Alan Ware
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199564439
- eISBN:
- 9780191721526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564439.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter continues the analysis of party collapse by focussing in detail on three cases of collapse at the national level in democracies. These involved the Whig party in the US (1850s), the ...
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This chapter continues the analysis of party collapse by focussing in detail on three cases of collapse at the national level in democracies. These involved the Whig party in the US (1850s), the British Liberal party (early 20th century), and the Canadian Progressive Conservatives (1990s). Popular academic arguments that the American and British cases can be explained by reference to electoral realignment are rejected. In all three cases it was having two fight different sources of opposition that were eroding their strength at the same time that caused collapse. Strategies normally available to party elites in combating collapse could not be applied successfully here because of the dual nature of the crises. Finally, it is questioned whether conditions now make party management of their environments, to ward off potential collapse, more difficult; while this argument is rejected it is argued that they favour the development of less ‘pure’ forms of two-partism.Less
This chapter continues the analysis of party collapse by focussing in detail on three cases of collapse at the national level in democracies. These involved the Whig party in the US (1850s), the British Liberal party (early 20th century), and the Canadian Progressive Conservatives (1990s). Popular academic arguments that the American and British cases can be explained by reference to electoral realignment are rejected. In all three cases it was having two fight different sources of opposition that were eroding their strength at the same time that caused collapse. Strategies normally available to party elites in combating collapse could not be applied successfully here because of the dual nature of the crises. Finally, it is questioned whether conditions now make party management of their environments, to ward off potential collapse, more difficult; while this argument is rejected it is argued that they favour the development of less ‘pure’ forms of two-partism.
Alan Ware
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199564439
- eISBN:
- 9780191721526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564439.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter focuses primarily on what determines whether major parties that have collapsed cease to operate or, alternatively, continue as minor parties. Again, it focuses mainly on the American ...
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This chapter focuses primarily on what determines whether major parties that have collapsed cease to operate or, alternatively, continue as minor parties. Again, it focuses mainly on the American Whigs, who had dissolved by the later 1850s, and the British Liberals, who persisted after the 1920s. It examines four factors that prompted dissolution: (i) a presidential system using quasi plurality voting rules; (ii) frequent elections for many public offices; (iii) earlier party efforts to develop coattails effects, in fighting elections as a team; (iv) the linking by parties of political ambitions at different levels of office. The absence of these factors in the British case reduced the incentive for Liberals to abandon their party. However, contingency, especially the impact of the formation of the National government in 1931 and the Second World War also aided Liberal survival up to the 1950s.Less
This chapter focuses primarily on what determines whether major parties that have collapsed cease to operate or, alternatively, continue as minor parties. Again, it focuses mainly on the American Whigs, who had dissolved by the later 1850s, and the British Liberals, who persisted after the 1920s. It examines four factors that prompted dissolution: (i) a presidential system using quasi plurality voting rules; (ii) frequent elections for many public offices; (iii) earlier party efforts to develop coattails effects, in fighting elections as a team; (iv) the linking by parties of political ambitions at different levels of office. The absence of these factors in the British case reduced the incentive for Liberals to abandon their party. However, contingency, especially the impact of the formation of the National government in 1931 and the Second World War also aided Liberal survival up to the 1950s.
ANDREW CRAWLEY
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199212651
- eISBN:
- 9780191707315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199212651.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter argues that by the beginning of 1935 the positions of the main factions within Nicaragua were explicit. According to Lane, Somoza was ‘definitely determined to be the next president’. ...
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This chapter argues that by the beginning of 1935 the positions of the main factions within Nicaragua were explicit. According to Lane, Somoza was ‘definitely determined to be the next president’. There was also a shift in the political distinctions within the country. What used to be a prime division between Liberals and Conservatives became a distinction between a gobernista or Somocista. It became a struggle for the US how to handle the fragile political condition to avoid being accused of intervening in Nicaraguan affairs and adhere to the policy of good neighbour. Despite the violence that erupted in Nicaragua, presidential elections were held on 8 December 1936 without incident. Somoza ran for president against the Arguello-Espinosa ticket, Somoza won and was inaugurated as president of Nicaragua. The chapter shows the part that Guardia played in the election.Less
This chapter argues that by the beginning of 1935 the positions of the main factions within Nicaragua were explicit. According to Lane, Somoza was ‘definitely determined to be the next president’. There was also a shift in the political distinctions within the country. What used to be a prime division between Liberals and Conservatives became a distinction between a gobernista or Somocista. It became a struggle for the US how to handle the fragile political condition to avoid being accused of intervening in Nicaraguan affairs and adhere to the policy of good neighbour. Despite the violence that erupted in Nicaragua, presidential elections were held on 8 December 1936 without incident. Somoza ran for president against the Arguello-Espinosa ticket, Somoza won and was inaugurated as president of Nicaragua. The chapter shows the part that Guardia played in the election.
Nicholas Owen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233014
- eISBN:
- 9780191716423
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233014.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British ...
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The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British Radicals and Indian nationalists in a single campaign. It analyses the successes and failures of the early efforts of the Indian National Congress and its British supporters to deliver such a double blow, first in the form of an agency arrangement with William Digby and Charles Bradlaugh, and later through vicarious championship by the Radicals and Liberals of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress.Less
The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British Radicals and Indian nationalists in a single campaign. It analyses the successes and failures of the early efforts of the Indian National Congress and its British supporters to deliver such a double blow, first in the form of an agency arrangement with William Digby and Charles Bradlaugh, and later through vicarious championship by the Radicals and Liberals of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress.
Richard M. Fried
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195043617
- eISBN:
- 9780199853724
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195043617.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The United States entered the postwar, post-FDR era with a recent history of rough political rhetoric. It had also established a tradition of basing fitness for a government job on the holder's ...
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The United States entered the postwar, post-FDR era with a recent history of rough political rhetoric. It had also established a tradition of basing fitness for a government job on the holder's “loyalty”. Much of the machinery and the discourse of “McCarthyism” was in place before the Cold War or McCarthy's advent. The main impetus behind this development came from conservatives of both parties, but especially Republicans, who deplored the New Deal and the changes it brought to American life. Yet to some extent, the conservative's targets shared their language and methodology. Liberals had accepted the notion of the “fifth column.” They usually dreaded its entrance from the Right—Nazis, Fascists, and their isolationist allies. The trials of the McCarthy era were aggravated by the fact that so few of the participants entered them with hands entirely clean.Less
The United States entered the postwar, post-FDR era with a recent history of rough political rhetoric. It had also established a tradition of basing fitness for a government job on the holder's “loyalty”. Much of the machinery and the discourse of “McCarthyism” was in place before the Cold War or McCarthy's advent. The main impetus behind this development came from conservatives of both parties, but especially Republicans, who deplored the New Deal and the changes it brought to American life. Yet to some extent, the conservative's targets shared their language and methodology. Liberals had accepted the notion of the “fifth column.” They usually dreaded its entrance from the Right—Nazis, Fascists, and their isolationist allies. The trials of the McCarthy era were aggravated by the fact that so few of the participants entered them with hands entirely clean.
David Howell
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198203049
- eISBN:
- 9780191719530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203049.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was ...
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The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was integrated into the dominant culture, an integration which limited any iconoclasm and involved an effective acquiescence in inequalities. In the election of November 1922, Labour gained three seats in Sheffield, a city where Liberalism was in confused retreat. These parliamentary successes were the prelude to a Labour majority on the city council four years later. In a heavily industrial city, these advances seemed indicative of the party's potential strength amongst specific working-class occupations. Yet none of Sheffield's Labour victors in 1922 came from the trade union movement. For some recruits, the Labour Party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden seemed attractive. In the 1920s, this pattern of recruitment seemed to highlight a shift in progressive politics that fitted into a broader vision of Labour's Forward March. This presentation simplified the complex routes by which Liberals crossed into the Labour Party.Less
The Labour Party meeting held in the spring of 1924 featured two new party recruits, Oswald and Cynthia Mosley. The inclusion of a woman was indicative of the degree to which the Labour Party was integrated into the dominant culture, an integration which limited any iconoclasm and involved an effective acquiescence in inequalities. In the election of November 1922, Labour gained three seats in Sheffield, a city where Liberalism was in confused retreat. These parliamentary successes were the prelude to a Labour majority on the city council four years later. In a heavily industrial city, these advances seemed indicative of the party's potential strength amongst specific working-class occupations. Yet none of Sheffield's Labour victors in 1922 came from the trade union movement. For some recruits, the Labour Party of Ramsay MacDonald and Philip Snowden seemed attractive. In the 1920s, this pattern of recruitment seemed to highlight a shift in progressive politics that fitted into a broader vision of Labour's Forward March. This presentation simplified the complex routes by which Liberals crossed into the Labour Party.
Roy L. Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780300223309
- eISBN:
- 9780300227611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300223309.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our ...
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Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our society. This book maps out that terrain, using the term “racial subordination” to define racial inequality that is a byproduct of individual or institutional action that consciously forgoes an opportunity to advance racial progress for the sake of pursuing a legitimate, nonracist competing interest. While not racism, this non-nefarious source of racial inequality is not racial innocence. Though the subordinator is not on the same hook as the racist, he or she is still on the hook—a different hook. Moving the debate over racial inequality from discrimination discourse to subordination discourse, this book demonstrates how the Supreme Court engages in “juridical subordination” and how the American mainstream culture, even with its commitment to cultural diversity, commits “cultural subordination” time after time. Racism remains a large problem in our society but eliminating it will not end racial inequality. Racism and racial inequality are not coterminous. Unless we also deal with racial subordination, blacks, or African Americans, will effectively face a racial glass ceiling. Breaking through that ceiling involves confronting complex and uncomfortable questions about what we value most as Americans.Less
Beyond the conventional sources of racial inequality—racism for liberals and a dysfunctional black culture for conservatives—lies a source of racial inequality little discussed or studied in our society. This book maps out that terrain, using the term “racial subordination” to define racial inequality that is a byproduct of individual or institutional action that consciously forgoes an opportunity to advance racial progress for the sake of pursuing a legitimate, nonracist competing interest. While not racism, this non-nefarious source of racial inequality is not racial innocence. Though the subordinator is not on the same hook as the racist, he or she is still on the hook—a different hook. Moving the debate over racial inequality from discrimination discourse to subordination discourse, this book demonstrates how the Supreme Court engages in “juridical subordination” and how the American mainstream culture, even with its commitment to cultural diversity, commits “cultural subordination” time after time. Racism remains a large problem in our society but eliminating it will not end racial inequality. Racism and racial inequality are not coterminous. Unless we also deal with racial subordination, blacks, or African Americans, will effectively face a racial glass ceiling. Breaking through that ceiling involves confronting complex and uncomfortable questions about what we value most as Americans.
Anthony King
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199576982
- eISBN:
- 9780191702235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576982.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Devolution was the first thing in mind of the Liberal leaders between 1886 and 1914 which caused the presence of a home rule for Ireland — ‘John Bull’s other island’. A majority of Liberals thought ...
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Devolution was the first thing in mind of the Liberal leaders between 1886 and 1914 which caused the presence of a home rule for Ireland — ‘John Bull’s other island’. A majority of Liberals thought that there was a need to devolve. They also thought that home rule was a good idea. They feared that, unless Ireland were granted home rule, the government of the United Kingdom (UK) would be able to govern Ireland only by means of force. More positively, W. E. Gladstone and his successors believed that the granting of home rule would reconcile the people of Ireland to its remaining part of the UK.Less
Devolution was the first thing in mind of the Liberal leaders between 1886 and 1914 which caused the presence of a home rule for Ireland — ‘John Bull’s other island’. A majority of Liberals thought that there was a need to devolve. They also thought that home rule was a good idea. They feared that, unless Ireland were granted home rule, the government of the United Kingdom (UK) would be able to govern Ireland only by means of force. More positively, W. E. Gladstone and his successors believed that the granting of home rule would reconcile the people of Ireland to its remaining part of the UK.
Fergus Campbell
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199233229
- eISBN:
- 9780191716232
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233229.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines the social composition of the main political parties in Ireland in 1881 and 1911. There was a clear ‘greening’ of the political representation during the period under review. ...
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This chapter examines the social composition of the main political parties in Ireland in 1881 and 1911. There was a clear ‘greening’ of the political representation during the period under review. However, it is evident that as nationalist politics became more green, unionist politics became more orange. It is also clear that whereas Conservative and Unionist representatives were often recruited from prosperous business and landed backgrounds, Home Rulers were generally recruited from the new Catholic rising middle class of shopkeepers, professionals and tenant farmers in the Irish provinces.Less
This chapter examines the social composition of the main political parties in Ireland in 1881 and 1911. There was a clear ‘greening’ of the political representation during the period under review. However, it is evident that as nationalist politics became more green, unionist politics became more orange. It is also clear that whereas Conservative and Unionist representatives were often recruited from prosperous business and landed backgrounds, Home Rulers were generally recruited from the new Catholic rising middle class of shopkeepers, professionals and tenant farmers in the Irish provinces.
Andrew Thorpe
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202189
- eISBN:
- 9780191675195
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202189.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The British general election of 1931 marked the culmination of a period of political and economic crisis, and has long been regarded as a watershed in 20th-century British history. In the summer of ...
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The British general election of 1931 marked the culmination of a period of political and economic crisis, and has long been regarded as a watershed in 20th-century British history. In the summer of 1931, a struggling Labour government collapsed; its leader, Ramsay MacDonald, stayed on to form a National Government supported mainly by Conservatives and Liberals. Within six weeks the decision to call an election was taken, and in the ensuing contest the Nationals won an overwhelming victory. Labour was left with a rump of forty-six MPs, a decade in opposition, and an enduring sense of betrayal. This book argues that, while 1931 changed much, the general trends towards Conservative hegemony and two-party politics were little disturbed by the crisis. It traces the background to the events of 1931, and examines their implications in detail. Its analysis of the election benefits from unrestricted access to contemporary documents.Less
The British general election of 1931 marked the culmination of a period of political and economic crisis, and has long been regarded as a watershed in 20th-century British history. In the summer of 1931, a struggling Labour government collapsed; its leader, Ramsay MacDonald, stayed on to form a National Government supported mainly by Conservatives and Liberals. Within six weeks the decision to call an election was taken, and in the ensuing contest the Nationals won an overwhelming victory. Labour was left with a rump of forty-six MPs, a decade in opposition, and an enduring sense of betrayal. This book argues that, while 1931 changed much, the general trends towards Conservative hegemony and two-party politics were little disturbed by the crisis. It traces the background to the events of 1931, and examines their implications in detail. Its analysis of the election benefits from unrestricted access to contemporary documents.
Alastair Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205432
- eISBN:
- 9780191676635
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205432.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
Although often viewed as ineffectual intellectuals, or a spent political force, Left Liberals had become the third largest party in German politics by 1914, and in the German Revolution of 1918–1919 ...
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Although often viewed as ineffectual intellectuals, or a spent political force, Left Liberals had become the third largest party in German politics by 1914, and in the German Revolution of 1918–1919 it was Left Liberals who effectively wrote the new Weimar constitution. This book investigates Left Liberals in the locality, as well as at the national level, with case studies ranging from Kiel to Kattowitz. Overturning old notions of German liberalism as the helpless victim of mass mobilization and political polarization, it is central to understanding both increasing left liberal influence and support on the eve of the First World War, and why liberal values could not be consolidated after 1918. This study has powerful general implications for the history of imperial Germany, reassessing the role of political parties, public perceptions of politics, and the impact and character of the state.Less
Although often viewed as ineffectual intellectuals, or a spent political force, Left Liberals had become the third largest party in German politics by 1914, and in the German Revolution of 1918–1919 it was Left Liberals who effectively wrote the new Weimar constitution. This book investigates Left Liberals in the locality, as well as at the national level, with case studies ranging from Kiel to Kattowitz. Overturning old notions of German liberalism as the helpless victim of mass mobilization and political polarization, it is central to understanding both increasing left liberal influence and support on the eve of the First World War, and why liberal values could not be consolidated after 1918. This study has powerful general implications for the history of imperial Germany, reassessing the role of political parties, public perceptions of politics, and the impact and character of the state.
David Colander and Craig Freedman
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179209
- eISBN:
- 9780691184050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179209.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the methodological tradition that Classical Liberal economists embraced, which interpreted the science of economics narrowly and created a firewall ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the methodological tradition that Classical Liberal economists embraced, which interpreted the science of economics narrowly and created a firewall between scientific pursuits and policy endeavors. This tradition is best found in the policy methodology of Classical Liberals such as John Stuart Mill and his followers. That methodology recognized the messiness of policy compared to the elegance of the theory underlying science. To deal with that messiness, the policy methodology needed a branch of economics that was free of scientific certainty. One way to handle that problem would be to accept that no part of economics was a science. The second way was to divide economics into different branches: a scientific branch concerned with agreed-upon empirical facts and logical implications of assumptions, in which normative values played as minimal a role as possible; and a policy branch in which values were seen as essential elements of the analysis.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the methodological tradition that Classical Liberal economists embraced, which interpreted the science of economics narrowly and created a firewall between scientific pursuits and policy endeavors. This tradition is best found in the policy methodology of Classical Liberals such as John Stuart Mill and his followers. That methodology recognized the messiness of policy compared to the elegance of the theory underlying science. To deal with that messiness, the policy methodology needed a branch of economics that was free of scientific certainty. One way to handle that problem would be to accept that no part of economics was a science. The second way was to divide economics into different branches: a scientific branch concerned with agreed-upon empirical facts and logical implications of assumptions, in which normative values played as minimal a role as possible; and a policy branch in which values were seen as essential elements of the analysis.
Jose Harris
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206859
- eISBN:
- 9780191677335
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206859.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter explores the complications that Beveridge faced during the publication of his report and its aftereffects. The publication of the Beveridge Report was postponed, even though it was ...
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This chapter explores the complications that Beveridge faced during the publication of his report and its aftereffects. The publication of the Beveridge Report was postponed, even though it was complete. This was due to the Cabinet which thought it was too revolutionary. Beveridge's report received maximum publicity in the press but was instantly seized upon by the Ministry of Information as a means of fostering wartime morale. However, Beveridge was helped by his friend and research assistant Frank Pakenham, who acted as a kind of unofficial public relations officer and assiduously fostered Beveridge's relations with the press. Finally, the report evoked mixed responses from everyone.Less
This chapter explores the complications that Beveridge faced during the publication of his report and its aftereffects. The publication of the Beveridge Report was postponed, even though it was complete. This was due to the Cabinet which thought it was too revolutionary. Beveridge's report received maximum publicity in the press but was instantly seized upon by the Ministry of Information as a means of fostering wartime morale. However, Beveridge was helped by his friend and research assistant Frank Pakenham, who acted as a kind of unofficial public relations officer and assiduously fostered Beveridge's relations with the press. Finally, the report evoked mixed responses from everyone.
MATTHEW CRAGOE
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205944
- eISBN:
- 9780191676864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205944.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Carmarthenshire elections were frequently marked by outbreaks of violence throughout the nineteenth century. The 1868 election witnessed a major disagreement as to precisely where in Carmarthen the ...
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Carmarthenshire elections were frequently marked by outbreaks of violence throughout the nineteenth century. The 1868 election witnessed a major disagreement as to precisely where in Carmarthen the votes should be taken. The Liberals favoured the Shire Hall, but the Conservatives feared that the approaches were too narrow, and that the mob which would inevitably gather would prevent ‘timid voters’ from casting their votes. The simple fact that there were two parties to any contested election obliged the protagonists to make politics in some sense ‘popular’ and to actively promote partisanship. Significantly, it was only when an election was uncontested, and there was thus no danger of its being lost, that the oft-repeated condemnations of bribery, treating, and violence could be translated safely into action. Violence also involved the intimidation or coercion of voters, persuading them to vote for a particular candidate by the threat of punishment if they did not. In Wales, the coercion of Liberal tenants by Conservative landlords has a secure place in the historiographical canon.Less
Carmarthenshire elections were frequently marked by outbreaks of violence throughout the nineteenth century. The 1868 election witnessed a major disagreement as to precisely where in Carmarthen the votes should be taken. The Liberals favoured the Shire Hall, but the Conservatives feared that the approaches were too narrow, and that the mob which would inevitably gather would prevent ‘timid voters’ from casting their votes. The simple fact that there were two parties to any contested election obliged the protagonists to make politics in some sense ‘popular’ and to actively promote partisanship. Significantly, it was only when an election was uncontested, and there was thus no danger of its being lost, that the oft-repeated condemnations of bribery, treating, and violence could be translated safely into action. Violence also involved the intimidation or coercion of voters, persuading them to vote for a particular candidate by the threat of punishment if they did not. In Wales, the coercion of Liberal tenants by Conservative landlords has a secure place in the historiographical canon.
MATTHEW CRAGOE
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198205944
- eISBN:
- 9780191676864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205944.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book has examined how an elite, strong and self-confident until the 1860s, gradually declined thereafter. Different aspects of their influence disappeared at different rates: their ability to ...
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This book has examined how an elite, strong and self-confident until the 1860s, gradually declined thereafter. Different aspects of their influence disappeared at different rates: their ability to decide parliamentary elections, for example, disappeared earlier than their domination of local government. By 1885, landownership in all areas of Great Britain was beginning to lose the prestige it had enjoyed in 1832. The agricultural depression had undermined its economic attractions whilst the secret ballot had shorn the landowner of political influence. Both these factors represented crucial limitations on the ability of the paternalist aristocracy to perform that role of involved communal leadership which had been the credo of their class since the 1840s. The first county council elections in Wales were held in January 1889. Over the Principality as a whole, the results were an impressive triumph for the Liberal Party, which returned twice as many candidates as the combination of Conservatives, Liberal Unionists, and Independents. In Carmarthenshire, thirty-seven Liberals were joined on the new council by fourteen Conservatives.Less
This book has examined how an elite, strong and self-confident until the 1860s, gradually declined thereafter. Different aspects of their influence disappeared at different rates: their ability to decide parliamentary elections, for example, disappeared earlier than their domination of local government. By 1885, landownership in all areas of Great Britain was beginning to lose the prestige it had enjoyed in 1832. The agricultural depression had undermined its economic attractions whilst the secret ballot had shorn the landowner of political influence. Both these factors represented crucial limitations on the ability of the paternalist aristocracy to perform that role of involved communal leadership which had been the credo of their class since the 1840s. The first county council elections in Wales were held in January 1889. Over the Principality as a whole, the results were an impressive triumph for the Liberal Party, which returned twice as many candidates as the combination of Conservatives, Liberal Unionists, and Independents. In Carmarthenshire, thirty-seven Liberals were joined on the new council by fourteen Conservatives.
G. C. Peden
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207078
- eISBN:
- 9780191677472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207078.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
The Treasury was the department that, more than any other, was at the centre of Edwardian political controversy. Particularly under Lloyd George, the Treasury had to adapt itself to more active ...
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The Treasury was the department that, more than any other, was at the centre of Edwardian political controversy. Particularly under Lloyd George, the Treasury had to adapt itself to more active participation by central government in the relief of poverty and had to begin to act like a central department of government, seeking value for money, while at the same time holding firmly to the canons of public finance. With regards to public finance, the principal difference between the Conservative and Liberal parties in general elections was the question of how defence expenditure and social reform were to be paid for. From 1903 the orthodoxy of free trade was challenged by a tariff reform campaign, led initially by Joseph Chamberlain, who recommended that Britain should return to a policy of protection. The Liberals sought to avoid a need to raise revenue from tariffs, first by economies in defence expenditure, and then by raising direct taxation on the more affluent members of society.Less
The Treasury was the department that, more than any other, was at the centre of Edwardian political controversy. Particularly under Lloyd George, the Treasury had to adapt itself to more active participation by central government in the relief of poverty and had to begin to act like a central department of government, seeking value for money, while at the same time holding firmly to the canons of public finance. With regards to public finance, the principal difference between the Conservative and Liberal parties in general elections was the question of how defence expenditure and social reform were to be paid for. From 1903 the orthodoxy of free trade was challenged by a tariff reform campaign, led initially by Joseph Chamberlain, who recommended that Britain should return to a policy of protection. The Liberals sought to avoid a need to raise revenue from tariffs, first by economies in defence expenditure, and then by raising direct taxation on the more affluent members of society.
Jenifer Hart
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201366
- eISBN:
- 9780191674860
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201366.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
It took about three and a half years before a reform bill was introduced, despite several Liberal candidates at the general election declaring that they would advocate the reform. As such, Sir John ...
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It took about three and a half years before a reform bill was introduced, despite several Liberal candidates at the general election declaring that they would advocate the reform. As such, Sir John Lubbock and a few others thought that there was a need to further this cause through forming an association called the (British) Proportional Representation Society (PRS) wherein those who were in favour of adopting a system of proportional representation were invited to join. Sir John Lubbock — a Liberal who stood in parliament during the period between 1865 and 1868 and a Liberal who was able to introduce at least thirteen different bills that then became law while he was at the House of Commons — became president of the said organization. This chapter illustrates the aims of this organization and how advocacies were being promoted.Less
It took about three and a half years before a reform bill was introduced, despite several Liberal candidates at the general election declaring that they would advocate the reform. As such, Sir John Lubbock and a few others thought that there was a need to further this cause through forming an association called the (British) Proportional Representation Society (PRS) wherein those who were in favour of adopting a system of proportional representation were invited to join. Sir John Lubbock — a Liberal who stood in parliament during the period between 1865 and 1868 and a Liberal who was able to introduce at least thirteen different bills that then became law while he was at the House of Commons — became president of the said organization. This chapter illustrates the aims of this organization and how advocacies were being promoted.
Anthony Howe
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201465
- eISBN:
- 9780191674891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201465.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology ...
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This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology of free trade survived not only successive attacks of fair traders, foreigners, faddists, and federationists, but emerged reinvigorated from the Boer War through its interlocking with the New Liberal ideology of social reform.Less
This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology of free trade survived not only successive attacks of fair traders, foreigners, faddists, and federationists, but emerged reinvigorated from the Boer War through its interlocking with the New Liberal ideology of social reform.
L. G. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201045
- eISBN:
- 9780191674815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201045.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Fox very quickly became the subject of hagiography. From the Foxite cults of the early 19th century to the biographies written by 20th-century Liberals in search of ancestors, the line of argument ...
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Fox very quickly became the subject of hagiography. From the Foxite cults of the early 19th century to the biographies written by 20th-century Liberals in search of ancestors, the line of argument was clear. Fox was to be hailed as a keen reformer in religious and political life, and his arguments on these issues contributed mightily to the formation of the liberal creed of subsequent centuries. In fact, although there are strong liberal themes in much of what Fox said and wrote, he was never the reformer that later generations would have wished him to be.Less
Fox very quickly became the subject of hagiography. From the Foxite cults of the early 19th century to the biographies written by 20th-century Liberals in search of ancestors, the line of argument was clear. Fox was to be hailed as a keen reformer in religious and political life, and his arguments on these issues contributed mightily to the formation of the liberal creed of subsequent centuries. In fact, although there are strong liberal themes in much of what Fox said and wrote, he was never the reformer that later generations would have wished him to be.
Jennifer Ritterhouse
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469630946
- eISBN:
- 9781469630960
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630946.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
During the Great Depression, the American South was not merely "the nation's number one economic problem," as President Franklin Roosevelt declared. It was also a battlefield on which forces for and ...
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During the Great Depression, the American South was not merely "the nation's number one economic problem," as President Franklin Roosevelt declared. It was also a battlefield on which forces for and against social change were starting to form. For a white southern liberal like Jonathan Daniels, editor of the Raleigh News and Observer, it was a fascinating moment to explore. Attuned to culture as well as politics, Daniels knew the true South lay somewhere between Erskine Caldwell's Tobacco Road and Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind. On May 5, 1937, he set out to find it, driving thousands of miles in his trusty Plymouth and ultimately interviewing even Mitchell herself. In Discovering the South historian Jennifer Ritterhouse pieces together Daniels’s unpublished notes from his tour along with his published writings and a wealth of archival evidence to put this one man's journey through a South in transition into a larger context. Daniels's well chosen itinerary brought him face to face with the full range of political and cultural possibilities in the South of the 1930s, from New Deal liberalism and social planning in the Tennessee Valley Authority, to Communist agitation in the Scottsboro case, to planters' and industrialists' reactionary worldview and repressive violence. The result is a lively narrative of black and white southerners fighting for and against democratic social change at the start of the nation's long civil rights era. For more information on this book, see www.discoveringthesouth.org.Less
During the Great Depression, the American South was not merely "the nation's number one economic problem," as President Franklin Roosevelt declared. It was also a battlefield on which forces for and against social change were starting to form. For a white southern liberal like Jonathan Daniels, editor of the Raleigh News and Observer, it was a fascinating moment to explore. Attuned to culture as well as politics, Daniels knew the true South lay somewhere between Erskine Caldwell's Tobacco Road and Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind. On May 5, 1937, he set out to find it, driving thousands of miles in his trusty Plymouth and ultimately interviewing even Mitchell herself. In Discovering the South historian Jennifer Ritterhouse pieces together Daniels’s unpublished notes from his tour along with his published writings and a wealth of archival evidence to put this one man's journey through a South in transition into a larger context. Daniels's well chosen itinerary brought him face to face with the full range of political and cultural possibilities in the South of the 1930s, from New Deal liberalism and social planning in the Tennessee Valley Authority, to Communist agitation in the Scottsboro case, to planters' and industrialists' reactionary worldview and repressive violence. The result is a lively narrative of black and white southerners fighting for and against democratic social change at the start of the nation's long civil rights era. For more information on this book, see www.discoveringthesouth.org.
