Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Algis Krupavičius and Irmina Matonytė
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the changes in women’s representation in Lithuania. Women are expected to make significant inroads in their quest for political power. Although the number of women in political ...
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This chapter examines the changes in women’s representation in Lithuania. Women are expected to make significant inroads in their quest for political power. Although the number of women in political power declined from the Soviet period, those who are active in politics have been able to carve out more authentic places for themselves, with meaningful power. Women’s representation and recruitment are increasingly included in the political agenda as the democratic system stabilizes and recovers from the chaos of regime change.Less
This chapter examines the changes in women’s representation in Lithuania. Women are expected to make significant inroads in their quest for political power. Although the number of women in political power declined from the Soviet period, those who are active in politics have been able to carve out more authentic places for themselves, with meaningful power. Women’s representation and recruitment are increasingly included in the political agenda as the democratic system stabilizes and recovers from the chaos of regime change.
Nida Gelazis
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western ...
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Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western constitutional traditions, to legitimize the country's independence from the USSR, and to distinguish Lithuania from other Soviet satellite states. The Constitution was intended to contribute to the perception of Lithuania as an independent state in the international community, in the hope of securing itself from possible re‐annexation to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the chapter points out that despite its quick adoption, the constitution includes important safeguards for democracy, such as the balance of powers and basic rights.Less
Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western constitutional traditions, to legitimize the country's independence from the USSR, and to distinguish Lithuania from other Soviet satellite states. The Constitution was intended to contribute to the perception of Lithuania as an independent state in the international community, in the hope of securing itself from possible re‐annexation to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the chapter points out that despite its quick adoption, the constitution includes important safeguards for democracy, such as the balance of powers and basic rights.
Dainius Urbanavicius
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Republic of Lithuania is known as a semi‐presidential state, and while it has some basic similarities with other semi‐presidential states, this chapter looks at the main peculiarities of the ...
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The Republic of Lithuania is known as a semi‐presidential state, and while it has some basic similarities with other semi‐presidential states, this chapter looks at the main peculiarities of the regime and describes the status of presidential power. The first section explains the reasons why the citizens of Lithuania voted for a semi‐presidential regime, while those in the other two Baltic states (Latvia and Estonia), preferred to adopt a parliamentary form of government where the presidency has little constitutional power; some of the peculiarities of the Lithuanian political system are explained with particular reference to the historical background which had such an impact on the creation of the system. The second section defines the constitutional, or de jure, power of the Lithuanian presidency and clarifies its relationship with the de jure power of the Seimas, or parliament, and the government. The third section analyses the political ‘triangle’ of the president, parliament, and the government, and also presents the political realities of the last six years in Lithuania. The fourth section focuses on the personality of the president with an analysis of the period from 1993 to 1998, and the last section sets out the main conclusions of the chapter and provides a prognosis for the development of the future political system in the country.Less
The Republic of Lithuania is known as a semi‐presidential state, and while it has some basic similarities with other semi‐presidential states, this chapter looks at the main peculiarities of the regime and describes the status of presidential power. The first section explains the reasons why the citizens of Lithuania voted for a semi‐presidential regime, while those in the other two Baltic states (Latvia and Estonia), preferred to adopt a parliamentary form of government where the presidency has little constitutional power; some of the peculiarities of the Lithuanian political system are explained with particular reference to the historical background which had such an impact on the creation of the system. The second section defines the constitutional, or de jure, power of the Lithuanian presidency and clarifies its relationship with the de jure power of the Seimas, or parliament, and the government. The third section analyses the political ‘triangle’ of the president, parliament, and the government, and also presents the political realities of the last six years in Lithuania. The fourth section focuses on the personality of the president with an analysis of the period from 1993 to 1998, and the last section sets out the main conclusions of the chapter and provides a prognosis for the development of the future political system in the country.
Arthur Miller and Ola Listhaug
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Previous chapters have demonstrated that low and declining citizen respect for government institutions and political leaders is characteristic of contemporary industrialized societies. Evidence since ...
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Previous chapters have demonstrated that low and declining citizen respect for government institutions and political leaders is characteristic of contemporary industrialized societies. Evidence since the early 1970s reveals a trend toward growing distrust of government institutions in a number of countries. While this trend is evident, the interpretation of this phenomenon has proved far more controversial. One explanation focuses upon public dissatisfaction with government performance. This chapter explores this question. First, it examines the direct link between government performance, as measured by objective indicators of inflation, unemployment, or government deficits, and institutional confidence in support for government. It then considers the dynamics of political trust and government performance, before moving on to examine the role that expectations play in translating evaluations of government performance into political distrust in three countries where long‐term time‐series data are available—the US, Norway, and Sweden. The study explores how ethical expectations about government standards influence trust in politicians and the conclusion draws some general lessons from the results. The survey data employed in the analysis include the 1990–1 World Values Survey, the Norwegian, Swedish, and US Election Studies, surveys in the US, Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania; data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and OECD are used to measure inflation, unemployment, and government deficits.Less
Previous chapters have demonstrated that low and declining citizen respect for government institutions and political leaders is characteristic of contemporary industrialized societies. Evidence since the early 1970s reveals a trend toward growing distrust of government institutions in a number of countries. While this trend is evident, the interpretation of this phenomenon has proved far more controversial. One explanation focuses upon public dissatisfaction with government performance. This chapter explores this question. First, it examines the direct link between government performance, as measured by objective indicators of inflation, unemployment, or government deficits, and institutional confidence in support for government. It then considers the dynamics of political trust and government performance, before moving on to examine the role that expectations play in translating evaluations of government performance into political distrust in three countries where long‐term time‐series data are available—the US, Norway, and Sweden. The study explores how ethical expectations about government standards influence trust in politicians and the conclusion draws some general lessons from the results. The survey data employed in the analysis include the 1990–1 World Values Survey, the Norwegian, Swedish, and US Election Studies, surveys in the US, Russia, Ukraine, and Lithuania; data from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and OECD are used to measure inflation, unemployment, and government deficits.
Monika Baár
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581184.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Chapter 1, ‘Five Biographical Profiles’, is dedicated to the discussion of the five historians' lives and writings on an individual basis. It thus contains the intellectual and political ...
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Chapter 1, ‘Five Biographical Profiles’, is dedicated to the discussion of the five historians' lives and writings on an individual basis. It thus contains the intellectual and political mini‐biographies of Joachim Lelewel (Polish, 1786–1861), Simonas Daukantas (Lithuanian, 1793–1864), František Palacký (Czech, 1798–1876), Mihály Horváth (Hungarian, 1804–78) and Mihail Kogălniceanu (Romanian, 1818–91). It considers their political and academic careers and the relationship between the two. It looks at the social milieu to which they were born, their education, what motivated them to become historians and the intellectual atmosphere in which they pursued their studies and which may well have been influential in their subsequent scholarly ventures. It touches on the milestones in their lives and professional careers, their salient writings and activities, and the most important shifts in their life‐work.Less
Chapter 1, ‘Five Biographical Profiles’, is dedicated to the discussion of the five historians' lives and writings on an individual basis. It thus contains the intellectual and political mini‐biographies of Joachim Lelewel (Polish, 1786–1861), Simonas Daukantas (Lithuanian, 1793–1864), František Palacký (Czech, 1798–1876), Mihály Horváth (Hungarian, 1804–78) and Mihail Kogălniceanu (Romanian, 1818–91). It considers their political and academic careers and the relationship between the two. It looks at the social milieu to which they were born, their education, what motivated them to become historians and the intellectual atmosphere in which they pursued their studies and which may well have been influential in their subsequent scholarly ventures. It touches on the milestones in their lives and professional careers, their salient writings and activities, and the most important shifts in their life‐work.
Monika Baár
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581184.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Chapter 8, ‘The Golden Age’, compares the periods which the historians saw as the most successful eras in national history. For Lelewel, this period was to be found in the days of the ...
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Chapter 8, ‘The Golden Age’, compares the periods which the historians saw as the most successful eras in national history. For Lelewel, this period was to be found in the days of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Daukantas venerated the early, pagan period in the history of Lithuania, and in a more extended sense, the era before the Union of Lublin (1569). Palacký identified the pinnacle of Czech history with the Hussite movement in the fifteenth century. Kogălniceanu associated the golden age with moments of unity in Romanian history, in particular with the reign of Michael the Brave in the late sixteenth century. Horváth saw contemporary Hungary, the Reform Age (1823–48), as an exceptional era. The chapter demonstrates that the scholars reached nearly identical conclusions when defining the attributes of the golden age: these included individual and collective freedom, a tolerant environment and national unity.Less
Chapter 8, ‘The Golden Age’, compares the periods which the historians saw as the most successful eras in national history. For Lelewel, this period was to be found in the days of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Daukantas venerated the early, pagan period in the history of Lithuania, and in a more extended sense, the era before the Union of Lublin (1569). Palacký identified the pinnacle of Czech history with the Hussite movement in the fifteenth century. Kogălniceanu associated the golden age with moments of unity in Romanian history, in particular with the reign of Michael the Brave in the late sixteenth century. Horváth saw contemporary Hungary, the Reform Age (1823–48), as an exceptional era. The chapter demonstrates that the scholars reached nearly identical conclusions when defining the attributes of the golden age: these included individual and collective freedom, a tolerant environment and national unity.
Serhii Plokhy
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199247394
- eISBN:
- 9780191714436
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199247394.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The events of the last quarter of the 16th century in the Kyivan metropolitanate largely determined the course of further ecclesiastical development, playing a decisive role in the history of the ...
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The events of the last quarter of the 16th century in the Kyivan metropolitanate largely determined the course of further ecclesiastical development, playing a decisive role in the history of the Ukrainian lands. The new era made unprecedented demands on the leaders of the Kyivan church, its institutions, and the mass of the faithful, while expanding contacts with the West brought the powerful influences of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation to bear on the Ukrainian lands. The impact of confessionalisation, which intensified both internal and external pressures on the old traditional structures of the Kyivan metropolitanate, proved overwhelming, and the church, failing to withstand them, split in two and sparked a religious crisis between Eastern Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism. One branch remained under the authority of the patriarchs of Constantinople, while the other subordinated itself to the pope of Rome. The growth of Counter-Reformation tendencies in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had a great influence on the development of religious life in Ukraine.Less
The events of the last quarter of the 16th century in the Kyivan metropolitanate largely determined the course of further ecclesiastical development, playing a decisive role in the history of the Ukrainian lands. The new era made unprecedented demands on the leaders of the Kyivan church, its institutions, and the mass of the faithful, while expanding contacts with the West brought the powerful influences of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation to bear on the Ukrainian lands. The impact of confessionalisation, which intensified both internal and external pressures on the old traditional structures of the Kyivan metropolitanate, proved overwhelming, and the church, failing to withstand them, split in two and sparked a religious crisis between Eastern Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism. One branch remained under the authority of the patriarchs of Constantinople, while the other subordinated itself to the pope of Rome. The growth of Counter-Reformation tendencies in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth had a great influence on the development of religious life in Ukraine.
Serhii Plokhy
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199247394
- eISBN:
- 9780191714436
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199247394.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
This chapter examines the relationship, if any, between Cossackdom and nationhood, how social and national identities were interconnected in Ruthenian society, and the role of religion in that ...
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This chapter examines the relationship, if any, between Cossackdom and nationhood, how social and national identities were interconnected in Ruthenian society, and the role of religion in that relationship. It focuses on the changing social, religious, and ethnocultural image of the Cossacks in the Ruthenian and Polish writings of the period. The Union of Lublin (1569) between Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania not only established an administrative boundary between Poland and Lithuania more or less coinciding with the present-day Ukrainian-Belarusian border but also united Galicia and Western Podilia with the remaining Ukrainian territories to the east. The link between ethnicity and religion took on importance for Rus' long before early modern times because of its location on the boundary between Western and Eastern Christianity and its Islamic neighbors. In post-Brest Ukraine and Belarus, confessionalisation promoted the formation of new varieties of religious consciousness that were no longer shaped by allegiance to a once united Kyivan church but by loyalty to one of the supranational denominations: Orthodoxy, Catholicism, or some branch of Protestantism.Less
This chapter examines the relationship, if any, between Cossackdom and nationhood, how social and national identities were interconnected in Ruthenian society, and the role of religion in that relationship. It focuses on the changing social, religious, and ethnocultural image of the Cossacks in the Ruthenian and Polish writings of the period. The Union of Lublin (1569) between Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania not only established an administrative boundary between Poland and Lithuania more or less coinciding with the present-day Ukrainian-Belarusian border but also united Galicia and Western Podilia with the remaining Ukrainian territories to the east. The link between ethnicity and religion took on importance for Rus' long before early modern times because of its location on the boundary between Western and Eastern Christianity and its Islamic neighbors. In post-Brest Ukraine and Belarus, confessionalisation promoted the formation of new varieties of religious consciousness that were no longer shaped by allegiance to a once united Kyivan church but by loyalty to one of the supranational denominations: Orthodoxy, Catholicism, or some branch of Protestantism.
Alexander V. Prusin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199297535
- eISBN:
- 9780191594328
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297535.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The book traces the turbulent history of the borderlands that before World War constituted the frontier‐zones between the Austro‐Hungarian, German, and Russian empires and in the course of the ...
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The book traces the turbulent history of the borderlands that before World War constituted the frontier‐zones between the Austro‐Hungarian, German, and Russian empires and in the course of the twentieth‐century changed hands several times. It subscribes to the notion that internal socio‐economic cleavages and ethnic rivalries — the most common patterns to the East European landscape — were at the root of conflicts in the borderlands. However, its dominating thrust is predicated upon the notion that the borderlands' ethno‐cultural diversity was in basic conflict with the nationalizing policies of the states that dominated the region. In peacetime, when the state's control over all forms of social relations was unchallenged, it acted as the highest arbitrator, manipulating the conflicting claims of rival groups and maintaining relative stability in its domain. But in the time of crisis, when the state's resources became strained to the limit, suspicions of the groups deemed less loyal to the state blurred the concept of internal and external enemies and entailed the persecution of allegedly ‘corrosive’ ethnic elements. Simultaneously, state‐violence was sustained and exacerbated by popular participation and acquired its own destructive logic, mutating into a vicious cycle of ethnic conflicts and civil wars.Less
The book traces the turbulent history of the borderlands that before World War constituted the frontier‐zones between the Austro‐Hungarian, German, and Russian empires and in the course of the twentieth‐century changed hands several times. It subscribes to the notion that internal socio‐economic cleavages and ethnic rivalries — the most common patterns to the East European landscape — were at the root of conflicts in the borderlands. However, its dominating thrust is predicated upon the notion that the borderlands' ethno‐cultural diversity was in basic conflict with the nationalizing policies of the states that dominated the region. In peacetime, when the state's control over all forms of social relations was unchallenged, it acted as the highest arbitrator, manipulating the conflicting claims of rival groups and maintaining relative stability in its domain. But in the time of crisis, when the state's resources became strained to the limit, suspicions of the groups deemed less loyal to the state blurred the concept of internal and external enemies and entailed the persecution of allegedly ‘corrosive’ ethnic elements. Simultaneously, state‐violence was sustained and exacerbated by popular participation and acquired its own destructive logic, mutating into a vicious cycle of ethnic conflicts and civil wars.
Hannah Pollin-Galay
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780300226041
- eISBN:
- 9780300235531
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300226041.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This book reassesses contemporary Holocaust testimony, focusing on the power of language and place to shape personal narrative. Oral histories of Lithuanian Jews serve as the textual base for this ...
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This book reassesses contemporary Holocaust testimony, focusing on the power of language and place to shape personal narrative. Oral histories of Lithuanian Jews serve as the textual base for this exploration. Comparing the remembrances of Holocaust victims who remained in Lithuania with those who resettled in Israel and North America after World War II, the analysis reveals meaningful differences based on where they chose to live out their postwar lives and whether their language of testimony was Yiddish, English, or Hebrew. The differences between their testimonies relate to notions of love, justice, community—and how the Holocaust did violence to these aspects of the self. The argument illuminates the multiple places that the Holocaust can fill in Jewish historical memory. Beyond the particular Jewish case, the book raises fundamental questions about how people draw from their linguistic and physical environments in order to understand their own suffering. The analysis challenges the assumption of a universal vocabulary for describing and healing human pain.Less
This book reassesses contemporary Holocaust testimony, focusing on the power of language and place to shape personal narrative. Oral histories of Lithuanian Jews serve as the textual base for this exploration. Comparing the remembrances of Holocaust victims who remained in Lithuania with those who resettled in Israel and North America after World War II, the analysis reveals meaningful differences based on where they chose to live out their postwar lives and whether their language of testimony was Yiddish, English, or Hebrew. The differences between their testimonies relate to notions of love, justice, community—and how the Holocaust did violence to these aspects of the self. The argument illuminates the multiple places that the Holocaust can fill in Jewish historical memory. Beyond the particular Jewish case, the book raises fundamental questions about how people draw from their linguistic and physical environments in order to understand their own suffering. The analysis challenges the assumption of a universal vocabulary for describing and healing human pain.
Nicholas V. Riasanovsky
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195156508
- eISBN:
- 9780199868230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195156508.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the period that followed the collapse of the Kievan state, named after the udel, or appanage, the separate holding of an individual prince. It explains that typically, it was ...
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This chapter discusses the period that followed the collapse of the Kievan state, named after the udel, or appanage, the separate holding of an individual prince. It explains that typically, it was from the prince's will that a ruler would divide his principality among his sons, thus creating after his death several new political entities. This lead to the destruction of the tenuous political unity of the land. The chapter highlights that private law was prioritised at the expense of public law. It describes Appenage Russia not only by internal division and differentiation but also by external weakness and, indeed, conquest. It explains that divided Russia became subject to aggression from numerous conquerors. It adds that Appenage Russia was politically and economically weak. It narrates that the rise of Moscow was a major historical process, which started in obscurity and ended in triumph, bringing back Russia's greatness.Less
This chapter discusses the period that followed the collapse of the Kievan state, named after the udel, or appanage, the separate holding of an individual prince. It explains that typically, it was from the prince's will that a ruler would divide his principality among his sons, thus creating after his death several new political entities. This lead to the destruction of the tenuous political unity of the land. The chapter highlights that private law was prioritised at the expense of public law. It describes Appenage Russia not only by internal division and differentiation but also by external weakness and, indeed, conquest. It explains that divided Russia became subject to aggression from numerous conquerors. It adds that Appenage Russia was politically and economically weak. It narrates that the rise of Moscow was a major historical process, which started in obscurity and ended in triumph, bringing back Russia's greatness.
Anna Filipczak-Kocur
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198204022
- eISBN:
- 9780191676093
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204022.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Economic History
After 1385 Poland and Lithuania were linked in a dynastic union which was transformed into a conscious political association by the Union of Lublin of 1569. As a result of this association, the ...
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After 1385 Poland and Lithuania were linked in a dynastic union which was transformed into a conscious political association by the Union of Lublin of 1569. As a result of this association, the Polish tax system was introduced into Lithuania with only relatively minor changes. The revenues and expenditures of the two parts of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (Rzeczpospolita or Res Publica) were kept separate, but both states frequently financed the same political ventures. This chapter presents the results of research based on a comparison between the fiscal systems of the kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and demonstrates the revenue balance between the two states in times of war. In particular, it draws upon materials found in Russian archives: among their holdings are documents from the Lithuanian Chancellery known as Metryka Litewska, which include data on the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian treasury. In general, however, the sources for Polish fiscal history are much more extensive than for those of Lithuania and for this reason the emphasis of the chapter is on Polish developments.Less
After 1385 Poland and Lithuania were linked in a dynastic union which was transformed into a conscious political association by the Union of Lublin of 1569. As a result of this association, the Polish tax system was introduced into Lithuania with only relatively minor changes. The revenues and expenditures of the two parts of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (Rzeczpospolita or Res Publica) were kept separate, but both states frequently financed the same political ventures. This chapter presents the results of research based on a comparison between the fiscal systems of the kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and demonstrates the revenue balance between the two states in times of war. In particular, it draws upon materials found in Russian archives: among their holdings are documents from the Lithuanian Chancellery known as Metryka Litewska, which include data on the income and expenditure of the Lithuanian treasury. In general, however, the sources for Polish fiscal history are much more extensive than for those of Lithuania and for this reason the emphasis of the chapter is on Polish developments.
Adam Teller
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780804798440
- eISBN:
- 9780804799874
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804798440.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This study demonstrates how Jewish economic activity on the magnate estates in the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth enriched, empowered, and reshaped Jewish—and ...
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This study demonstrates how Jewish economic activity on the magnate estates in the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth enriched, empowered, and reshaped Jewish—and Polish-Lithuanian—society. The analysis follows the New institutional economics (NIE) approach to detail Jews’ roles in the estates’ economic institutions—especially the markets, often overlooked in studying the feudal economy. It examines the economic roles played by Jews on the estates of the Radziwiłł magnate dynasty. This was a late feudal economy, so its study demonstrates how Jews formed part of a pre-capitalist system—a highly beneficial setting for them. Jewish businessmen formed the majority of merchants on the estates and also dominated the leasing of the monopoly on alcohol sales—a crucial way of marketing surplus grain. This economic niche became an ethnic economy, giving Jews market superiority. Their social status improved dramatically since they enjoyed Radziwiłł support and acted as their unofficial agents in various contexts. A new Jewish socioeconomic elite appeared, wielding power and authority over all groups on the estates. Based on the rich archival record, the study focuses on the Radziwiłł family’s Lithuanian holdings, the heart of its estates. It shows that the Jews’ integration into the estate economy was at the family’s invitation, in order to increase revenues. The Jews’ success in doing this allowed the Radziwiłłs, like similar magnate families, to become the most powerful force in Poland-Lithuania. Jewish economic activity, therefore, helped shape the Commonwealth’s eighteenth-century political system.Less
This study demonstrates how Jewish economic activity on the magnate estates in the eighteenth-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth enriched, empowered, and reshaped Jewish—and Polish-Lithuanian—society. The analysis follows the New institutional economics (NIE) approach to detail Jews’ roles in the estates’ economic institutions—especially the markets, often overlooked in studying the feudal economy. It examines the economic roles played by Jews on the estates of the Radziwiłł magnate dynasty. This was a late feudal economy, so its study demonstrates how Jews formed part of a pre-capitalist system—a highly beneficial setting for them. Jewish businessmen formed the majority of merchants on the estates and also dominated the leasing of the monopoly on alcohol sales—a crucial way of marketing surplus grain. This economic niche became an ethnic economy, giving Jews market superiority. Their social status improved dramatically since they enjoyed Radziwiłł support and acted as their unofficial agents in various contexts. A new Jewish socioeconomic elite appeared, wielding power and authority over all groups on the estates. Based on the rich archival record, the study focuses on the Radziwiłł family’s Lithuanian holdings, the heart of its estates. It shows that the Jews’ integration into the estate economy was at the family’s invitation, in order to increase revenues. The Jews’ success in doing this allowed the Radziwiłłs, like similar magnate families, to become the most powerful force in Poland-Lithuania. Jewish economic activity, therefore, helped shape the Commonwealth’s eighteenth-century political system.
Jelena Subotic
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501742408
- eISBN:
- 9781501742415
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501742408.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the ...
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This book asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the extermination campaign occurred. As part of accession to the European Union, the book shows, East European states were required to adopt, participate in, and contribute to the established Western narrative of the Holocaust. This requirement created anxiety and resentment in post-communist states: Holocaust memory replaced communist terror as the dominant narrative in Eastern Europe, focusing instead on predominantly Jewish suffering in World War II. Influencing the European Union's own memory politics and legislation in the process, post-communist states have attempted to reconcile these two memories by pursuing new strategies of Holocaust remembrance. The memory, symbols, and imagery of the Holocaust have been appropriated to represent crimes of communism. This book presents in-depth accounts of Holocaust remembrance practices in Serbia, Croatia, and Lithuania, and extends the discussion to other East European states. It demonstrates how countries of the region used Holocaust remembrance as a political strategy to resolve their insecurities about their identities, about their international status, and about their relationships with other international actors. As the book concludes, Holocaust memory in Eastern Europe has never been about the Holocaust or about the desire to remember the past, whether during communism or in its aftermath. Rather, it has been about managing national identities in a precarious and uncertain world.Less
This book asks why Holocaust memory continues to be so deeply troubled—ignored, appropriated, and obfuscated—throughout Eastern Europe, even though it was in those lands that most of the extermination campaign occurred. As part of accession to the European Union, the book shows, East European states were required to adopt, participate in, and contribute to the established Western narrative of the Holocaust. This requirement created anxiety and resentment in post-communist states: Holocaust memory replaced communist terror as the dominant narrative in Eastern Europe, focusing instead on predominantly Jewish suffering in World War II. Influencing the European Union's own memory politics and legislation in the process, post-communist states have attempted to reconcile these two memories by pursuing new strategies of Holocaust remembrance. The memory, symbols, and imagery of the Holocaust have been appropriated to represent crimes of communism. This book presents in-depth accounts of Holocaust remembrance practices in Serbia, Croatia, and Lithuania, and extends the discussion to other East European states. It demonstrates how countries of the region used Holocaust remembrance as a political strategy to resolve their insecurities about their identities, about their international status, and about their relationships with other international actors. As the book concludes, Holocaust memory in Eastern Europe has never been about the Holocaust or about the desire to remember the past, whether during communism or in its aftermath. Rather, it has been about managing national identities in a precarious and uncertain world.
Sadhana Naithani
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781496823564
- eISBN:
- 9781496823618
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496823564.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Folklore in Baltic History: Resistance and Resurgence is a study of how the discipline of folklore studies was treated under the totalitarian rule of the USSR in the Baltic countries of Estonia, ...
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Folklore in Baltic History: Resistance and Resurgence is a study of how the discipline of folklore studies was treated under the totalitarian rule of the USSR in the Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania from 1945 to 1991 and what role the study of folklore has played since independence in 1991. It is a “dramatic history” of what happened to folklorists, folklore archives and folklore departments in the universities under the Soviet rule. On the one hand was a coercive and brutal state and on the other peoples conscious of their national, cultural and linguistic identity as comprised in their folklore. On the one hand, scholars and archivists fell in line and on the other, continued to subvert the coercion by devising ingenious ways of communicating among themselves. When freedom came in 1991 they were ready to create the record of undocumented brutality by documenting life stories and oral history. Sadhana Naithani juxtaposes the work of folklore scholars in the Baltic countries between 1945 and 1991 to the life of the people in the same period to reach an evaluation of the Baltic folkloristics. She concludes that the study of folklore has been an act of resistance and has aided in the resurgence of freedom and identity in the post-Soviet Baltic countries.Less
Folklore in Baltic History: Resistance and Resurgence is a study of how the discipline of folklore studies was treated under the totalitarian rule of the USSR in the Baltic countries of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania from 1945 to 1991 and what role the study of folklore has played since independence in 1991. It is a “dramatic history” of what happened to folklorists, folklore archives and folklore departments in the universities under the Soviet rule. On the one hand was a coercive and brutal state and on the other peoples conscious of their national, cultural and linguistic identity as comprised in their folklore. On the one hand, scholars and archivists fell in line and on the other, continued to subvert the coercion by devising ingenious ways of communicating among themselves. When freedom came in 1991 they were ready to create the record of undocumented brutality by documenting life stories and oral history. Sadhana Naithani juxtaposes the work of folklore scholars in the Baltic countries between 1945 and 1991 to the life of the people in the same period to reach an evaluation of the Baltic folkloristics. She concludes that the study of folklore has been an act of resistance and has aided in the resurgence of freedom and identity in the post-Soviet Baltic countries.
Butterwick Richard
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207016
- eISBN:
- 9780191677441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207016.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In 1744, Stanislaw Poniatowski the elder invited his compatriots to look at England which he said did not differ much in its laws and constitution from Poland. At first glance, the comparison was ...
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In 1744, Stanislaw Poniatowski the elder invited his compatriots to look at England which he said did not differ much in its laws and constitution from Poland. At first glance, the comparison was surprising since Poland was an ultimate 18th-century failure. At second glance, similarities of the two were more apparent. A third look showed essential differences. Both the United Kingdom of Great Britain and the Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania had national parliaments, rather than the provincial estates characteristic of most of Europe. In the 1680s, both England and Poland were second-ranking powers. By 1720 England was the equal of France, while Poland had ceased to play an independent role in European affairs. The Polish and English social structures, however, differed vastly.Less
In 1744, Stanislaw Poniatowski the elder invited his compatriots to look at England which he said did not differ much in its laws and constitution from Poland. At first glance, the comparison was surprising since Poland was an ultimate 18th-century failure. At second glance, similarities of the two were more apparent. A third look showed essential differences. Both the United Kingdom of Great Britain and the Commonwealth of Poland-Lithuania had national parliaments, rather than the provincial estates characteristic of most of Europe. In the 1680s, both England and Poland were second-ranking powers. By 1720 England was the equal of France, while Poland had ceased to play an independent role in European affairs. The Polish and English social structures, however, differed vastly.
Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195337105
- eISBN:
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195337105.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The most Catholic of the three Baltic republics, Lithuania has resembled Poland in its conservatism and relatively high levels of religiosity. Religious activity was liberalized after the country ...
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The most Catholic of the three Baltic republics, Lithuania has resembled Poland in its conservatism and relatively high levels of religiosity. Religious activity was liberalized after the country declared its independence in 1991. The republic has maintained a four-tier registration system that is by far the most complicated and detailed European system, which distinguishes between four types of religious groups (state-recognized “traditional” communities, state-supported religious groups, other religious communities and associations, and unregistered religions). “Traditional” religious communities enjoy privileges denied to other denominations, but all groups present in the country can worship freely. Given its numbers and historical importance, the Roman Catholic Church has been de facto treated as the state, national church and has been wooed by the country's major political formations, which include Eastern Europe's largest Christian Democrat Party.Less
The most Catholic of the three Baltic republics, Lithuania has resembled Poland in its conservatism and relatively high levels of religiosity. Religious activity was liberalized after the country declared its independence in 1991. The republic has maintained a four-tier registration system that is by far the most complicated and detailed European system, which distinguishes between four types of religious groups (state-recognized “traditional” communities, state-supported religious groups, other religious communities and associations, and unregistered religions). “Traditional” religious communities enjoy privileges denied to other denominations, but all groups present in the country can worship freely. Given its numbers and historical importance, the Roman Catholic Church has been de facto treated as the state, national church and has been wooed by the country's major political formations, which include Eastern Europe's largest Christian Democrat Party.
David Christian
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222866
- eISBN:
- 9780191678516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222866.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
At first the working class assault on the tax farm, which began in September 1858, was peaceful and disciplined, taking the form of organized boycotts of vodka. In September 1858, consumers in the ...
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At first the working class assault on the tax farm, which began in September 1858, was peaceful and disciplined, taking the form of organized boycotts of vodka. In September 1858, consumers in the townships and villages of Catholic Lithuania began, with the support of the local Catholic clergy, to take oaths of abstention from vodka. By the end of 1858, the boycotts had spread from the Catholic provinces of Lithuania far to the East into the Orthodox provinces of Great Russia; and in the first months of 1859, they spread throughout much of European Russia. In May 1859, the protests turned violent. What had started out as a non-violent, even rather respectable, movement of protest was now beginning to look like an incipient peasant insurrection. For 1859, Soviet historians have listed as many as 636 incidents involving either boycotts or riots against tax farms in a year in which there were altogether 938 separate reports of peasant insubordination.Less
At first the working class assault on the tax farm, which began in September 1858, was peaceful and disciplined, taking the form of organized boycotts of vodka. In September 1858, consumers in the townships and villages of Catholic Lithuania began, with the support of the local Catholic clergy, to take oaths of abstention from vodka. By the end of 1858, the boycotts had spread from the Catholic provinces of Lithuania far to the East into the Orthodox provinces of Great Russia; and in the first months of 1859, they spread throughout much of European Russia. In May 1859, the protests turned violent. What had started out as a non-violent, even rather respectable, movement of protest was now beginning to look like an incipient peasant insurrection. For 1859, Soviet historians have listed as many as 636 incidents involving either boycotts or riots against tax farms in a year in which there were altogether 938 separate reports of peasant insubordination.
Tomas Balkelis
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199654918
- eISBN:
- 9780191744273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199654918.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Military History
In this chapter, Tomas Balkelis compares different paramilitary movements in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and their pivotal importance in building these three newly independent nation-states.
In this chapter, Tomas Balkelis compares different paramilitary movements in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia and their pivotal importance in building these three newly independent nation-states.
