chauri Chaura tragedy; in 1928 over complete independence versus dominion status; in 1929 on the Viceroy’s declaration; in 1931 on the Gandhi–Irwin Pact; in 1932 when Gandhi resorted to fasting against separate electorates for untouchables; and in 1934 over the withdrawal of the civil disobedience movement. Despite these differences, Gandhi and Nehru stood together for more than twenty-five years. Their partnership is one of the longest, most intriguing, and fruitful in the history of nationalism. Gandhi and Nehru also differed regarding World War II that erupted in September 1939. They also had differing opinions regarding unilateral disarmament of India.Less
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru were at odds during the crisis in the Congress leadership in 1936. However, this was not the first time that the two men had differed. They clashed in 1922 over the aftermath of the Chauri Chaura tragedy; in 1928 over complete independence versus dominion status; in 1929 on the Viceroy’s declaration; in 1931 on the Gandhi–Irwin Pact; in 1932 when Gandhi resorted to fasting against separate electorates for untouchables; and in 1934 over the withdrawal of the civil disobedience movement. Despite these differences, Gandhi and Nehru stood together for more than twenty-five years. Their partnership is one of the longest, most intriguing, and fruitful in the history of nationalism. Gandhi and Nehru also differed regarding World War II that erupted in September 1939. They also had differing opinions regarding unilateral disarmament of India.
Amales Tripathi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198090557
- eISBN:
- 9780199082919
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198090557.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Lord Irwin, Viceroy of India, considered a proposal by Lieutenant-Colonel Terence Keyes for a federal form of government to address the wave of nationalistic fervour sweeping the country. ...
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Lord Irwin, Viceroy of India, considered a proposal by Lieutenant-Colonel Terence Keyes for a federal form of government to address the wave of nationalistic fervour sweeping the country. Accordingly, Irwin nominated fifty-seven representatives to the First Round Table Conference held from 12 November 1930 to 19 January 1931, including Muslim leaders, Moderates, and members of various organizations. After an unsuccessful attempt to solve the communal problem, Hindu and Muslim leaders welcomed the federal formula as the panacea. When the First Round Table session failed to decide on the issues at hand, a Second Round Table Conference was held in September 1931. This chapter examines the outcomes of the Round Table Conferences and the emergence of the ‘Quit India’ Movement, as well as Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress’s adoption of the ethos of non-violence in their struggle for independence from Britain.Less
Lord Irwin, Viceroy of India, considered a proposal by Lieutenant-Colonel Terence Keyes for a federal form of government to address the wave of nationalistic fervour sweeping the country. Accordingly, Irwin nominated fifty-seven representatives to the First Round Table Conference held from 12 November 1930 to 19 January 1931, including Muslim leaders, Moderates, and members of various organizations. After an unsuccessful attempt to solve the communal problem, Hindu and Muslim leaders welcomed the federal formula as the panacea. When the First Round Table session failed to decide on the issues at hand, a Second Round Table Conference was held in September 1931. This chapter examines the outcomes of the Round Table Conferences and the emergence of the ‘Quit India’ Movement, as well as Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress’s adoption of the ethos of non-violence in their struggle for independence from Britain.
A. Raghuramaraju
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693027
- eISBN:
- 9780199080359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693027.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The impact of colonialism on the Indian mind may be confined to mere ‘surface deterioration’ and it may be ‘potentially what it was’. The relation between Mahatma Gandhi and the pre-modern societies ...
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The impact of colonialism on the Indian mind may be confined to mere ‘surface deterioration’ and it may be ‘potentially what it was’. The relation between Mahatma Gandhi and the pre-modern societies and the critique of modernity, in the process making the necessary route assumed by Partha Chatterjee between nationalism and Gandhi contingent, is described. The Gandhian defence of the pre-modern as well as his critique of modernity, and Swami Vivekananda's limited fascination for modernity can become an important starting point to analyse this tension that would help in better understanding the dynamics of contemporary Indian society. In addition, the differences between Vivekananda and Gandhi are noted. It particularly covers Swami paradigm and Mahatma paradigm. The celebration of India's past and the evils in Indian society are discussed. In general, the two contrasting paradigms would throw better light on the understanding of the tension that underlies the nationalist programme.Less
The impact of colonialism on the Indian mind may be confined to mere ‘surface deterioration’ and it may be ‘potentially what it was’. The relation between Mahatma Gandhi and the pre-modern societies and the critique of modernity, in the process making the necessary route assumed by Partha Chatterjee between nationalism and Gandhi contingent, is described. The Gandhian defence of the pre-modern as well as his critique of modernity, and Swami Vivekananda's limited fascination for modernity can become an important starting point to analyse this tension that would help in better understanding the dynamics of contemporary Indian society. In addition, the differences between Vivekananda and Gandhi are noted. It particularly covers Swami paradigm and Mahatma paradigm. The celebration of India's past and the evils in Indian society are discussed. In general, the two contrasting paradigms would throw better light on the understanding of the tension that underlies the nationalist programme.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195645866
- eISBN:
- 9780199081363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195645866.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Next to Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were the most charismatic figures among India’s nationalist leaders in the inter-war years. They seemed to have many similarities. Both came ...
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Next to Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were the most charismatic figures among India’s nationalist leaders in the inter-war years. They seemed to have many similarities. Both came from westernized homes and were educated at the University of Cambridge in England. Both displayed fervent nationalism while still in their teens. Nehru’s letters from Harrow and Cambridge indicate a profound nationalist streak, as well as deep sympathy with the Tilak school of extremist politics. Bose’s passionate patriotism had led to a conflict with his British professors and his rustication from Calcutta’s Presidency College for two years. Both Nehru and Bose entered politics at a high level, with young Nehru at once becoming a favourite disciple of the Mahatma and Bose becoming the political heir apparent of C.R. Das, considered the uncrowned king of Bengal.Less
Next to Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were the most charismatic figures among India’s nationalist leaders in the inter-war years. They seemed to have many similarities. Both came from westernized homes and were educated at the University of Cambridge in England. Both displayed fervent nationalism while still in their teens. Nehru’s letters from Harrow and Cambridge indicate a profound nationalist streak, as well as deep sympathy with the Tilak school of extremist politics. Bose’s passionate patriotism had led to a conflict with his British professors and his rustication from Calcutta’s Presidency College for two years. Both Nehru and Bose entered politics at a high level, with young Nehru at once becoming a favourite disciple of the Mahatma and Bose becoming the political heir apparent of C.R. Das, considered the uncrowned king of Bengal.
Amales Tripathi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198090557
- eISBN:
- 9780199082919
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198090557.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
After the Surat debacle, the Moderates implemented a new administrative structure for the Indian National Congress (INC) that was essentially anti-Extremist. The structure included a clause that ...
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After the Surat debacle, the Moderates implemented a new administrative structure for the Indian National Congress (INC) that was essentially anti-Extremist. The structure included a clause that highlighted the major objective: self-government through lawful means within the Commonwealth. However, these initiatives did not receive any support from the British government. John Morley, the Secretary of State for India, initiated a debate on administrative reforms that was thwarted by the Earl of Minto, the Governor-General of India, and his colleagues. This chapter discusses the Morley–Minto Reforms, an Act of the British Parliament that brought about a limited increase in the involvement of Indians in the governance of British India. It also examines the reconciliation between Extremists and Moderates, the political alliance between the INC and the Muslim League, Mahatma Gandhi’s views on British imperialism and his support for the Khilafat Movement, and the circumstances that led to the Salt March.Less
After the Surat debacle, the Moderates implemented a new administrative structure for the Indian National Congress (INC) that was essentially anti-Extremist. The structure included a clause that highlighted the major objective: self-government through lawful means within the Commonwealth. However, these initiatives did not receive any support from the British government. John Morley, the Secretary of State for India, initiated a debate on administrative reforms that was thwarted by the Earl of Minto, the Governor-General of India, and his colleagues. This chapter discusses the Morley–Minto Reforms, an Act of the British Parliament that brought about a limited increase in the involvement of Indians in the governance of British India. It also examines the reconciliation between Extremists and Moderates, the political alliance between the INC and the Muslim League, Mahatma Gandhi’s views on British imperialism and his support for the Khilafat Movement, and the circumstances that led to the Salt March.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195658279
- eISBN:
- 9780199081394
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195658279.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
This chapter discusses Gandhi’s return to India and his exclusion from the political stage. Gandhi led the Indian immigrants in South Africa in their fight against racial discrimination. The chapter ...
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This chapter discusses Gandhi’s return to India and his exclusion from the political stage. Gandhi led the Indian immigrants in South Africa in their fight against racial discrimination. The chapter briefly describes his stay in South Africa before adapting to the Indian public life, even though being hailed a hero from South Africa. It notes that despite the drama that unfolded on the Indian political stage, Gandhi remained on the sidelines. His first disagreement with the government since his return occurred in April 1917 when he was asked to address the grievances of the indigo cultivators. His relationship with the government became strained just as he was moving away from conventional politics. The chapter determines that it was his South African experience that led to his separation from Indian politicians and parties.Less
This chapter discusses Gandhi’s return to India and his exclusion from the political stage. Gandhi led the Indian immigrants in South Africa in their fight against racial discrimination. The chapter briefly describes his stay in South Africa before adapting to the Indian public life, even though being hailed a hero from South Africa. It notes that despite the drama that unfolded on the Indian political stage, Gandhi remained on the sidelines. His first disagreement with the government since his return occurred in April 1917 when he was asked to address the grievances of the indigo cultivators. His relationship with the government became strained just as he was moving away from conventional politics. The chapter determines that it was his South African experience that led to his separation from Indian politicians and parties.
A. Raghuramaraju
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198070122
- eISBN:
- 9780199080014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198070122.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
This chapter analyses how certain accepted readings and understandings of the writings of contemporary Indian thinkers, notably Mahatma Gandhi, on crucial issues like non-violence, restricted, even ...
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This chapter analyses how certain accepted readings and understandings of the writings of contemporary Indian thinkers, notably Mahatma Gandhi, on crucial issues like non-violence, restricted, even closed, rather than opened the scope of understanding them at personal, political, and even metaphorical levels. The writings on communal violence in Gujarat include a parallel between Gujarat and Gandhi. The recent incidents in Gujarat undoubtedly negate what Gandhi stood for, but the same cannot be assumed about the nature of his personality. This chapter examines the reading of Gandhi by people such as Richard Lannoy. One problem associated with Lannoy's interpretation is that he takes into consideration only two kinds of actions in Gandhi: the violent and the non-violent. In Gandhi's axiology, however, there are three kinds of actions — inaction, violent action, and non-violent action corresponding to three gunas — tamas, rajas, and sattva, respectively.Less
This chapter analyses how certain accepted readings and understandings of the writings of contemporary Indian thinkers, notably Mahatma Gandhi, on crucial issues like non-violence, restricted, even closed, rather than opened the scope of understanding them at personal, political, and even metaphorical levels. The writings on communal violence in Gujarat include a parallel between Gujarat and Gandhi. The recent incidents in Gujarat undoubtedly negate what Gandhi stood for, but the same cannot be assumed about the nature of his personality. This chapter examines the reading of Gandhi by people such as Richard Lannoy. One problem associated with Lannoy's interpretation is that he takes into consideration only two kinds of actions in Gandhi: the violent and the non-violent. In Gandhi's axiology, however, there are three kinds of actions — inaction, violent action, and non-violent action corresponding to three gunas — tamas, rajas, and sattva, respectively.
A. Raghuramaraju
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693027
- eISBN:
- 9780199080359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693027.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter highlights the debate between V.D. Savarkar and Mahatma Gandhi on the relation between religion and politics in contemporary Indian society. It also demolishes the opposition posited ...
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This chapter highlights the debate between V.D. Savarkar and Mahatma Gandhi on the relation between religion and politics in contemporary Indian society. It also demolishes the opposition posited between Enlightenment and Hindutva to forcefully counterpose the differences between Gandhi and Savarkar. In contrast to Sumit Sarkar's description of Hindutva as religious, it argues that Hindutva is a modified modern phenomenon which, far from representing religious aspects, has in fact adopted a number of important elements of the Enlightenment such as its obsession with unity, fascination for science and technology, and instrumental rationality. While Savarkar sought to politicize religion, Gandhi pleaded for spiritualizing politics. Recognizing this difference would enormously help in articulating, and understanding the larger tensions engulfing contemporary Indian society and possibly in proposing realistic recommendations to combat communalism through making a case for the Gandhian option, particularly to wean away those who are on the borders of Hindutva.Less
This chapter highlights the debate between V.D. Savarkar and Mahatma Gandhi on the relation between religion and politics in contemporary Indian society. It also demolishes the opposition posited between Enlightenment and Hindutva to forcefully counterpose the differences between Gandhi and Savarkar. In contrast to Sumit Sarkar's description of Hindutva as religious, it argues that Hindutva is a modified modern phenomenon which, far from representing religious aspects, has in fact adopted a number of important elements of the Enlightenment such as its obsession with unity, fascination for science and technology, and instrumental rationality. While Savarkar sought to politicize religion, Gandhi pleaded for spiritualizing politics. Recognizing this difference would enormously help in articulating, and understanding the larger tensions engulfing contemporary Indian society and possibly in proposing realistic recommendations to combat communalism through making a case for the Gandhian option, particularly to wean away those who are on the borders of Hindutva.
B. R. Nanda
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195672039
- eISBN:
- 9780199081417
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195672039.003.0018
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This essay talks about the three closest disciples of Mahatma Gandhi. They are small-town lawyer Mahadev Desai; US-trained economist J.C. Kumarappa; and Mirabehn, the daughter of a British admiral. ...
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This essay talks about the three closest disciples of Mahatma Gandhi. They are small-town lawyer Mahadev Desai; US-trained economist J.C. Kumarappa; and Mirabehn, the daughter of a British admiral. Despite their differences, they were all drawn to Gandhi and devoted their lives to the causes he championed. It discusses the insights their stories provide into the character of the man who won their whole-hearted allegiance and suggests that such a relationship could not have been established and nurtured without the guru–shishya tradition.Less
This essay talks about the three closest disciples of Mahatma Gandhi. They are small-town lawyer Mahadev Desai; US-trained economist J.C. Kumarappa; and Mirabehn, the daughter of a British admiral. Despite their differences, they were all drawn to Gandhi and devoted their lives to the causes he championed. It discusses the insights their stories provide into the character of the man who won their whole-hearted allegiance and suggests that such a relationship could not have been established and nurtured without the guru–shishya tradition.
Halidé Edib
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195699999
- eISBN:
- 9780199080540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195699999.003.0021
- Subject:
- Literature, Women's Literature
To understand how the forces influenced Mahatma Gandhi, the formative processes of his life must be examined. The first stage of this process is Mahatma Gandhi's childhood. His father, Kaba Gandhi, ...
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To understand how the forces influenced Mahatma Gandhi, the formative processes of his life must be examined. The first stage of this process is Mahatma Gandhi's childhood. His father, Kaba Gandhi, was both prime minister at Porbandar and a member of the Rajasthanik Court (now extinct). The second stage of the process was in England, where Gandhi first began to weigh and question certain things he had so far taken for granted, focusing in particular on diet and religion. The third stage in the formative process of Mahatma Gandhi's life is in South Africa, where he changed from a conformist to a non-conformist whose mission is to alter the society to which he belonged. The fourth and the last stage of the process began in India, where politically Mahatma Gandhi accepted Gokhale's guidance and became convinced that the British Empire existed for the good of the world.Less
To understand how the forces influenced Mahatma Gandhi, the formative processes of his life must be examined. The first stage of this process is Mahatma Gandhi's childhood. His father, Kaba Gandhi, was both prime minister at Porbandar and a member of the Rajasthanik Court (now extinct). The second stage of the process was in England, where Gandhi first began to weigh and question certain things he had so far taken for granted, focusing in particular on diet and religion. The third stage in the formative process of Mahatma Gandhi's life is in South Africa, where he changed from a conformist to a non-conformist whose mission is to alter the society to which he belonged. The fourth and the last stage of the process began in India, where politically Mahatma Gandhi accepted Gokhale's guidance and became convinced that the British Empire existed for the good of the world.
Balmiki Prasad Singh
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195693553
- eISBN:
- 9780199080328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195693553.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
The establishment of British rule brought India in direct contact with Christianity and English education which led to fresh awakening. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the emergence of ...
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The establishment of British rule brought India in direct contact with Christianity and English education which led to fresh awakening. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the emergence of great rational minds and an enormous urge for freedom characterized the Indian scene. The era, which, in historical terms, commenced with Raja Rammohan Roy of Bengal, heralded a major attitudinal change among the people of India. The unequal society that had been built in India over the ages needed to be changed in favour of equality and giving people a greater say in religious, political, and economic systems. The contribution of three leaders is indeed of great historical value: Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941); Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902); and Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948). Each one grew to become a formidable figure in his sphere of human activity: Gurudev Tagore in literature, Swami Vivekananda in religion, and Mahatma Gandhi in politics.Less
The establishment of British rule brought India in direct contact with Christianity and English education which led to fresh awakening. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the emergence of great rational minds and an enormous urge for freedom characterized the Indian scene. The era, which, in historical terms, commenced with Raja Rammohan Roy of Bengal, heralded a major attitudinal change among the people of India. The unequal society that had been built in India over the ages needed to be changed in favour of equality and giving people a greater say in religious, political, and economic systems. The contribution of three leaders is indeed of great historical value: Rabindranath Tagore (1861–1941); Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902); and Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948). Each one grew to become a formidable figure in his sphere of human activity: Gurudev Tagore in literature, Swami Vivekananda in religion, and Mahatma Gandhi in politics.
Nagappa Gowda
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198072065
- eISBN:
- 9780199080748
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198072065.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
The Bhagavadgita has lent itself to several readings to defend or contest various views on life, morality, and metaphysics. It has played an important role in the formation of nationalist discourse ...
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The Bhagavadgita has lent itself to several readings to defend or contest various views on life, morality, and metaphysics. It has played an important role in the formation of nationalist discourse in India. The book examines the ways in which the Gita became the central terrain of nationalist contestation, and the diverse ethico-moral mappings of the Indian nation. It also discusses issues such as the relation between the nation and the masses, renunciation and engagement with the world, the ideas of equality, freedom, and common good, in the context of a nationalist discourse. It argues that the commentaries on this timeless text opened up several possible understandings without necessarily eliminating one another. The different applications of the Bhagavadgita in the nationalist discourse can be seen in the works of B.R. Ambedkar, Swami Vivekananda, and Mahatma Gandhi.Less
The Bhagavadgita has lent itself to several readings to defend or contest various views on life, morality, and metaphysics. It has played an important role in the formation of nationalist discourse in India. The book examines the ways in which the Gita became the central terrain of nationalist contestation, and the diverse ethico-moral mappings of the Indian nation. It also discusses issues such as the relation between the nation and the masses, renunciation and engagement with the world, the ideas of equality, freedom, and common good, in the context of a nationalist discourse. It argues that the commentaries on this timeless text opened up several possible understandings without necessarily eliminating one another. The different applications of the Bhagavadgita in the nationalist discourse can be seen in the works of B.R. Ambedkar, Swami Vivekananda, and Mahatma Gandhi.
Michael Mann
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199472178
- eISBN:
- 9780199088843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199472178.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Indian History, Social History
In British India the question of being a nation was again on the political agenda of Indian nationalists at the end of the 1920s. Communist agitation as well as British Indian trade union movements, ...
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In British India the question of being a nation was again on the political agenda of Indian nationalists at the end of the 1920s. Communist agitation as well as British Indian trade union movements, along with massive strikes, allegedly undercut by the communist agitation, had caused much fear among the British in India. Its representatives were afraid of communist conspiracies and in their paranoia eventually became suspicious of the leading members of the Indian National Congress. All-India anti-colonial agitation reached its climax in 1929–30, with various conspiracy cases and Mahatma Gandhi’s Salt Satyagraha dominating press reportage. For the first time a large number of articles in the selected newspapers appealed to the Indian nation. With Gandhi’s non-violent civil disobedience campaign of March 1930, newspapers adopted a bellicose language that claimed a national fight and even war against the colonial regime. Of special interest is the fact that, contrary to the contemporary national narrative, communist conspirators attracted almost as much public attention in national and international newspaper reportage as did Gandhi’s campaign.Less
In British India the question of being a nation was again on the political agenda of Indian nationalists at the end of the 1920s. Communist agitation as well as British Indian trade union movements, along with massive strikes, allegedly undercut by the communist agitation, had caused much fear among the British in India. Its representatives were afraid of communist conspiracies and in their paranoia eventually became suspicious of the leading members of the Indian National Congress. All-India anti-colonial agitation reached its climax in 1929–30, with various conspiracy cases and Mahatma Gandhi’s Salt Satyagraha dominating press reportage. For the first time a large number of articles in the selected newspapers appealed to the Indian nation. With Gandhi’s non-violent civil disobedience campaign of March 1930, newspapers adopted a bellicose language that claimed a national fight and even war against the colonial regime. Of special interest is the fact that, contrary to the contemporary national narrative, communist conspirators attracted almost as much public attention in national and international newspaper reportage as did Gandhi’s campaign.
André Béteille
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198080961
- eISBN:
- 9780199082049
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198080961.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
Constitutional morality is important for constitutional laws to be effective. Without constitutional morality, the operation of a constitution tends to become arbitrary, erratic, and capricious. This ...
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Constitutional morality is important for constitutional laws to be effective. Without constitutional morality, the operation of a constitution tends to become arbitrary, erratic, and capricious. This chapter discusses constitutional morality in India, makes a distinction between ‘constitutional democracy’ and ‘populist democracy’, and argues that democracy has survived in India by moving away from the ideal of a constitutional democracy towards a more populist form. It looks at the Emergency of 1975–7 to show the connection between anarchy and the abuse of power as two forces that are both antithetical to constitutional morality. It also examines the link between constitutional morality and the principle of civil disobedience, which under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi became the cornerstone of India’s nationalist movement.Less
Constitutional morality is important for constitutional laws to be effective. Without constitutional morality, the operation of a constitution tends to become arbitrary, erratic, and capricious. This chapter discusses constitutional morality in India, makes a distinction between ‘constitutional democracy’ and ‘populist democracy’, and argues that democracy has survived in India by moving away from the ideal of a constitutional democracy towards a more populist form. It looks at the Emergency of 1975–7 to show the connection between anarchy and the abuse of power as two forces that are both antithetical to constitutional morality. It also examines the link between constitutional morality and the principle of civil disobedience, which under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi became the cornerstone of India’s nationalist movement.
