Jerome Murphy-O'Connor
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199592104
- eISBN:
- 9780191595608
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592104.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies, Early Christian Studies
This book brings together twelve originally independent articles dealing with various aspects of 2 Corinthians which were published between 1985 and 1993. The articles deal with (a) co‐authorship in ...
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This book brings together twelve originally independent articles dealing with various aspects of 2 Corinthians which were published between 1985 and 1993. The articles deal with (a) co‐authorship in 2 Cor; (b) the connection between 2 Cor 2:13 and 14; (c) the problems envisaged by 2 Cor 3:1‐6; (d) a comparison between the ‘new covenant’ in Paul and in the Dead Sea Scrolls; (e) the effort to drive a wedge between the resident pneumatikoi and the intruding Judaizers in 2 Cor 2:14‐4:6; (f) what ‘resurrection’ in 2 Cor 4:13‐14 means; (g) 2 Cor 5:6b as a Corinthian slogan; (h) how 2 Cor 6:14‐7:1 fits into its context; (i) the parallels to Philo in 2 Cor 6:14‐7:1; (j) a synthetic presentation of the problems created by the pneumatikoi in 1‐2 Cor; (k) the identification of 2 Cor 10‐13 as ‘the sorrowful/severe letter’ (2 Cor 2:4); (l) what Paul means when he uses ‘Jesus’ unqualified.Less
This book brings together twelve originally independent articles dealing with various aspects of 2 Corinthians which were published between 1985 and 1993. The articles deal with (a) co‐authorship in 2 Cor; (b) the connection between 2 Cor 2:13 and 14; (c) the problems envisaged by 2 Cor 3:1‐6; (d) a comparison between the ‘new covenant’ in Paul and in the Dead Sea Scrolls; (e) the effort to drive a wedge between the resident pneumatikoi and the intruding Judaizers in 2 Cor 2:14‐4:6; (f) what ‘resurrection’ in 2 Cor 4:13‐14 means; (g) 2 Cor 5:6b as a Corinthian slogan; (h) how 2 Cor 6:14‐7:1 fits into its context; (i) the parallels to Philo in 2 Cor 6:14‐7:1; (j) a synthetic presentation of the problems created by the pneumatikoi in 1‐2 Cor; (k) the identification of 2 Cor 10‐13 as ‘the sorrowful/severe letter’ (2 Cor 2:4); (l) what Paul means when he uses ‘Jesus’ unqualified.
Kyril Drezov
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The main hypothesis of the chapter is that historically both Bulgaria and Macedonia have tended to adapt to an externally determined environment by opting for self‐limiting behaviour. This kind of ...
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The main hypothesis of the chapter is that historically both Bulgaria and Macedonia have tended to adapt to an externally determined environment by opting for self‐limiting behaviour. This kind of ‘voluntary dependence’ arises where a subordinate ruling elite chooses not to exercise all the opportunities for sovereign decision‐making but instead accepts special favours from the hegemonic power. The chapter shows that such ‘survival techniques’ have defined the post‐communist positioning of Bulgaria and Macedonia. An examination of the specific patterns of democratization in Bulgaria and Macedonia is followed by an analysis of the international factors that have been the most influential in shaping events in both countries. The focus is on two factors: (1) the impact of the general international environment of Bulgaria and Macedonia; and (2) the actions of external power to influence events in these countries. The way in which these factors have impinged on specific developments is explored through several case studies. The chapter also points out to similarities between Macedonia and Bulgaria in the process of democratization and international influences. Both of them are considered as ‘islands of stability’ with experience of peaceful and negotiated transitions, and willingness to subordinate their national interests to Western strategic concerns despite the feeling of neglect and discrimination against the West.Less
The main hypothesis of the chapter is that historically both Bulgaria and Macedonia have tended to adapt to an externally determined environment by opting for self‐limiting behaviour. This kind of ‘voluntary dependence’ arises where a subordinate ruling elite chooses not to exercise all the opportunities for sovereign decision‐making but instead accepts special favours from the hegemonic power. The chapter shows that such ‘survival techniques’ have defined the post‐communist positioning of Bulgaria and Macedonia. An examination of the specific patterns of democratization in Bulgaria and Macedonia is followed by an analysis of the international factors that have been the most influential in shaping events in both countries. The focus is on two factors: (1) the impact of the general international environment of Bulgaria and Macedonia; and (2) the actions of external power to influence events in these countries. The way in which these factors have impinged on specific developments is explored through several case studies. The chapter also points out to similarities between Macedonia and Bulgaria in the process of democratization and international influences. Both of them are considered as ‘islands of stability’ with experience of peaceful and negotiated transitions, and willingness to subordinate their national interests to Western strategic concerns despite the feeling of neglect and discrimination against the West.
Karolina Ristova
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Democratization in Macedonia appears to have established a “machocracy”, rule by men. This chapter examines how machocracy has contributed to the low supply and demand for female candidates in ...
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Democratization in Macedonia appears to have established a “machocracy”, rule by men. This chapter examines how machocracy has contributed to the low supply and demand for female candidates in Macedonia. It is argued that organized pressure to recruit more women can increase the supply of female candidates and the demand of party leaders for them. The experience with the mixed electoral system implemented in 1998 shows that the wider introduction of proportional representation can improve women’s representation.Less
Democratization in Macedonia appears to have established a “machocracy”, rule by men. This chapter examines how machocracy has contributed to the low supply and demand for female candidates in Macedonia. It is argued that organized pressure to recruit more women can increase the supply of female candidates and the demand of party leaders for them. The experience with the mixed electoral system implemented in 1998 shows that the wider introduction of proportional representation can improve women’s representation.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern ...
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Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.Less
Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.
A. B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198153061
- eISBN:
- 9780191715204
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153061.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
This book presents a study dedicated to the thirty years after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. It deals with the emergence of the successor monarchies and examines the factors which ...
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This book presents a study dedicated to the thirty years after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. It deals with the emergence of the successor monarchies and examines the factors which brought success and failure. Some of the central themes are the struggle for pre-eminence after Alexander's death, the fate of the Macedonian army of conquest, and the foundation of Seleucus' monarchy. The book also examines the statesman and historian Hieronymus of Cardia, concentrating on his treatment of widow burning in India and nomadism in Arabia. Another highlight is the first full analysis of the epic struggle between Antigonus and Eumenes (318-316), one of the most important and decisive campaigns of the ancient world.Less
This book presents a study dedicated to the thirty years after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC. It deals with the emergence of the successor monarchies and examines the factors which brought success and failure. Some of the central themes are the struggle for pre-eminence after Alexander's death, the fate of the Macedonian army of conquest, and the foundation of Seleucus' monarchy. The book also examines the statesman and historian Hieronymus of Cardia, concentrating on his treatment of widow burning in India and nomadism in Arabia. Another highlight is the first full analysis of the epic struggle between Antigonus and Eumenes (318-316), one of the most important and decisive campaigns of the ancient world.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Although the Macedonian Question and British foreign policy in the Balkans during the 1940s have attracted considerable interest, the relation between the two issues has not received much attention. ...
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Although the Macedonian Question and British foreign policy in the Balkans during the 1940s have attracted considerable interest, the relation between the two issues has not received much attention. This book explores the British connection of the Macedonian Question from the outbreak of the Second World War to the aftermath of the Tito-Stalin split. Its aim is two-fold: first, to investigate British views of and policy towards the Bulgar-Yugoslav controversy over Macedonia during that period, and to assess the impact of British actions and strategic plans within their historical context. Secondly, to discuss some salient dimensions of the Macedonian Question, including the emergence of the federal Macedonian unit within Tito's Yugoslavia and the functioning of the Macedonian national ideology, by offering a perspective based on British archival sources. It consists of three parts. The first part charts the background to the Macedonian Question, and includes an analysis of British foreign policy on Macedonia from 1878 to the outbreak of the Second World War. The second part focuses on developments during the Second World War, and examines British policy towards Bulgar-Yugoslav relations, their wartime planning concerning the future of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and their attempt to prevent a Balkan federation of the South Slavs. The third part covers the period from 1945 to 1949, and investigates British reactions to Tito's second attempt to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and to create a federation.Less
Although the Macedonian Question and British foreign policy in the Balkans during the 1940s have attracted considerable interest, the relation between the two issues has not received much attention. This book explores the British connection of the Macedonian Question from the outbreak of the Second World War to the aftermath of the Tito-Stalin split. Its aim is two-fold: first, to investigate British views of and policy towards the Bulgar-Yugoslav controversy over Macedonia during that period, and to assess the impact of British actions and strategic plans within their historical context. Secondly, to discuss some salient dimensions of the Macedonian Question, including the emergence of the federal Macedonian unit within Tito's Yugoslavia and the functioning of the Macedonian national ideology, by offering a perspective based on British archival sources. It consists of three parts. The first part charts the background to the Macedonian Question, and includes an analysis of British foreign policy on Macedonia from 1878 to the outbreak of the Second World War. The second part focuses on developments during the Second World War, and examines British policy towards Bulgar-Yugoslav relations, their wartime planning concerning the future of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and their attempt to prevent a Balkan federation of the South Slavs. The third part covers the period from 1945 to 1949, and investigates British reactions to Tito's second attempt to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and to create a federation.
Jerome Murphy‐O'Connor
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199592104
- eISBN:
- 9780191595608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199592104.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies, Early Christian Studies
A break between these two verses is fundamental to all partition theories of 2 Cor. In fact there is a smooth and natural connection, once it is recognized that Paul's mention of his success at Troas ...
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A break between these two verses is fundamental to all partition theories of 2 Cor. In fact there is a smooth and natural connection, once it is recognized that Paul's mention of his success at Troas triggered a memory of the apostolic impact of the Macedonian churches (1 Thess 1:6‐8; Phil 2:14‐16), which evolved into a development on the nature of authentic apostolate.Less
A break between these two verses is fundamental to all partition theories of 2 Cor. In fact there is a smooth and natural connection, once it is recognized that Paul's mention of his success at Troas triggered a memory of the apostolic impact of the Macedonian churches (1 Thess 1:6‐8; Phil 2:14‐16), which evolved into a development on the nature of authentic apostolate.
J.-P. SODINI
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264027
- eISBN:
- 9780191734908
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264027.003.0013
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
The provinces of Epirus and Macedonia, although divided into distinct regions by their mountains, were important for the Roman Empire, particularly because they were crossed by the via Egnatia which ...
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The provinces of Epirus and Macedonia, although divided into distinct regions by their mountains, were important for the Roman Empire, particularly because they were crossed by the via Egnatia which snaked its way eastwards, serving as the vital link between Rome and Constantinople at a time when insecurity was increasing along the Danubian frontier. From the middle of the third century, cities in this part of the Empire were under threat and their fortifications were reinforced in the fifth (Thessalonika) and sixth centuries (Byllis under Justininian). There was prosperity in the fourth century and beginning of the fifth. During the fifth century, the houses of Philippi were partly transformed into workshops. The sixth century was difficult and the second half was especially bleak. However, contacts between east and west were still maintained, along with local production. From 540–550, however, barbarian invasions and plague worsened the general situation. Graves appeared inside the city walls. Archaeology (Slav pottery and fibulae) and texts (Miracula Sancti Demetrii) all demonstrate how hard times were from the 580s to the 630s.Less
The provinces of Epirus and Macedonia, although divided into distinct regions by their mountains, were important for the Roman Empire, particularly because they were crossed by the via Egnatia which snaked its way eastwards, serving as the vital link between Rome and Constantinople at a time when insecurity was increasing along the Danubian frontier. From the middle of the third century, cities in this part of the Empire were under threat and their fortifications were reinforced in the fifth (Thessalonika) and sixth centuries (Byllis under Justininian). There was prosperity in the fourth century and beginning of the fifth. During the fifth century, the houses of Philippi were partly transformed into workshops. The sixth century was difficult and the second half was especially bleak. However, contacts between east and west were still maintained, along with local production. From 540–550, however, barbarian invasions and plague worsened the general situation. Graves appeared inside the city walls. Archaeology (Slav pottery and fibulae) and texts (Miracula Sancti Demetrii) all demonstrate how hard times were from the 580s to the 630s.
A. B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198153061
- eISBN:
- 9780191715204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153061.003.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
The period after the reign of Alexander the Great is generally regarded as a depressing anticlimax. It was characterized by destabilisation and virtual anarchy, as the great king's marshals fought ...
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The period after the reign of Alexander the Great is generally regarded as a depressing anticlimax. It was characterized by destabilisation and virtual anarchy, as the great king's marshals fought for the empire which he had allegedly left to the strongest of them. The army which he had led into Asia was dissipated in a sequence of futile civil wars, and the elite Macedonian troops were progressively reduced by combat, much of it against fellow Macedonians. Out of the conflict emerged a number of kingdoms, created by the ambitions of individual satraps, which gradually coalesced into hereditary dynasties.Less
The period after the reign of Alexander the Great is generally regarded as a depressing anticlimax. It was characterized by destabilisation and virtual anarchy, as the great king's marshals fought for the empire which he had allegedly left to the strongest of them. The army which he had led into Asia was dissipated in a sequence of futile civil wars, and the elite Macedonian troops were progressively reduced by combat, much of it against fellow Macedonians. Out of the conflict emerged a number of kingdoms, created by the ambitions of individual satraps, which gradually coalesced into hereditary dynasties.
A. B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198153061
- eISBN:
- 9780191715204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153061.003.0002
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
No previous event in Macedonian history was anything like as turbulant as the Babylon Settlement. There had been succession crises aplenty, but all had been significantly different. Reigning kings ...
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No previous event in Macedonian history was anything like as turbulant as the Babylon Settlement. There had been succession crises aplenty, but all had been significantly different. Reigning kings left living sons. They may have been immature boys (like Archelaus' son, Orestes), but at least they were there — there was a plethora of males of the Argead house. So problems arose from an oversupply of potential kings. What is more, the succession to the throne was played out within the boundaries of Macedon, in the traditional heartland of the kingdom. Alexander himself came to power in the old capital of Aegae, with the entire nobility around him and the armed forces united in Macedonia. His accession may have been bloody, but the circumstances did not favour a protracted crisis. Rivals and potential rivals who were close at hand were quickly eliminated, and he was able to achieve recognition in Macedon and stamp his authority on the League of Corinth within a matter of weeks.Less
No previous event in Macedonian history was anything like as turbulant as the Babylon Settlement. There had been succession crises aplenty, but all had been significantly different. Reigning kings left living sons. They may have been immature boys (like Archelaus' son, Orestes), but at least they were there — there was a plethora of males of the Argead house. So problems arose from an oversupply of potential kings. What is more, the succession to the throne was played out within the boundaries of Macedon, in the traditional heartland of the kingdom. Alexander himself came to power in the old capital of Aegae, with the entire nobility around him and the armed forces united in Macedonia. His accession may have been bloody, but the circumstances did not favour a protracted crisis. Rivals and potential rivals who were close at hand were quickly eliminated, and he was able to achieve recognition in Macedon and stamp his authority on the League of Corinth within a matter of weeks.
A. B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198153061
- eISBN:
- 9780191715204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153061.003.0003
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
Few events are as important and contentious as the demographic effect resulting from Alexander's conquests. It is accepted that Macedonia was far weaker by the end of the 3rd century than had been ...
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Few events are as important and contentious as the demographic effect resulting from Alexander's conquests. It is accepted that Macedonia was far weaker by the end of the 3rd century than had been the case under Philip and Alexander, but what caused the debilitation has been intensely disputed. One theory is that Alexander's demands for reinforcements, in particular the demands he made between 334 BC and 330 BC, drained the military resources of Macedonia and were ultimately responsible for her decline over the following century. This chapter explores the question concerning the strength of Alexander's army at the time of his death, along with the military situation between 323 BC and 319 BC, when Macedonian reserves were stretched to the full. The impact of the campaigns of those years, which were arguably more destructive — for Macedon — than the entire reign of Alexander, is discussed.Less
Few events are as important and contentious as the demographic effect resulting from Alexander's conquests. It is accepted that Macedonia was far weaker by the end of the 3rd century than had been the case under Philip and Alexander, but what caused the debilitation has been intensely disputed. One theory is that Alexander's demands for reinforcements, in particular the demands he made between 334 BC and 330 BC, drained the military resources of Macedonia and were ultimately responsible for her decline over the following century. This chapter explores the question concerning the strength of Alexander's army at the time of his death, along with the military situation between 323 BC and 319 BC, when Macedonian reserves were stretched to the full. The impact of the campaigns of those years, which were arguably more destructive — for Macedon — than the entire reign of Alexander, is discussed.
A. B. Bosworth
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198153061
- eISBN:
- 9780191715204
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198153061.003.0007
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
The Hellenistic period could be said to have arrived in a big bang. In 306 BC, four years after the sordid death of the last Argead king, Antigonus the One-Eyed declared himself and his son Demetrius ...
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The Hellenistic period could be said to have arrived in a big bang. In 306 BC, four years after the sordid death of the last Argead king, Antigonus the One-Eyed declared himself and his son Demetrius kings, and assumed the diadem as the regalia of royalty. His example was followed almost immediately by Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander, not to mention Agathocles in Sicily. There was now a plethora of Macedonian kings who (with the exception of Cassander) held sway outside Macedon. Traditional scholarship has concentrated on the supposed contrast between Antigonus and the other kings; Antigonus was attempting to recreate the universal monarchy of Alexander, while the other dynasts had strictly regional bases of power. This chapter examines the nature of Hellenistic monarchy and the mutual expectations of ruler and subject.Less
The Hellenistic period could be said to have arrived in a big bang. In 306 BC, four years after the sordid death of the last Argead king, Antigonus the One-Eyed declared himself and his son Demetrius kings, and assumed the diadem as the regalia of royalty. His example was followed almost immediately by Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander, not to mention Agathocles in Sicily. There was now a plethora of Macedonian kings who (with the exception of Cassander) held sway outside Macedon. Traditional scholarship has concentrated on the supposed contrast between Antigonus and the other kings; Antigonus was attempting to recreate the universal monarchy of Alexander, while the other dynasts had strictly regional bases of power. This chapter examines the nature of Hellenistic monarchy and the mutual expectations of ruler and subject.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter serves as an introduction to the Macedonian Question from the 1870s to the 1930s. It consists of three sections: the first section discusses the ‘national identity’ of the peasants in ...
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This chapter serves as an introduction to the Macedonian Question from the 1870s to the 1930s. It consists of three sections: the first section discusses the ‘national identity’ of the peasants in Ottoman Macedonia, and argues that they did not have a clear-cut national identity as they were still locked into pre-modern, and mainly religious, forms of belonging. The second section offers a narrative of the main political events in the region, and covers the emergence and role of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO) as well as political developments in Greece, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria with relation to Macedonia. The third section investigates the policy of the Balkan communist movement towards Macedonia, and shows that the Communists were no less divided over the issue than their respective governments.Less
This chapter serves as an introduction to the Macedonian Question from the 1870s to the 1930s. It consists of three sections: the first section discusses the ‘national identity’ of the peasants in Ottoman Macedonia, and argues that they did not have a clear-cut national identity as they were still locked into pre-modern, and mainly religious, forms of belonging. The second section offers a narrative of the main political events in the region, and covers the emergence and role of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO) as well as political developments in Greece, Yugoslavia, and Bulgaria with relation to Macedonia. The third section investigates the policy of the Balkan communist movement towards Macedonia, and shows that the Communists were no less divided over the issue than their respective governments.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter analyses British foreign policy towards Macedonia from the 1870s to the mid-1930s, and argues that in the interwar years, Britain had no vital interests in the region apart from the ...
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This chapter analyses British foreign policy towards Macedonia from the 1870s to the mid-1930s, and argues that in the interwar years, Britain had no vital interests in the region apart from the preservation of the status quo, which was perceived as the only way of maintaining peace ‘in their time’. Consequently, Britain approached the Macedonian Question from a purely strategic point of view that prompted it to defend the Peace Treaties, and resist attempts to recognize a ‘Bulgarian minority’ in Yugoslavia. The chapter also examines the range of opinions on the appropriate solution of the Macedonian Question that existed between the centre (London) and the periphery of the Foreign Office (the British legations at Sofia and Belgrade), and demonstrates that in many cases much friction was produced over the policy that Britain ought to be pursuing in the Balkans.Less
This chapter analyses British foreign policy towards Macedonia from the 1870s to the mid-1930s, and argues that in the interwar years, Britain had no vital interests in the region apart from the preservation of the status quo, which was perceived as the only way of maintaining peace ‘in their time’. Consequently, Britain approached the Macedonian Question from a purely strategic point of view that prompted it to defend the Peace Treaties, and resist attempts to recognize a ‘Bulgarian minority’ in Yugoslavia. The chapter also examines the range of opinions on the appropriate solution of the Macedonian Question that existed between the centre (London) and the periphery of the Foreign Office (the British legations at Sofia and Belgrade), and demonstrates that in many cases much friction was produced over the policy that Britain ought to be pursuing in the Balkans.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses two ‘failures’ of British foreign policy: the first concerns British attempts to construct a ‘neutral bloc’ in the Balkans, and bring about a rapprochement between Bulgaria and ...
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This chapter discusses two ‘failures’ of British foreign policy: the first concerns British attempts to construct a ‘neutral bloc’ in the Balkans, and bring about a rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. These efforts failed for many reasons, including Bulgarian irredentism, the mutual distrust between Sofia and Belgrade, and the role of Turkey. The British insistence on not offering Macedonia to the Bulgarians played little role in this, as King Boris thought that only Russia and Germany would seal the fate of his country. The second British failure was their grandiose wartime plans about the future of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, which centred around the construction of a Balkan federation with the two countries (and Macedonia) as federal units. These plans reflected British wishful thinking rather than Balkan realities, and were abandoned after Russian opposition.Less
This chapter discusses two ‘failures’ of British foreign policy: the first concerns British attempts to construct a ‘neutral bloc’ in the Balkans, and bring about a rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. These efforts failed for many reasons, including Bulgarian irredentism, the mutual distrust between Sofia and Belgrade, and the role of Turkey. The British insistence on not offering Macedonia to the Bulgarians played little role in this, as King Boris thought that only Russia and Germany would seal the fate of his country. The second British failure was their grandiose wartime plans about the future of Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, which centred around the construction of a Balkan federation with the two countries (and Macedonia) as federal units. These plans reflected British wishful thinking rather than Balkan realities, and were abandoned after Russian opposition.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
After the Fatherland Front came to power in Bulgaria following the coup of 9th September 1944, the Bulgarian army in Greek and Yugoslav Macedonia was metamorphosed overnight from an occupying force ...
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After the Fatherland Front came to power in Bulgaria following the coup of 9th September 1944, the Bulgarian army in Greek and Yugoslav Macedonia was metamorphosed overnight from an occupying force into an allied one. This chapter focuses on the role of the Bulgarian army in these areas (both before and after the 9th of September) and investigates Britain's intense efforts to secure their early withdrawal against Bulgarian temporizing tactics (in Greek Macedonia) and Russian plans for the use of the Bulgarian army (in Yugoslav Macedonia). The fact that the Bulgarians eventually withdrew their forces from Greece but not from Yugoslavia demonstrated Russia's intention to honour only the Greek component of the ‘Percentages Agreement’ of October, 1944.Less
After the Fatherland Front came to power in Bulgaria following the coup of 9th September 1944, the Bulgarian army in Greek and Yugoslav Macedonia was metamorphosed overnight from an occupying force into an allied one. This chapter focuses on the role of the Bulgarian army in these areas (both before and after the 9th of September) and investigates Britain's intense efforts to secure their early withdrawal against Bulgarian temporizing tactics (in Greek Macedonia) and Russian plans for the use of the Bulgarian army (in Yugoslav Macedonia). The fact that the Bulgarians eventually withdrew their forces from Greece but not from Yugoslavia demonstrated Russia's intention to honour only the Greek component of the ‘Percentages Agreement’ of October, 1944.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the turbulent Bulgar-Yugoslav relations in the second half of 1944 and Tito's attempt to construct a Balkan federation, with Macedonia as a federal unit. Given that the ...
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This chapter focuses on the turbulent Bulgar-Yugoslav relations in the second half of 1944 and Tito's attempt to construct a Balkan federation, with Macedonia as a federal unit. Given that the protection of Greece was the only major British strategic interest in the area, these developments alarmed Britain profoundly. It was feared that a South-Slav federation under Russia's tutelage would threaten the territorial integrity of the country by absorbing Greek Macedonia too, thus placing her into Russian orbit. The chapter analyses the Bulgar-Yugoslav negotiations for federation, highlights their major differences concerning its shape and the position of Macedonia in it, and details the British diplomatic intervention, which succeeded in preventing it from materializing.Less
This chapter focuses on the turbulent Bulgar-Yugoslav relations in the second half of 1944 and Tito's attempt to construct a Balkan federation, with Macedonia as a federal unit. Given that the protection of Greece was the only major British strategic interest in the area, these developments alarmed Britain profoundly. It was feared that a South-Slav federation under Russia's tutelage would threaten the territorial integrity of the country by absorbing Greek Macedonia too, thus placing her into Russian orbit. The chapter analyses the Bulgar-Yugoslav negotiations for federation, highlights their major differences concerning its shape and the position of Macedonia in it, and details the British diplomatic intervention, which succeeded in preventing it from materializing.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The single most important feature of the Macedonian Question in the 1940s was the emergence in Tito's Yugoslavia of Macedonia as a federal unit. This chapter aims at offering a new perspective on ...
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The single most important feature of the Macedonian Question in the 1940s was the emergence in Tito's Yugoslavia of Macedonia as a federal unit. This chapter aims at offering a new perspective on this subject with the use of British sources. After an analysis of the political and national problems and challenges that the Yugoslav republic of Macedonia faced — including the battle between centralism (imposed by Belgrade) and separatism (emanating from political forces within Macedonia) — the chapter explores the function of the Macedonian national ideology. It is argued that the main purpose of that ideology (and the principal reason behind its acceptance by the local population) was to serve as a legitimate vehicle for anti-Serbianism, which was the only sentiment shared by the overwhelming majority of the Macedonians.Less
The single most important feature of the Macedonian Question in the 1940s was the emergence in Tito's Yugoslavia of Macedonia as a federal unit. This chapter aims at offering a new perspective on this subject with the use of British sources. After an analysis of the political and national problems and challenges that the Yugoslav republic of Macedonia faced — including the battle between centralism (imposed by Belgrade) and separatism (emanating from political forces within Macedonia) — the chapter explores the function of the Macedonian national ideology. It is argued that the main purpose of that ideology (and the principal reason behind its acceptance by the local population) was to serve as a legitimate vehicle for anti-Serbianism, which was the only sentiment shared by the overwhelming majority of the Macedonians.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The first post-war years witnessed the rapid consolidation of the Cold War camps in the Balkans, and further Yugoslav attempts to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and bring about a Bulgar-Yugoslav ...
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The first post-war years witnessed the rapid consolidation of the Cold War camps in the Balkans, and further Yugoslav attempts to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and bring about a Bulgar-Yugoslav federation. For the British, whose main interest in the region remained the protection of Greece from her communist neighbours, these were ominous signs. This chapter covers British views of the new shape of Bulgar-Yugoslav relations, their assessments of the Bled Agreement — concluded between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in 1947 — and the impact of the Tito-Stalin split. It argues that although Britain's ability to intervene had diminished, her determination to protect Greece (and to rally the United States to the cause) had not.Less
The first post-war years witnessed the rapid consolidation of the Cold War camps in the Balkans, and further Yugoslav attempts to absorb Bulgarian Macedonia and bring about a Bulgar-Yugoslav federation. For the British, whose main interest in the region remained the protection of Greece from her communist neighbours, these were ominous signs. This chapter covers British views of the new shape of Bulgar-Yugoslav relations, their assessments of the Bled Agreement — concluded between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in 1947 — and the impact of the Tito-Stalin split. It argues that although Britain's ability to intervene had diminished, her determination to protect Greece (and to rally the United States to the cause) had not.
Dimitris Livanios
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199237685
- eISBN:
- 9780191717246
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199237685.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter offers some concluding remarks about the British connection to the Macedonian Question in the 1940s. It discusses the main parameters of British strategic thinking about Macedonia, ...
More
This chapter offers some concluding remarks about the British connection to the Macedonian Question in the 1940s. It discusses the main parameters of British strategic thinking about Macedonia, including the preservation of the post-1918 state structure in the Balkans, and their opposition to a Balkan federation, and places their views within their historical context. It is argued that British involvement in the relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia — prompted always by necessity and not choice — was due solely to the need to protect the territorial integrity of Greece, the only British vital interest in the Balkans. In that context, the British viewed with profound suspicion Tito's plans about Macedonian unification and a Bulgar-Yugoslav federation, and were determined to prevent them from materializing, both when they felt they could, and also when their ability of doing so had diminished.Less
This chapter offers some concluding remarks about the British connection to the Macedonian Question in the 1940s. It discusses the main parameters of British strategic thinking about Macedonia, including the preservation of the post-1918 state structure in the Balkans, and their opposition to a Balkan federation, and places their views within their historical context. It is argued that British involvement in the relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia — prompted always by necessity and not choice — was due solely to the need to protect the territorial integrity of Greece, the only British vital interest in the Balkans. In that context, the British viewed with profound suspicion Tito's plans about Macedonian unification and a Bulgar-Yugoslav federation, and were determined to prevent them from materializing, both when they felt they could, and also when their ability of doing so had diminished.
