Dan Edelstein
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226588988
- eISBN:
- 9780226589039
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226589039.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
From the perspective of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, the French Declaration of 1789 seemed like the foundation of a new international doctrine. Its principles would be echoed, often ...
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From the perspective of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, the French Declaration of 1789 seemed like the foundation of a new international doctrine. Its principles would be echoed, often verbatim, in the many constitutions drafted during the first half of the nineteenth century, in Spanish America and throughout Europe; and it served as the model for international jurists, for a future, more complete international declaration of rights, which would include social and economic rights as well as political ones. This account of the Declaration’s legacy contrasts with a popular view that credits the Catholic Church with leading the push for an international declaration. But this account rests on the false assumption that the Church had been opposed to human rights until the 1930’s, and it excessively downplays the role of international lawyers and legal associations in leading the push for an international declaration.Less
From the perspective of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, the French Declaration of 1789 seemed like the foundation of a new international doctrine. Its principles would be echoed, often verbatim, in the many constitutions drafted during the first half of the nineteenth century, in Spanish America and throughout Europe; and it served as the model for international jurists, for a future, more complete international declaration of rights, which would include social and economic rights as well as political ones. This account of the Declaration’s legacy contrasts with a popular view that credits the Catholic Church with leading the push for an international declaration. But this account rests on the false assumption that the Church had been opposed to human rights until the 1930’s, and it excessively downplays the role of international lawyers and legal associations in leading the push for an international declaration.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In 1894 Captain Alfred Dreyfus, a French army officer, was charged with espionage and sentenced to life imprisonment. When the government refused to reopen the case, the famous novelist Emile Zola ...
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In 1894 Captain Alfred Dreyfus, a French army officer, was charged with espionage and sentenced to life imprisonment. When the government refused to reopen the case, the famous novelist Emile Zola published an open letter to the President of the Republic of France accusing the army of deliberately convicting an innocent man. The letter, entitled J'Accuse, appeared in January 1898 in the Radical newspaper L'Aurore. It drew the ire of the government, which promptly filed criminal charges against Zola. In the wake of the Zola trial, On February 20, 1898, a group of upper-class intellectuals met at the home of Senator Ludovic Trarieux in Paris and formed an organization they called Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man). Despite the end of the Dreyfus affair, the League decided to continue its campaign for justice. This chapter focuses on the origins, organization, and structure of the League. It describes the League's membership profile and activities, including its annual congress.Less
In 1894 Captain Alfred Dreyfus, a French army officer, was charged with espionage and sentenced to life imprisonment. When the government refused to reopen the case, the famous novelist Emile Zola published an open letter to the President of the Republic of France accusing the army of deliberately convicting an innocent man. The letter, entitled J'Accuse, appeared in January 1898 in the Radical newspaper L'Aurore. It drew the ire of the government, which promptly filed criminal charges against Zola. In the wake of the Zola trial, On February 20, 1898, a group of upper-class intellectuals met at the home of Senator Ludovic Trarieux in Paris and formed an organization they called Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man). Despite the end of the Dreyfus affair, the League decided to continue its campaign for justice. This chapter focuses on the origins, organization, and structure of the League. It describes the League's membership profile and activities, including its annual congress.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) leaned towards the Left for its commitment to civil liberties, which was evident in the Dreyfus affair that brought the League to its ...
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The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) leaned towards the Left for its commitment to civil liberties, which was evident in the Dreyfus affair that brought the League to its existence. In reality, the League realized that it was difficult to reconcile its stand on civil liberties with its more general political goals. Based on its doctrine, politics should give way to principles. Throughout its existence, however, the League also had to deal with conflicts between the policies that must be dictated by liberal and civil libertarian theory and the more immediate political consequences of such policies. The League's dilemma in trying to balance its simultaneous commitment to civil liberties and left-wing politics was illustrated by the debates in France over freedom of the press, women's suffrage, and freedom of association for religious congregations.Less
The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) leaned towards the Left for its commitment to civil liberties, which was evident in the Dreyfus affair that brought the League to its existence. In reality, the League realized that it was difficult to reconcile its stand on civil liberties with its more general political goals. Based on its doctrine, politics should give way to principles. Throughout its existence, however, the League also had to deal with conflicts between the policies that must be dictated by liberal and civil libertarian theory and the more immediate political consequences of such policies. The League's dilemma in trying to balance its simultaneous commitment to civil liberties and left-wing politics was illustrated by the debates in France over freedom of the press, women's suffrage, and freedom of association for religious congregations.
Norman Ingram
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198827993
- eISBN:
- 9780191866685
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198827993.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de ...
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This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de l’homme (LDH), an organization founded in 1898 at the height of the Dreyfus Affair which lay at the very centre of French Republican politics in the era of the two world wars. It posits that the Ligue was half-dead by its own hand by 1937—well before the Nazi invasion of May 1940—because of its inability to resolve the question of war guilt from the Great War. The issue of war origins and war guilt transfixed it from 1914 down to the Second World War. Secondly, this book expands our understanding of the aetiology of French pacifism, thereby allowing for a deeper awareness of the differences between French and Anglo-American pacifism. It argues that from 1916 onwards one can see a principled dissent from the Union sacrée war effort that occurred within mainstream French Republicanism and not on the syndicalist or anarchist fringes. Finally, the book proposes a new explanatory model to help us understand some of the choices made in Vichy France, moving beyond the usual triptych of collaboration, resistance, or accommodation. This study is based on substantial research in a large number of French archives, primarily in the papers of the LDH which were repatriated to France from the former Soviet Union in late 2001, but also on considerable research in German archives—something other historians of the Ligue have not done. There is thus an exciting primacy of discovery here.Less
This book contributes in important ways to three distinct historical arguments. First and foremost, it is a significant addition to a still small, but growing, literature on the Ligue des droits de l’homme (LDH), an organization founded in 1898 at the height of the Dreyfus Affair which lay at the very centre of French Republican politics in the era of the two world wars. It posits that the Ligue was half-dead by its own hand by 1937—well before the Nazi invasion of May 1940—because of its inability to resolve the question of war guilt from the Great War. The issue of war origins and war guilt transfixed it from 1914 down to the Second World War. Secondly, this book expands our understanding of the aetiology of French pacifism, thereby allowing for a deeper awareness of the differences between French and Anglo-American pacifism. It argues that from 1916 onwards one can see a principled dissent from the Union sacrée war effort that occurred within mainstream French Republicanism and not on the syndicalist or anarchist fringes. Finally, the book proposes a new explanatory model to help us understand some of the choices made in Vichy France, moving beyond the usual triptych of collaboration, resistance, or accommodation. This study is based on substantial research in a large number of French archives, primarily in the papers of the LDH which were repatriated to France from the former Soviet Union in late 2001, but also on considerable research in German archives—something other historians of the Ligue have not done. There is thus an exciting primacy of discovery here.
William D. Irvine
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book focuses on the first fifty years of the Ligue des droits de l'homme—the League of the Rights of Man—informed by the recently available archives of the organization. Founded during the ...
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This book focuses on the first fifty years of the Ligue des droits de l'homme—the League of the Rights of Man—informed by the recently available archives of the organization. Founded during the Dreyfus affair, the Ligue took as its mandate the defense of human rights in all their forms. The central argument of this book—and the point on which it differs from all other writings on the subject—is that the Ligue often failed to live up to its mandate because of its simultaneous commitment to left-wing politics. By the late 1930s the Ligue was in disarray, and by the 1940s a number of its members opted to defend the Vichy regime of Marshal Philippe Pétain.Less
This book focuses on the first fifty years of the Ligue des droits de l'homme—the League of the Rights of Man—informed by the recently available archives of the organization. Founded during the Dreyfus affair, the Ligue took as its mandate the defense of human rights in all their forms. The central argument of this book—and the point on which it differs from all other writings on the subject—is that the Ligue often failed to live up to its mandate because of its simultaneous commitment to left-wing politics. By the late 1930s the Ligue was in disarray, and by the 1940s a number of its members opted to defend the Vichy regime of Marshal Philippe Pétain.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Victor Basch, a spokesman for the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man), admitted that the League has always been involved in politics, but only in the form of public policy. ...
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Victor Basch, a spokesman for the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man), admitted that the League has always been involved in politics, but only in the form of public policy. League members also asserted that they did not engage in electoral politics or parliamentary politics. However, the League always participated in elections in France. In fact, partisan quarrels arising from the 1906 elections resulted in intense ideological tensions within the League. Some members blamed Article 17, which allowed local sections to support a candidate on the first ballot only if he were the only left-wing candidate in the race, as the root of the “crisis” experienced by the League in the latter half of the decade. Almost half of the governments in the interwar years were headed by men who were members, or used to be members, of the League. After World War I, the League's Central Committee formed a parliamentary group comprised of all League deputies and senators.Less
Victor Basch, a spokesman for the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man), admitted that the League has always been involved in politics, but only in the form of public policy. League members also asserted that they did not engage in electoral politics or parliamentary politics. However, the League always participated in elections in France. In fact, partisan quarrels arising from the 1906 elections resulted in intense ideological tensions within the League. Some members blamed Article 17, which allowed local sections to support a candidate on the first ballot only if he were the only left-wing candidate in the race, as the root of the “crisis” experienced by the League in the latter half of the decade. Almost half of the governments in the interwar years were headed by men who were members, or used to be members, of the League. After World War I, the League's Central Committee formed a parliamentary group comprised of all League deputies and senators.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
For most of its first forty years of existence, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) could have adopted ici on ne fait pas de la politique as its motto. Its mandate was not ...
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For most of its first forty years of existence, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) could have adopted ici on ne fait pas de la politique as its motto. Its mandate was not politics, but justice. The League always insisted that it was above the partisan fray, and that it was political only because it saw itself as the “conscience of democracy.” The Dreyfus affair used by the League to justify its creation was relatively non-political, at least in its earliest stages. From the beginning, however, most members knew that the League could go beyond the plight of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. They often debated over questions concerning the church, war, and the social order. For the League, these were political issues that were consistent with the letter and spirit of its guiding charter, the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man. Despite its claims, the organization had almost always been deeply enmeshed in the day-to-day politics of France. This is evident in the tensions between Radicals and Socialists within the organization.Less
For most of its first forty years of existence, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) could have adopted ici on ne fait pas de la politique as its motto. Its mandate was not politics, but justice. The League always insisted that it was above the partisan fray, and that it was political only because it saw itself as the “conscience of democracy.” The Dreyfus affair used by the League to justify its creation was relatively non-political, at least in its earliest stages. From the beginning, however, most members knew that the League could go beyond the plight of Captain Alfred Dreyfus. They often debated over questions concerning the church, war, and the social order. For the League, these were political issues that were consistent with the letter and spirit of its guiding charter, the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man. Despite its claims, the organization had almost always been deeply enmeshed in the day-to-day politics of France. This is evident in the tensions between Radicals and Socialists within the organization.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) justified its involvement in politics or in issues of broad public policy by insisting that it was in defense of civil liberties. ...
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The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) justified its involvement in politics or in issues of broad public policy by insisting that it was in defense of civil liberties. Although the League was known for its stand on national or international politics, it also built a reputation of defending common citizens such as civil servants, widows, and pensioners against injustice. By the 1930s the League's local sections were handling almost 20,000 such cases per year. Many cases involved personal disputes within the civil service. The League's passion for justice and hard-nosed mastery of France's judicial system was evident in the Seznec case, which created tensions among its members. This case involved Guillaume Seznec, a sawmill owner who was accused of killing Pierre Quemeneur, a local entrepreneur and politician.Less
The Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) justified its involvement in politics or in issues of broad public policy by insisting that it was in defense of civil liberties. Although the League was known for its stand on national or international politics, it also built a reputation of defending common citizens such as civil servants, widows, and pensioners against injustice. By the 1930s the League's local sections were handling almost 20,000 such cases per year. Many cases involved personal disputes within the civil service. The League's passion for justice and hard-nosed mastery of France's judicial system was evident in the Seznec case, which created tensions among its members. This case involved Guillaume Seznec, a sawmill owner who was accused of killing Pierre Quemeneur, a local entrepreneur and politician.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Founded in Paris in June 1898, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) was one of the more revered institutions of Third Republic France. Established in response to the unjust ...
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Founded in Paris in June 1898, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) was one of the more revered institutions of Third Republic France. Established in response to the unjust and illegal conviction of Captain Alfred Dreyfus, who was accused of treason, in its first forty years of existence the League went on to become the largest and most influential civil liberties organization in the world. The League had 8,000 members in its first two years and 80,000 after a decade. Membership peaked to 180,000 in 1933. This book examines the history of the League and its central role in nearly every aspect of French society and politics during the first half of the twentieth century. In particular, it looks at the League's attempt to strike a balance between its commitment to civil liberties and left-wing politics.Less
Founded in Paris in June 1898, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) was one of the more revered institutions of Third Republic France. Established in response to the unjust and illegal conviction of Captain Alfred Dreyfus, who was accused of treason, in its first forty years of existence the League went on to become the largest and most influential civil liberties organization in the world. The League had 8,000 members in its first two years and 80,000 after a decade. Membership peaked to 180,000 in 1933. This book examines the history of the League and its central role in nearly every aspect of French society and politics during the first half of the twentieth century. In particular, it looks at the League's attempt to strike a balance between its commitment to civil liberties and left-wing politics.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In the wake of the crisis of February 6, 1934, the French Left began to realize that they must be united in order to prevent the spread of fascism in France. The Socialists and Communists began ...
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In the wake of the crisis of February 6, 1934, the French Left began to realize that they must be united in order to prevent the spread of fascism in France. The Socialists and Communists began negotiations in the spring of 1934, and they were joined later by the Radicals and several other minor groups in the Rassemblement Populaire. The union was announced in a founding rally of the Rassemblement Populaire, where most of the speakers were or would be members of the Ligue des droits de l'homme's Central Committee. Not since the Dreyfus affair had the League played such a prominent role in the defense of the Republic. However, the League's ties to the Rassemblement Populaire would later cause it many problems. Indeed, the Popular Front marked a critical turning point in the history of the League. In particular, the League had to deal with issues associated with disarmament, the Moscow trials, Spain, and French foreign policy.Less
In the wake of the crisis of February 6, 1934, the French Left began to realize that they must be united in order to prevent the spread of fascism in France. The Socialists and Communists began negotiations in the spring of 1934, and they were joined later by the Radicals and several other minor groups in the Rassemblement Populaire. The union was announced in a founding rally of the Rassemblement Populaire, where most of the speakers were or would be members of the Ligue des droits de l'homme's Central Committee. Not since the Dreyfus affair had the League played such a prominent role in the defense of the Republic. However, the League's ties to the Rassemblement Populaire would later cause it many problems. Indeed, the Popular Front marked a critical turning point in the history of the League. In particular, the League had to deal with issues associated with disarmament, the Moscow trials, Spain, and French foreign policy.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
In the years prior to the outbreak of World War I, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) took a “pacifist” stand. Most of its members were opposed to the war, arguing that ...
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In the years prior to the outbreak of World War I, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) took a “pacifist” stand. Most of its members were opposed to the war, arguing that international conflicts must be resolved by peaceful means. The pre-1914 League was thus in favor of progressive and mutual disarmament, binding international arbitration, and world government—in the form of international organizations. As the war erupted in 1914, the League rallied to the defense of France even as it protested the ensuing wartime censorship, military justice, and suspensions of civil liberties. From 1918 until the mid-1930s, the League was divided into two camps. The majority labeled themselves pacifists who advocated internationalism and disarmament, while the minority accused the French government of antagonizing Germany rendering it impossible to achieve lasting peace. This division was exacerbated by conflicting views of pacifism. Another issue that produced tensions within the League was Soviet Union's human rights violations.Less
In the years prior to the outbreak of World War I, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) took a “pacifist” stand. Most of its members were opposed to the war, arguing that international conflicts must be resolved by peaceful means. The pre-1914 League was thus in favor of progressive and mutual disarmament, binding international arbitration, and world government—in the form of international organizations. As the war erupted in 1914, the League rallied to the defense of France even as it protested the ensuing wartime censorship, military justice, and suspensions of civil liberties. From 1918 until the mid-1930s, the League was divided into two camps. The majority labeled themselves pacifists who advocated internationalism and disarmament, while the minority accused the French government of antagonizing Germany rendering it impossible to achieve lasting peace. This division was exacerbated by conflicting views of pacifism. Another issue that produced tensions within the League was Soviet Union's human rights violations.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Following the defeat of France by Germany in 1940, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) ceased all operations and its members went their separate ways. Many of the League's ...
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Following the defeat of France by Germany in 1940, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) ceased all operations and its members went their separate ways. Many of the League's leaders, including Albert Bayet, Paul Rivet, and Marc Rucart, contributed in one way or another to the Resistance or the Free French. Others, such as Elie Reynier, Salomon Grumbach, and Paul Langevin, were either jailed or interned under the Vichy regime. However, the decision of some of the former League leaders to collaborate with the new regime came as a surprise. After all, the policies of the Vichy regime, including its anti-Semitism and discriminatory measures against Jews, were in stark contrast to the values and principles that the League was presumed to stand for.Less
Following the defeat of France by Germany in 1940, the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) ceased all operations and its members went their separate ways. Many of the League's leaders, including Albert Bayet, Paul Rivet, and Marc Rucart, contributed in one way or another to the Resistance or the Free French. Others, such as Elie Reynier, Salomon Grumbach, and Paul Langevin, were either jailed or interned under the Vichy regime. However, the decision of some of the former League leaders to collaborate with the new regime came as a surprise. After all, the policies of the Vichy regime, including its anti-Semitism and discriminatory measures against Jews, were in stark contrast to the values and principles that the League was presumed to stand for.
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753173
- eISBN:
- 9780804767873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753173.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The decision of some members of the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) to collaborate with the Vichy regime following the defeat of France at the hands of Germany says much ...
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The decision of some members of the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) to collaborate with the Vichy regime following the defeat of France at the hands of Germany says much about the history of the League. Although these pro-Nazi collaborators were a distinct minority within the League, they were some of the most high-profile members of the organization. There was an apparent paradox in individuals who belonged to an organization whose mandate was to defend human rights and civil liberties but later supported a regime known for its savage anti-Semitism. The League was at the center of a number of crucial issues before the arrival of the Germans, including the internal regulations of the Rassemblement Populaire, World War I, and French foreign policy. In the end, the League may be seen as the quintessential example of the political culture of the Third Republic. To understand whether there was something uniquely French about the League's history, it would be helpful to compare it briefly to the American Civil Liberties Union, which was founded in 1920 and directly inspired by the League.Less
The decision of some members of the Ligue des droits de l'homme (League of the Rights of Man) to collaborate with the Vichy regime following the defeat of France at the hands of Germany says much about the history of the League. Although these pro-Nazi collaborators were a distinct minority within the League, they were some of the most high-profile members of the organization. There was an apparent paradox in individuals who belonged to an organization whose mandate was to defend human rights and civil liberties but later supported a regime known for its savage anti-Semitism. The League was at the center of a number of crucial issues before the arrival of the Germans, including the internal regulations of the Rassemblement Populaire, World War I, and French foreign policy. In the end, the League may be seen as the quintessential example of the political culture of the Third Republic. To understand whether there was something uniquely French about the League's history, it would be helpful to compare it briefly to the American Civil Liberties Union, which was founded in 1920 and directly inspired by the League.
