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This chapter analyzes the issue of the danger posed by statutory damages. It begins with an overview of the law of statutory damages. It then examines Congress's intent, describing the purposes of assuring adequate compensation and deterring infringement. It discusses two cases that demonstrate the perils posed by bond requirements and the application of statutory damages in the context of indirect infringement. The chapter concludes with a proposal to prohibit the application of statutory damages to secondary infringers. Such a recommendation would increase radical, disruptive innovation.

This chapter deals with the consumer electronics industry: the devices consumers use to receive, record, amplify, and display media information. Without them, electronic media would not exist. Together with content production and distribution systems, media devices form a triangle of media industries. Here, the market concentration of telephone, radio, television, DVD players, camcorders, cable television consumer equipment, satellite receivers, CD players, and MP3 players is analyzed. The media consumer electronics industry in the United States is large and diverse in terms of its products. In 2004, its US volume alone was $63 billion. Some firms appear to be niche players, usually sitting at the high-end of the price scale. As for the low and medium price ranges, the market is dominated by around seven or eight large, efficient firms which enjoy enormous economies of scale and scope. Several large firms have been acquired or operated primarly as a brand. There is little middle ground in the industry.

This chapter describes how music use often bridges the private and public spaces of young people's everyday lives, and how different technologies are often linked with different uses. It specifically covers the different uses of music media: private and public; intensive and casual; and alternative and populist. The multiple forms of music media available in public and private contexts afford differing degrees of user involvement. The Internet is now a commonplace medium for niche music styles and genres, despite the fact that it is accessible on a ‘mass’ scale. iPod and MP3 players with similarly large memory capacities are often linked with intensive, personal use, although these technologies retain a public use dimension that counteracts the assumption that they are simply the latest developments on the personal stereo prototype. Media technologies do not determine the meanings that users contribute on the music to which they listen.

This chapter examines the role of broadcast radio and television as crucial sources of music for incarcerated people. It challenges the focus on “new” media as the primary means through which music is now consumed in North America, considering current realities of mass incarceration and the fact that US incarceration rates are the highest in the world. Working with the prison narrative of “Patrick,” an organic intellectual and Asian American punk musician, this chapter approaches music listening as a de Certeauian “tactic.” Policies that deny access to the Internet and MP3 players discipline and isolate prisoners; however, prisoners in turn make creative use of residual media and “old” music technologies. For Patrick, radio proved a powerful vehicle of temporary escape, while television music awards shows facilitated participation and community. Ultimately, this chapter argues that such music listening practices offer a chance, however transitory and contingent, for prisoners to assert their own subjectivities and reshape their lived environments.

The Conclusion to Phonopoetics explores conceptions of voice preservation and models of the voice archive. It takes early ideas of the audible archival artifact (the sound recording) and the event-oriented scenario of its use as useful points of departure for a historically motivated theorization of the voice recording and voice archive at the present time. Specifically, it considers the impact of digital media technologies on the status of the record and its archive. The Conclusion mediates on how the analogue artifact of the sound archive has shaped our ideas and expectations about what a digital repository should be, and reflects on the status of the artifact of study as we move increasingly from the study of material media artifacts to virtual instantiations of the signals those media may once have held, in the form of digital media files.

This chapter zooms in on a particular site: the famous collection of townships known as Soweto. Based on intensive participant observation with non-professional and unemployed musicians, I focus on the transmission of music in Soweto and engage related topics of mobility, storage, and exchange. I situate these issues within ongoing debates in ethnomusicology, anthropology, and media studies but reach different conclusions. While most scholars in the social sciences and humanities tend to emphasize music’s increasing ubiquity, availability, and fluidity, I examine how music is practiced and experienced in a context where musical equipment and storage devices constantly break down and where movement is constrained. Through a close analysis of the social and sensorial effects generated through obduracy and failure, I conclude that music in Soweto is a highly experimental practice through which people unrelentingly engage precarity and risk.

This chapter focuses on mobile music players and their advantages. It shows how mobile music players such as MP3 players and iPod devices create an image of a person that he or she projects. These technologies are helpful in protecting individuals from not only unpleasant sounds but people as well, although they are helpful in connecting people to their friends. The chapter presents the use of mobile music players by students in creating solutions to online music accessibility by collaborating with their friends and sharing their musical tastes. It states that improvement in wireless music technologies will lead to increased capacity for social connectivity.

This chapter examines the geographical and organizational consequences of the emergence of software formats such as MP3 and internet distribution systems. It draws attention to the role of space and place in the operation of the music industry, and introduces the concept of the musical network as a device to understand the transformation of the musical economy through time and over space. It outlines the origins of this concept within a wider discussion of relational and network-based approaches to economics, and is concerned with the relationship between technological innovation, economic competition, and the contestability of markets for goods and services within an era of digital content.

The chapter explores the relationship between music and value, and develops the argument that the music industry’s problems are deeper and more long-standing than the recent furore over MP3 and other software formats would suggest. Nevertheless, the emergence of internet piracy is one of the most important episodes in the history of the music industry, and it has acted as a catalyst to usher in a period of significant reorganization. The chapter considers the proliferation of music business models that have emerged within the industry’s expanded ecology as it responds to, and seeks to incorporate, internet-based distribution models. These models may be emerging as more appropriate forms of accumulation and reproduction than the per-unit pricing model upon which the music industry was based for most of the twentieth century.

The introduction provides an introduction to the research site, including the social and cultural context at Heartsboro Central School and in the community of Heartsboro. It addresses methodological questions, including the overall design of the research, approaches to data collection and analysis, and reflections on ethical issues involving research with children. It gives an overview of children’s musical tastes, interests, and practices, and it offers illustrative examples of “new media poetics” that set the stage for later chapters. It also situates the book in relationship to popular music studies and puts forward a theoretical approach to childhood as a social and cultural identity.

This chapter presents a detailed analysis of children’s practices of sharing earbuds with friends and peers. Portable music technologies mediate face-to-face relationships among schoolchildren, and the social links they support provide an intimate environment for interaction that mostly excludes adults. These face-to-face interactions using digital audio technologies challenge theoretical perspectives from two fields. First, a prominent view of sound technologies as progressively isolating individuals from one another fails entirely to account for children’s sociable practices. Second, while approaches to portable communication technologies increasingly do privilege communication among intimates, in their focus on communication at a distance they neglect the face-to-face connections in which these devices are embedded. Technology studies are also largely unconcerned with portable music listening as “new media,” accepting the view that portable music is isolating. The opposite is true for children, for whom music devices make connections in materially and spatially grounded face-to-face relationships.

This chapter considers children’s MP3 players from a “material culture” perspective. This approach reveals that children emphasized the tangibility of their MP3 players as objects more than as devices for communication or data storage. Children’s MP3 players were thoroughly domesticated within an intimate and childish material culture already characterized by playful physical interaction and portable objects such as toys, trading cards, and dolls that can be shared, manipulated, and held close, and in a culture of embodied participation that emphasizes touch, physical closeness, and movement. Children’s interest in the materiality of their devices has implications for understanding their conceptions of sound, music, and circulation. It decenters adult values of fidelity in sound recordings. It also provides an important link for understanding how MP3 players are incorporated as authentic elements into existing cultures of childhood and thus inflected with the peer cultural solidarity that characterizes children’s expressive culture in schools.

This chapter considers how girls and boys view the conflict between media consumption and learning in class, focusing on uses of portable media in classroom that take place mostly in secret in the classroom. It compares listening practices in school and at home to bring the institutional structure of kids’ listening practices into relief, and it compares kids uses of portable video gamed devices with MP3 players to explore the gendering of kids’ media consumption. The contrast between discourses of “multitasking” that are volunteered differently by boys and girls suggest that each group sees the fine-grained details of their media interactions as deeply tied up in their social identities in school.

This chapter examines how interactions using music devices are part of a Ȝchildishȝ expressive tradition that is engaged primarily with the bureaucratic organization of language and communication in school. Music listening, despite being wordless, is an important part of children’s intimate expressive repertoires. I propose understanding these modes of music listening through reference to two master tropes of intimate peer expression in school: inappropriateness and inarticulateness. I consider several examples where music listening practices make clear reference to the bureaucratic context of school to argue that music consumption should be understood as intimately tied up with schooling. Identifying music listening as an element of these interactional and communicative frames grounds popular music listening and consumer culture in everyday expressive practices and provides a key perspective for linking bureaucratic networks of educational institutions to the emerging public presence of children in commercial culture through the everyday activities of children in school.

When we began to develop our interdisciplinary course in computing+ music, which we call Sound Thinking, we made the deliberate decision that computational thinking would be the foundation upon which all of our projects would be based. But what exactly do we mean when we refer to “computational thinking” (CT) and what might it look like in practice? Jeannette Wing coined this term in 2006 to characterize analytical thought processes that are subject-matter independent. She wrote: … Computational thinking involves solving problems, designing systems, and understanding human behavior, by drawing on the concepts fundamental to computer science. Computational thinking includes a range of mental tools that reflect the breadth of the field of computer science. While the “mental tools” of which Wing speaks may originate in—or at least be most visible in—computer science, she stresses that “computational thinking is a fundamental skill for everyone, not just for computer scientists.” We wholeheartedly agree. Too often we see students attack problems in a hodgepodge manner, devoid of planning, hoping that trial and error will eventually lead them to a solution. When they are lucky enough to arrive at a desired result through random processes, students too often fail to understand or appreciate why a particular approach worked. This makes it impossible for them to generalize the approach and apply it to related problems. Analytical skills are the essence of computational thinking. What’s more, we feel that these skills are just as important to music and other arts majors as they are to computer science majors. Both groups are hampered by habit, which limits their abilities to imagine alternative possibilities. By getting students from disparate disciplines to work together, or at least by getting students to look at things from the perspective of someone whose discipline is different from their own, we aim to break the bonds of those habits and help students learn to think analytically.

Specific reading difficulty is the best known, and best studied, form of specific learning difficulty. This is the condition that many refer to as ‘dyslexia’. We will define specific reading difficulty as a significant, unexplained delay in reading in a child of average, or above average, intelligence. A significant delay is usually defined as a reading level more than two standard deviations below the mean for the child’s age (see Chapter 1, p. 5 for the explanation of this term). Specific reading difficulty is, therefore, a form of specific learning difficulty where reading is the particular learning skill affected. Other forms of specific learning difficulty may also be present, particularly spelling, writing, and spoken language difficulties. It should be noted that the diagnosis of specific reading difficulty is based on the degree of delay in reading, rather than on the particular type of errors that the child makes. Much has been made of certain characteristics of children’s reading, such as difficulty in distinguishing ‘b’ from ‘d’, reluctance to read aloud, a monotonous voice when reading, and a tendency to follow the text with the finger when reading. There is nothing diagnostic about these characteristics. They are seen in many children when they first start learning to read (and some are seen in adults when they learn to read a foreign language). The diagnosis of specific reading difficulty should only be made after a comprehensive assessment of intellectual and reading ability, and an exclusion of other causes of poor reading attainment (see Chapter 2). . . . How common is specific reading difficulty? . . . The best evidence for the existence of specific reading difficulty as an entity is given by the results of a study by Professor Michael Rutter and his colleagues, who tested 9–10-year-olds on the Isle of Wight. They first tested the children to determine their intelligence and reading ability. They then studied all the children whose reading was significantly behind that of their peers and found that these could be divided into two groups: those where the delayed reading could be explained by low intelligence and a second group where the children were of normal intelligence and the reading difficulty could not be explained.

When pressure is applied by the ventilator to drive gas into the lungs, energy is expended to overcome airway resistance R to gas flow in the airways, in order to store gas in the alveoli, whose readiness to having their volume increased is represented by the concept of compliance, C. The storage of gas within individual compliances represents potential energy storage. The acceleration of gas and anatomical components within the system represent kinetic energy change, resisted by the inertance, I, of the system. At conventional ventilation frequencies, these kinetic energy changes are negligible compared with the other energy changes taking place. Inertance can be ignored and the system behaves like a flow resistor in series with a compliance. These variables determine the pressure and volume changes that take place within the lung. As ventilation frequency increases into the high range, inertance becomes significant and the frequency response of anatomical structures becomes important, with phase differences between pressure and volume signals occurring [Lin et al. 1989]. Mechanical resistance, R, in the system is largely due to resistance to gas flow down airways and is defined as pressure change per unit flow ΔP/Q, typically 4 cm H2O l−1 s. at 0.5 l s−1. However there is a contribution from viscous resistive forces in the lung and chest wall tissues. High resistance may require long inspiratory times, while expiratory times that are too short may lead to gas trapping in alveoli. Excessive resistance may mean that the power required to ventilate the patient may exceed that available to the ventilator. Compliance, C, is a measure of the capacitative properties of the alveoli and is defined as volume change per unit pressure change ΔV/ΔP. It is not uniform throughout the respiratory cycle and has values in the range 0.05–0.10 L (cmH2O)−1. Dynamic compliance is the value given to this variable throughout the inspiratory period to the end of inspiration, when airway pressure is highest. During the inspiratory pause, airway pressure falls to a plateau during which the static compliance can be measured, which is greater than the dynamic compliance.