Lawrence Ezrow
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572526
- eISBN:
- 9780191722752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572526.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This chapter reports an association between the electoral rules that have been adopted in a political system and niche party electoral competitiveness. The competitiveness of niche parties is defined ...
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This chapter reports an association between the electoral rules that have been adopted in a political system and niche party electoral competitiveness. The competitiveness of niche parties is defined by the number of viable niche competitors in a particular country and/or their combined vote share. In a manner similar to Lijphart (1999), scattergrams are presented that depict a relationship between electoral rules, the effective number of parties, and levels of niche party competition in twenty‐seven Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. The chapter reports an association between proportional electoral systems and niche party competitiveness.Less
This chapter reports an association between the electoral rules that have been adopted in a political system and niche party electoral competitiveness. The competitiveness of niche parties is defined by the number of viable niche competitors in a particular country and/or their combined vote share. In a manner similar to Lijphart (1999), scattergrams are presented that depict a relationship between electoral rules, the effective number of parties, and levels of niche party competition in twenty‐seven Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. The chapter reports an association between proportional electoral systems and niche party competitiveness.
Lawrence Ezrow
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199572526
- eISBN:
- 9780191722752
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572526.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This chapter combines the conclusions of the previous chapters, and claims that one way in which electoral systems matter for citizen–party linkages is through their influence on niche party ...
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This chapter combines the conclusions of the previous chapters, and claims that one way in which electoral systems matter for citizen–party linkages is through their influence on niche party competition. It also presents a brief literature review on the effects of electoral systems, and identifies opportunities for future study. Finally, the chapter underlines the normative implications of the book. One implication is that citizens in systems that feature proportional electoral systems are perhaps more satisfied with democracy because they have access to both niche and mainstream pathways of political representation. Nevertheless, the chapter concludes with a generally positive evaluation of the Western European democracies under review on the basis that their citizens have access to at least one, and possibly both niche and mainstream pathways of party representation.Less
This chapter combines the conclusions of the previous chapters, and claims that one way in which electoral systems matter for citizen–party linkages is through their influence on niche party competition. It also presents a brief literature review on the effects of electoral systems, and identifies opportunities for future study. Finally, the chapter underlines the normative implications of the book. One implication is that citizens in systems that feature proportional electoral systems are perhaps more satisfied with democracy because they have access to both niche and mainstream pathways of political representation. Nevertheless, the chapter concludes with a generally positive evaluation of the Western European democracies under review on the basis that their citizens have access to at least one, and possibly both niche and mainstream pathways of party representation.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199271597
- eISBN:
- 9780191709234
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271597.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Although there is no doubt that the constitution has been significantly reformed since the election of New Labour in May 1997 the degree to which these reforms have altered the nature of democracy in ...
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Although there is no doubt that the constitution has been significantly reformed since the election of New Labour in May 1997 the degree to which these reforms have altered the nature of democracy in the United Kingdom remains highly contested. A major problem within this debate is that it has become polarized around a binary distinction between power‐sharing and power‐hoarding models of democracy when the contemporary situation is actually far more complex. This book draws upon theories and methods from comparative political analysis in order to argue and then demonstrate three central and inter‐related arguments. Firstly, that the distinctive element of ‘New’ Labour's approach to constitutional engineering is not that it has shifted the nature of democracy in the United Kingdom from one model to another but has instead sought to apply different models at the periphery and core: bi‐constitutionality. Secondly, that contemporary evidence of both increasing levels of public disengagement from conventional politics and falling levels of public trust in politicians, political institutions and political processes originate from the ‘expectations gap’. This ‘gap’ is created by the process of political competition artificially increases public expectations; only for these expectations to be dashed as the elected party either seeks to renege upon certain pre‐election commitments or fails to achieve them. Finally, democracy in the United Kingdom is currently drifting. The old rules do not appear to suit the new game, and yet the government continues to insist that the old rules still apply. The critical challenge for any future government, of any political complexion, will be to articulate a new form of constitutional morality with the capacity to clarify exactly what its reforms in the sphere of constitutional reform and democratic renewal are seeking to achieve.Less
Although there is no doubt that the constitution has been significantly reformed since the election of New Labour in May 1997 the degree to which these reforms have altered the nature of democracy in the United Kingdom remains highly contested. A major problem within this debate is that it has become polarized around a binary distinction between power‐sharing and power‐hoarding models of democracy when the contemporary situation is actually far more complex. This book draws upon theories and methods from comparative political analysis in order to argue and then demonstrate three central and inter‐related arguments. Firstly, that the distinctive element of ‘New’ Labour's approach to constitutional engineering is not that it has shifted the nature of democracy in the United Kingdom from one model to another but has instead sought to apply different models at the periphery and core: bi‐constitutionality. Secondly, that contemporary evidence of both increasing levels of public disengagement from conventional politics and falling levels of public trust in politicians, political institutions and political processes originate from the ‘expectations gap’. This ‘gap’ is created by the process of political competition artificially increases public expectations; only for these expectations to be dashed as the elected party either seeks to renege upon certain pre‐election commitments or fails to achieve them. Finally, democracy in the United Kingdom is currently drifting. The old rules do not appear to suit the new game, and yet the government continues to insist that the old rules still apply. The critical challenge for any future government, of any political complexion, will be to articulate a new form of constitutional morality with the capacity to clarify exactly what its reforms in the sphere of constitutional reform and democratic renewal are seeking to achieve.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199271597
- eISBN:
- 9780191709234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271597.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The political studies community in the United Kingdom has traditionally adopted a distinctive and insular approach, in terms of theory and methods, to constitutional research but there is a pressing ...
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The political studies community in the United Kingdom has traditionally adopted a distinctive and insular approach, in terms of theory and methods, to constitutional research but there is a pressing need to embrace alternative tools of political analysis. This book utilizes Lijphartian political analysis in order to inject a more theoretically driven account of change.Less
The political studies community in the United Kingdom has traditionally adopted a distinctive and insular approach, in terms of theory and methods, to constitutional research but there is a pressing need to embrace alternative tools of political analysis. This book utilizes Lijphartian political analysis in order to inject a more theoretically driven account of change.
Ian O'flynn
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748621446
- eISBN:
- 9780748672004
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748621446.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores how normative and empirical theories might be successfully combined in order to make informed political decisions in divided societies. First it considers the theory of ...
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This chapter explores how normative and empirical theories might be successfully combined in order to make informed political decisions in divided societies. First it considers the theory of consociational democracy as elaborated by Arend Lijphart, which is one of the most important approaches to institutional design in divided societies. Although it is primarily empirical, Lijphart's formulation also contains an important normative dimension. The chapter then examines one of the most important normative theories to emerge in recent decades, namely John Rawls's political liberalism. Political liberalism, and especially the account of public reason that it embodies, has had an enormous influence on the development of deliberative democracy. The focus is on how Rawls negotiates a path between a concern for independent justification and a concern for political stability. Central to his approach is an ideal of public justification according to which citizens should look to the kinds of political principles and values that we might normally expect to find implicit in the political culture of a democratic society when justifying collective decisions. It is argued that political liberalism offers a convincing way of thinking about the relation between empirical and normative considerations.Less
This chapter explores how normative and empirical theories might be successfully combined in order to make informed political decisions in divided societies. First it considers the theory of consociational democracy as elaborated by Arend Lijphart, which is one of the most important approaches to institutional design in divided societies. Although it is primarily empirical, Lijphart's formulation also contains an important normative dimension. The chapter then examines one of the most important normative theories to emerge in recent decades, namely John Rawls's political liberalism. Political liberalism, and especially the account of public reason that it embodies, has had an enormous influence on the development of deliberative democracy. The focus is on how Rawls negotiates a path between a concern for independent justification and a concern for political stability. Central to his approach is an ideal of public justification according to which citizens should look to the kinds of political principles and values that we might normally expect to find implicit in the political culture of a democratic society when justifying collective decisions. It is argued that political liberalism offers a convincing way of thinking about the relation between empirical and normative considerations.
Albert Weale
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199684649
- eISBN:
- 9780191765063
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199684649.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Although deliberative theorists sometimes stress the importance of representation, the participatory political institutions of common property resource regimes cannot be directly transferred to great ...
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Although deliberative theorists sometimes stress the importance of representation, the participatory political institutions of common property resource regimes cannot be directly transferred to great societies. A good representative system will combine the functions of aggregation and representation. Political equality directly implies proportional representation. Majority voting in the legislature is the counterpart principle. Even when shifting coalitions of parties are decisive according to the rule of the issue-by-issue median, this does not negate a meaningful sense of deliberative rationality. Liberal constitutionalism cannot plausibly be made consistent with the democratic principle and counter-majoritarian institutions are deficient. The public reasoning of representative democracies involves a contest over the warrant of decision premisses and a bargaining to mutual advantage where disagreement persistsLess
Although deliberative theorists sometimes stress the importance of representation, the participatory political institutions of common property resource regimes cannot be directly transferred to great societies. A good representative system will combine the functions of aggregation and representation. Political equality directly implies proportional representation. Majority voting in the legislature is the counterpart principle. Even when shifting coalitions of parties are decisive according to the rule of the issue-by-issue median, this does not negate a meaningful sense of deliberative rationality. Liberal constitutionalism cannot plausibly be made consistent with the democratic principle and counter-majoritarian institutions are deficient. The public reasoning of representative democracies involves a contest over the warrant of decision premisses and a bargaining to mutual advantage where disagreement persists
Julian Bernauer, Nathalie Giger, and Adrian Vatter
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780198716334
- eISBN:
- 9780191784934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198716334.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter introduces a new database on political-institutional patterns of democracy used in the contributions to the book. It provides an update and extension of Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) ...
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The chapter introduces a new database on political-institutional patterns of democracy used in the contributions to the book. It provides an update and extension of Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) measurement of consensus and majoritarian democracy for the countries of the second wave of the CSES during the period 1997–2006, using 11 partly improved indicators. The chapter explores patterns of democracy by the means of factor analysis, construct additive indices, and present the resulting country scores of consensus and majoritarian democracy graphically. Two variants are presented, one featuring Lijphart’s (1999) classic ‘executives–parties’ and ‘federal–unitary’ dimensions, and another incorporating direct democracy into the framework, yielding an additional ‘cabinets–direct democracy’ dimension.Less
The chapter introduces a new database on political-institutional patterns of democracy used in the contributions to the book. It provides an update and extension of Lijphart’s (1999, 2012) measurement of consensus and majoritarian democracy for the countries of the second wave of the CSES during the period 1997–2006, using 11 partly improved indicators. The chapter explores patterns of democracy by the means of factor analysis, construct additive indices, and present the resulting country scores of consensus and majoritarian democracy graphically. Two variants are presented, one featuring Lijphart’s (1999) classic ‘executives–parties’ and ‘federal–unitary’ dimensions, and another incorporating direct democracy into the framework, yielding an additional ‘cabinets–direct democracy’ dimension.
