Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Briefly restates the central argument of the book and then summarizes the main proposals for reforming the international legal system that the preceding chapters have developed on its basis. It sets ...
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Briefly restates the central argument of the book and then summarizes the main proposals for reforming the international legal system that the preceding chapters have developed on its basis. It sets the stage for Ch. 11, which explores morally accessible ways of undertaking the proposed reforms. The four sections of the chapter are: I. A Justice‐Based Approach; II. An International Legal Order Grounded in Obligation, not Mere Permissibility; III. Linking Justice, Legitimacy, and Self‐Determination; and IV. Needed Reforms.Less
Briefly restates the central argument of the book and then summarizes the main proposals for reforming the international legal system that the preceding chapters have developed on its basis. It sets the stage for Ch. 11, which explores morally accessible ways of undertaking the proposed reforms. The four sections of the chapter are: I. A Justice‐Based Approach; II. An International Legal Order Grounded in Obligation, not Mere Permissibility; III. Linking Justice, Legitimacy, and Self‐Determination; and IV. Needed Reforms.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as ...
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On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.Less
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.
Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Explains why a moral theory of international law is needed, refutes several prominent views that purport to rule out the possibility of such a theory, sets out the criteria that the needed theory ...
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Explains why a moral theory of international law is needed, refutes several prominent views that purport to rule out the possibility of such a theory, sets out the criteria that the needed theory should satisfy, previews the main outlines of the theory developed in the remainder of the book, and explains and supports the thesis that institutional moral reasoning is needed to develop such a theory. There are nine sections: I. The Need for a Theory; II. Curious Neglect—the neglect of international relations in contemporary moral philosophy; III. Institutional Moral Reasoning; IV. The Realist Challenge; V. The Moral Minimalist Challenge; VI. Legal Nihilism; VII. The Moral Legitimacy of the State System; VIII. The Nature and Scope of a Moral Theory of International Law; and IX. An Overview of a Proto‐theory—a summary of the moral theory of international law presented in the book, pointing out its limitations and theoretical essentials.Less
Explains why a moral theory of international law is needed, refutes several prominent views that purport to rule out the possibility of such a theory, sets out the criteria that the needed theory should satisfy, previews the main outlines of the theory developed in the remainder of the book, and explains and supports the thesis that institutional moral reasoning is needed to develop such a theory. There are nine sections: I. The Need for a Theory; II. Curious Neglect—the neglect of international relations in contemporary moral philosophy; III. Institutional Moral Reasoning; IV. The Realist Challenge; V. The Moral Minimalist Challenge; VI. Legal Nihilism; VII. The Moral Legitimacy of the State System; VIII. The Nature and Scope of a Moral Theory of International Law; and IX. An Overview of a Proto‐theory—a summary of the moral theory of international law presented in the book, pointing out its limitations and theoretical essentials.
Nathan Hofer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780748694211
- eISBN:
- 9781474416115
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748694211.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Saladin founded his khānqāh a hospice known as the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ or al-Íalā ªīya– in 569/1173 in order to house Sufis newly arrived in Cairo. He built it in the heart of the city and funded it ...
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Saladin founded his khānqāh a hospice known as the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ or al-Íalā ªīya– in 569/1173 in order to house Sufis newly arrived in Cairo. He built it in the heart of the city and funded it with an endowment (waqf) to ensure that it would continue to provide a home for Sufis long after he had passed away.1 But the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ did not simply house itinerant Sufis. Saladin also created a stipendiary position (man‚ib) at the top of the hierarchy of the khānqāh’s organisation, known as the shaykh al-shuyūkh
(literally ‘the master of masters’, hereafter ‘Chief Sufi’). This office was a kind of Sufi counterpart to that of the Chief Judge (qā∂ī al-qu
āt). The Chief Sufi was supposed to mentor the Sufis of the khānqāh and to act as a liaison between the ruling elite and local communities of Sufis in Egypt and Greater Syria. Theoretically, then, the authority of the Chief Sufi was geographically coterminous with Ayyubid rule itself. In reality it did not work so neatly.Less
Saladin founded his khānqāh a hospice known as the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ or al-Íalā ªīya– in 569/1173 in order to house Sufis newly arrived in Cairo. He built it in the heart of the city and funded it with an endowment (waqf) to ensure that it would continue to provide a home for Sufis long after he had passed away.1 But the Saʿīd al-Su
ʿadāʾ did not simply house itinerant Sufis. Saladin also created a stipendiary position (man‚ib) at the top of the hierarchy of the khānqāh’s organisation, known as the shaykh al-shuyūkh
(literally ‘the master of masters’, hereafter ‘Chief Sufi’). This office was a kind of Sufi counterpart to that of the Chief Judge (qā∂ī al-qu
āt). The Chief Sufi was supposed to mentor the Sufis of the khānqāh and to act as a liaison between the ruling elite and local communities of Sufis in Egypt and Greater Syria. Theoretically, then, the authority of the Chief Sufi was geographically coterminous with Ayyubid rule itself. In reality it did not work so neatly.
Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras, and Lydia Morgan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529206234
- eISBN:
- 9781529206289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529206234.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This concluding chapter argues that, notwithstanding the successes of counter-terrorism review, the counter-terrorist state is not characterised by a commitment to meaningful accountability through ...
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This concluding chapter argues that, notwithstanding the successes of counter-terrorism review, the counter-terrorist state is not characterised by a commitment to meaningful accountability through evaluative counter-terrorism review. It argues that meaningful accountability requires a commitment to evaluation, to the diversification of evidence, to hearing and recognising the importance of communities’ experiences of the unintended social and security impacts of counter-terrorism, and to the possibility of change. These commitments are not yet in evidence, and without them the chapter argues the counter-terrorist state struggles to establish liberal democratic legitimacy. Such a shift would require the state to recognise that counter-terrorism is now an ordinary state of affairs and that, as a result, the state can no longer appeal to ‘the exception’ in the attempt to exempt itself from our ordinary constitutional expectations when taking steps to combat terrorism. Instead, the conclusion argues, it must inculcate a culture of justification in counter-terrorism that is based not only on bare claims of necessity, but on arguments of legitimacy, legality, long- and short-term effectiveness, rights-respectfulness, and openness to challenge.Less
This concluding chapter argues that, notwithstanding the successes of counter-terrorism review, the counter-terrorist state is not characterised by a commitment to meaningful accountability through evaluative counter-terrorism review. It argues that meaningful accountability requires a commitment to evaluation, to the diversification of evidence, to hearing and recognising the importance of communities’ experiences of the unintended social and security impacts of counter-terrorism, and to the possibility of change. These commitments are not yet in evidence, and without them the chapter argues the counter-terrorist state struggles to establish liberal democratic legitimacy. Such a shift would require the state to recognise that counter-terrorism is now an ordinary state of affairs and that, as a result, the state can no longer appeal to ‘the exception’ in the attempt to exempt itself from our ordinary constitutional expectations when taking steps to combat terrorism. Instead, the conclusion argues, it must inculcate a culture of justification in counter-terrorism that is based not only on bare claims of necessity, but on arguments of legitimacy, legality, long- and short-term effectiveness, rights-respectfulness, and openness to challenge.
Anna Clayfield
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781683400899
- eISBN:
- 9781683401308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9781683400899.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
The Guerrilla Legacy of the Cuban Revolution examines the way in which the guerrilla origins of the Cuban Revolution have shaped the beliefs and values that have underpinned it since 1959. It argues ...
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The Guerrilla Legacy of the Cuban Revolution examines the way in which the guerrilla origins of the Cuban Revolution have shaped the beliefs and values that have underpinned it since 1959. It argues that these beliefs and values comprise a political culture in which the figure of the guerrillero (guerrilla fighter) is revered and the past struggles are presented in the revolutionary historical narrative as both unfinished and guerrilla in their nature. Drawing on extensive analysis of official discourse across six decades, the book outlines a consistent, conscious promotion of a guerrilla ethos throughout the Revolution’s trajectory. On the one hand, it demonstrates how this promotion has contributed to garnering legitimacy for the decades-long political authority of former guerrilleros, even long after the end of the armed struggle that brought them to power. On the other hand, it reveals how, as part of the Revolution’s many mobilization drives since 1959, Cuban citizens have been encouraged to emulate the attributes embodied by guerrilleros heroicos such as Che Guevara and Antonio Maceo. Ultimately, the book proposes that it is this guerrilla discourse that holds the key to understanding not only the survival of the Revolution but also the longevity of its leadership.Less
The Guerrilla Legacy of the Cuban Revolution examines the way in which the guerrilla origins of the Cuban Revolution have shaped the beliefs and values that have underpinned it since 1959. It argues that these beliefs and values comprise a political culture in which the figure of the guerrillero (guerrilla fighter) is revered and the past struggles are presented in the revolutionary historical narrative as both unfinished and guerrilla in their nature. Drawing on extensive analysis of official discourse across six decades, the book outlines a consistent, conscious promotion of a guerrilla ethos throughout the Revolution’s trajectory. On the one hand, it demonstrates how this promotion has contributed to garnering legitimacy for the decades-long political authority of former guerrilleros, even long after the end of the armed struggle that brought them to power. On the other hand, it reveals how, as part of the Revolution’s many mobilization drives since 1959, Cuban citizens have been encouraged to emulate the attributes embodied by guerrilleros heroicos such as Che Guevara and Antonio Maceo. Ultimately, the book proposes that it is this guerrilla discourse that holds the key to understanding not only the survival of the Revolution but also the longevity of its leadership.
Walter F. Baber and Robert V. Bartlett
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780262028738
- eISBN:
- 9780262327046
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262028738.001.0001
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
This book explores the practical and conceptual implications of the de facto necessity of consensus for development of international environmental law. Juristic democracy emphasizes the role of the ...
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This book explores the practical and conceptual implications of the de facto necessity of consensus for development of international environmental law. Juristic democracy emphasizes the role of the citizen rather than the nation-state as the source of legitimacy in international environmental law. It would allow international law to be rooted in local knowledge and grounded in democratic deliberation and consensus. The aim is to construct a global jurisprudence based on collective will formation. Building on concepts presented in two previous books, Deliberative Environmental Politics and Global Democracy and Sustainable Jurisprudence, the authors examine in detail the challenges that consensus poses for a system of juristic democracy. Baber and Bartlett analyze the implications of deliberative consensus for rule-bounded behavior, for the accomplishment of basic governance tasks, and for diversity in a politically divided and culturally plural world. They assess social science findings about the potential of small-group citizen panels to contribute to rationalized consensus, drawing on the extensive research conducted on the use of juries in courts of law. Finally, they analyze the place of juristic democracy in a future “consensually federal” system for earth system governance.Less
This book explores the practical and conceptual implications of the de facto necessity of consensus for development of international environmental law. Juristic democracy emphasizes the role of the citizen rather than the nation-state as the source of legitimacy in international environmental law. It would allow international law to be rooted in local knowledge and grounded in democratic deliberation and consensus. The aim is to construct a global jurisprudence based on collective will formation. Building on concepts presented in two previous books, Deliberative Environmental Politics and Global Democracy and Sustainable Jurisprudence, the authors examine in detail the challenges that consensus poses for a system of juristic democracy. Baber and Bartlett analyze the implications of deliberative consensus for rule-bounded behavior, for the accomplishment of basic governance tasks, and for diversity in a politically divided and culturally plural world. They assess social science findings about the potential of small-group citizen panels to contribute to rationalized consensus, drawing on the extensive research conducted on the use of juries in courts of law. Finally, they analyze the place of juristic democracy in a future “consensually federal” system for earth system governance.
Ma Ngok
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter outlines the transformation of governance in Hong Kong since the colonial era. It seeks to debunk the myth of Hong Kong's colonial laissez-faire policy as the result of ideological ...
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This chapter outlines the transformation of governance in Hong Kong since the colonial era. It seeks to debunk the myth of Hong Kong's colonial laissez-faire policy as the result of ideological adherence to the free market, arguing instead that it resulted from a carefully forged strategy of legitimizing colonial rule. After 1997, the state form of Hong Kong changed as a consequence of decolonization, democratization and economic restructuring. Continued efforts to incorporate new political elites into the state machinery have an eclectic, increasingly fragmented, corporatist structure. A type of 'organizational feudalism' leads to ad hoc and particularistic interventions by the government.Less
This chapter outlines the transformation of governance in Hong Kong since the colonial era. It seeks to debunk the myth of Hong Kong's colonial laissez-faire policy as the result of ideological adherence to the free market, arguing instead that it resulted from a carefully forged strategy of legitimizing colonial rule. After 1997, the state form of Hong Kong changed as a consequence of decolonization, democratization and economic restructuring. Continued efforts to incorporate new political elites into the state machinery have an eclectic, increasingly fragmented, corporatist structure. A type of 'organizational feudalism' leads to ad hoc and particularistic interventions by the government.
Stephen Noakes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526119476
- eISBN:
- 9781526132413
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526119476.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic ...
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What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic research with cross-case comparisons to identify key factors underpinning variation in the results and processes of advocacy on a range of issues affecting both China and the world, including global warming, intellectual property rights, HIV/AIDS treatment, the use of capital punishment, suppression of the Falun Gong religious movement, and Tibetan independence. Built on an innovative blend of comparative and international theory, it advances a theory of “advocacy drift”—a process whereby the objectives and principled beliefs of activists are transformed through interaction with the Chinese state. The book is a timely reassessment of transnational civil society in the era of an ascendant China, and is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of civil society organizations.Less
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic research with cross-case comparisons to identify key factors underpinning variation in the results and processes of advocacy on a range of issues affecting both China and the world, including global warming, intellectual property rights, HIV/AIDS treatment, the use of capital punishment, suppression of the Falun Gong religious movement, and Tibetan independence. Built on an innovative blend of comparative and international theory, it advances a theory of “advocacy drift”—a process whereby the objectives and principled beliefs of activists are transformed through interaction with the Chinese state. The book is a timely reassessment of transnational civil society in the era of an ascendant China, and is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of civil society organizations.
Naomi Head
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719083075
- eISBN:
- 9781781706091
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719083075.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
When is the use of force for humanitarian purposes legitimate± The book examines this question through one of the most controversial examples of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War period: ...
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When is the use of force for humanitarian purposes legitimate± The book examines this question through one of the most controversial examples of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War period: the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo. In the face of contemporary problems of legitimacy and justification, the book offers a deep engagement with developments at the intersection of Habermasian communicative ethics and International Relations. The result is a set of rigorous normative guidelines – the ‘communicative imperatives’ – intended for application in analyses of the process and legitimacy of international deliberations around the use of force. The book provides an innovative contribution to the theory of communicative ethics through which actors are able to critique and evaluate decisions to use force. The communicative ethics framework contributes a critical communicative dimension to the question of legitimacy that extends beyond the moral and legal approaches so often applied to the intervention in Kosovo. The application of the communicative imperatives reveals forms of communicative distortion which serves to contest conventional accounts of the legitimacy of the use of force in Kosovo.Less
When is the use of force for humanitarian purposes legitimate± The book examines this question through one of the most controversial examples of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War period: the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo. In the face of contemporary problems of legitimacy and justification, the book offers a deep engagement with developments at the intersection of Habermasian communicative ethics and International Relations. The result is a set of rigorous normative guidelines – the ‘communicative imperatives’ – intended for application in analyses of the process and legitimacy of international deliberations around the use of force. The book provides an innovative contribution to the theory of communicative ethics through which actors are able to critique and evaluate decisions to use force. The communicative ethics framework contributes a critical communicative dimension to the question of legitimacy that extends beyond the moral and legal approaches so often applied to the intervention in Kosovo. The application of the communicative imperatives reveals forms of communicative distortion which serves to contest conventional accounts of the legitimacy of the use of force in Kosovo.
Matt Sleat
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719088902
- eISBN:
- 9781781706190
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088902.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Events at the beginning of the twenty-first century have served to demonstrate to us the truth of the insight at the heart of the recent renewed interest in realist political theory that politics is ...
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Events at the beginning of the twenty-first century have served to demonstrate to us the truth of the insight at the heart of the recent renewed interest in realist political theory that politics is characterized by inevitable and endemic disagreement and conflict. Yet much contemporary liberal political theory has taken place against the backdrop of an assumed widespread consensus on liberal values and principles. A central theoretical question for our day is therefore whether liberalism is a theory of politics consonant with the modern world or whether it is grounded in untenable theoretical presumptions and foundations. This monograph offers the first comprehensive overview of the resurgence of interest in realist political theory and develops a unique and urgent defense of liberal politics in realist terms. Through explorations of the work of a diverse range of thinkers, including Bernard Williams, John Rawls, Raymond Geuss, Judith Shklar, John Gray, Carl Schmitt and Max Weber, the author advances a theory of liberal realism that is consistent with the realist emphasis on disagreement and conflict yet still recognizably liberal in its concern with respecting individuals’ freedom and constraining political power. The result is a unique contribution to the ongoing debates surrounding realism and an original and timely re-imagining of liberal theory for the twenty-first century. This provocative work will be of interest to students and all concerned with the possibility of realizing liberalism and its moral aspirations in today's world.Less
Events at the beginning of the twenty-first century have served to demonstrate to us the truth of the insight at the heart of the recent renewed interest in realist political theory that politics is characterized by inevitable and endemic disagreement and conflict. Yet much contemporary liberal political theory has taken place against the backdrop of an assumed widespread consensus on liberal values and principles. A central theoretical question for our day is therefore whether liberalism is a theory of politics consonant with the modern world or whether it is grounded in untenable theoretical presumptions and foundations. This monograph offers the first comprehensive overview of the resurgence of interest in realist political theory and develops a unique and urgent defense of liberal politics in realist terms. Through explorations of the work of a diverse range of thinkers, including Bernard Williams, John Rawls, Raymond Geuss, Judith Shklar, John Gray, Carl Schmitt and Max Weber, the author advances a theory of liberal realism that is consistent with the realist emphasis on disagreement and conflict yet still recognizably liberal in its concern with respecting individuals’ freedom and constraining political power. The result is a unique contribution to the ongoing debates surrounding realism and an original and timely re-imagining of liberal theory for the twenty-first century. This provocative work will be of interest to students and all concerned with the possibility of realizing liberalism and its moral aspirations in today's world.
Neal Curtis
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719085048
- eISBN:
- 9781526104434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719085048.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Contrary to the usual connection of Superman to Nietzsche’s Übermensch, this chapter offers a reading of Superman in relation to Plato’s conception of the Good. The connection is made via Superman’s ...
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Contrary to the usual connection of Superman to Nietzsche’s Übermensch, this chapter offers a reading of Superman in relation to Plato’s conception of the Good. The connection is made via Superman’s association with the sun, which Plato describes as the ‘child of goodness’. This is done with a view to addressing the first problem in the theory of sovereignty, namely the legitimacy that seems to appear, as Schmitt argued, out of ‘nothingness’. Sovereign legitimacy has traditionally been attributed to the divine and hence miraculous, a source that persists even in the immanence of democratic rule. In this chapter I link this transcendent moment to Plato’s analysis of the Good to show who Superman is a character that always pushes us towards something better, and in this he is an avatar of social change and an alternative future.Less
Contrary to the usual connection of Superman to Nietzsche’s Übermensch, this chapter offers a reading of Superman in relation to Plato’s conception of the Good. The connection is made via Superman’s association with the sun, which Plato describes as the ‘child of goodness’. This is done with a view to addressing the first problem in the theory of sovereignty, namely the legitimacy that seems to appear, as Schmitt argued, out of ‘nothingness’. Sovereign legitimacy has traditionally been attributed to the divine and hence miraculous, a source that persists even in the immanence of democratic rule. In this chapter I link this transcendent moment to Plato’s analysis of the Good to show who Superman is a character that always pushes us towards something better, and in this he is an avatar of social change and an alternative future.
Graham Bullock
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036429
- eISBN:
- 9780262340984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036429.003.0003
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
Chapter 3 begins with a decision scenario involving the Forest Stewardship Council and Sustainable Forestry Initiative. They both provide information about toilet paper greenness, but which of these ...
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Chapter 3 begins with a decision scenario involving the Forest Stewardship Council and Sustainable Forestry Initiative. They both provide information about toilet paper greenness, but which of these claims should we trust? The concepts of trustworthiness, accountability, credibility, and legitimacy are introduced to address this question, and then used to analyze the 245 cases of eco-labels and sustainability ratings in the EEPAC Dataset. Accountability relationships to funders, advisors and other actors in the public, private, and civil sectors are analyzed, and the reputational and trustworthiness implications of these relationships are discussed. Signals of credibility, such as expertise and independence, are also identified and discussed. The chapter concludes with a discussion of promising and problematic organizational practices related to organizational trustworthiness, and particularly those that enhance the transparency and clarity of a program’s accountability relationships.Less
Chapter 3 begins with a decision scenario involving the Forest Stewardship Council and Sustainable Forestry Initiative. They both provide information about toilet paper greenness, but which of these claims should we trust? The concepts of trustworthiness, accountability, credibility, and legitimacy are introduced to address this question, and then used to analyze the 245 cases of eco-labels and sustainability ratings in the EEPAC Dataset. Accountability relationships to funders, advisors and other actors in the public, private, and civil sectors are analyzed, and the reputational and trustworthiness implications of these relationships are discussed. Signals of credibility, such as expertise and independence, are also identified and discussed. The chapter concludes with a discussion of promising and problematic organizational practices related to organizational trustworthiness, and particularly those that enhance the transparency and clarity of a program’s accountability relationships.
Sally-Ann Treharne
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780748686063
- eISBN:
- 9781474412483
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748686063.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The US-led invasion of the Caribbean island of Grenada at the alleged behest of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) on 25 October 1983 had a profound negative impact upon the ...
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The US-led invasion of the Caribbean island of Grenada at the alleged behest of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) on 25 October 1983 had a profound negative impact upon the development of the Special Relationship under Reagan and Thatcher. The dubious legality of the intervention was widely criticised by the international community, most notably the UK. And yet, it was the Thatcher government that bore the scars of considerable domestic criticism regarding the unlawful US involvement in the internal affairs of a member of the British Commonwealth. The US invasion of Grenada, or operation ‘Urgent Fury’ as it is otherwise known, raised important questions regarding the limits of British credibility and importance within the Anglo-American alliance.Less
The US-led invasion of the Caribbean island of Grenada at the alleged behest of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) on 25 October 1983 had a profound negative impact upon the development of the Special Relationship under Reagan and Thatcher. The dubious legality of the intervention was widely criticised by the international community, most notably the UK. And yet, it was the Thatcher government that bore the scars of considerable domestic criticism regarding the unlawful US involvement in the internal affairs of a member of the British Commonwealth. The US invasion of Grenada, or operation ‘Urgent Fury’ as it is otherwise known, raised important questions regarding the limits of British credibility and importance within the Anglo-American alliance.
Heike Krieger, Georg Nolte, and Andreas Zimmermann (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198843603
- eISBN:
- 9780191879395
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198843603.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The authors examine the role of international law in a changing global order. Can we, under the current significantly changing conditions, still observe an increasing juridification of international ...
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The authors examine the role of international law in a changing global order. Can we, under the current significantly changing conditions, still observe an increasing juridification of international relations based on a universal understanding of values, or are we, to the contrary, rather facing a tendency towards an informalization or a reformalization of international law, or even an erosion of international legal norms? Would it be appropriate to revisit classical elements of international law in order to react to structural changes, which may give rise to a more polycentric or non-polar world order? Or are we simply observing a slump in the development towards an international rule of law based on a universal understanding of values? In eleven chapters and eleven comments, distinguished scholars reflect on how to approach these questions from historical, system-oriented and actor-centered perspectives. The contributions engage with the rise of European international law since the 17th century, the decay of the international rule of law, compliance as an indicator for the state of international law, international law and informal law-making in times of populism, the rule of environmental law and complex problems, human rights in Europe in a hostile environment, the influence of the BRICS states on international law, the impact of non-state actors on international law, international law’s contribution to global justice, the contestation of value-based norms and the international rule of law in light of legitimacy claims.Less
The authors examine the role of international law in a changing global order. Can we, under the current significantly changing conditions, still observe an increasing juridification of international relations based on a universal understanding of values, or are we, to the contrary, rather facing a tendency towards an informalization or a reformalization of international law, or even an erosion of international legal norms? Would it be appropriate to revisit classical elements of international law in order to react to structural changes, which may give rise to a more polycentric or non-polar world order? Or are we simply observing a slump in the development towards an international rule of law based on a universal understanding of values? In eleven chapters and eleven comments, distinguished scholars reflect on how to approach these questions from historical, system-oriented and actor-centered perspectives. The contributions engage with the rise of European international law since the 17th century, the decay of the international rule of law, compliance as an indicator for the state of international law, international law and informal law-making in times of populism, the rule of environmental law and complex problems, human rights in Europe in a hostile environment, the influence of the BRICS states on international law, the impact of non-state actors on international law, international law’s contribution to global justice, the contestation of value-based norms and the international rule of law in light of legitimacy claims.
Willem H. Buiter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780197265864
- eISBN:
- 9780191772016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265864.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The economic and political importance of central banks has grown markedly in advanced economies since the start of the Great Financial Crisis in 2007. In this article it is argued that the ...
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The economic and political importance of central banks has grown markedly in advanced economies since the start of the Great Financial Crisis in 2007. In this article it is argued that the preservation of the central bank’s legitimacy and independence requires that a clear line be drawn between the central bank’s provision of liquidity and the Treasury’s solvency support for systemically important financial institutions. Central banks should not be materially involved in regulation and supervision of the financial sector. All activities of the central bank that expose it to material credit risk should be guaranteed by the Treasury. In addition, central banks must increase their accountability by increasing the transparency of their lender-of-last-resort and market-maker-of-last resort activities. Central banks ought not to engage in quasi-fiscal activities. Finally, central banks should stick to their knitting and central bankers should not become participants in public debates and deeply political arguments about matters beyond their mandate and competence, including fiscal policy and structural reform.Less
The economic and political importance of central banks has grown markedly in advanced economies since the start of the Great Financial Crisis in 2007. In this article it is argued that the preservation of the central bank’s legitimacy and independence requires that a clear line be drawn between the central bank’s provision of liquidity and the Treasury’s solvency support for systemically important financial institutions. Central banks should not be materially involved in regulation and supervision of the financial sector. All activities of the central bank that expose it to material credit risk should be guaranteed by the Treasury. In addition, central banks must increase their accountability by increasing the transparency of their lender-of-last-resort and market-maker-of-last resort activities. Central banks ought not to engage in quasi-fiscal activities. Finally, central banks should stick to their knitting and central bankers should not become participants in public debates and deeply political arguments about matters beyond their mandate and competence, including fiscal policy and structural reform.
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781526108760
- eISBN:
- 9781526124203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526108760.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the discursive realm. Discourses are not taken as truths; they convey elements of how power and resistance operate. The chapter examines public and private statements by ...
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This chapter examines the discursive realm. Discourses are not taken as truths; they convey elements of how power and resistance operate. The chapter examines public and private statements by statebuilders (both national and international) as well as from a wide range of popular sectors (peasant cooperatives, NGOs, journalists, university professors, and street and market sellers). The chapter first examines statebuilding discourses developed as a claim to authority. The chapter then concentrates on mockery, denigration, slandering and subversion of meaning articulated by popular classes. They constitute discursive practices of resistance that deny the claims to legitimate authority and deference.Less
This chapter examines the discursive realm. Discourses are not taken as truths; they convey elements of how power and resistance operate. The chapter examines public and private statements by statebuilders (both national and international) as well as from a wide range of popular sectors (peasant cooperatives, NGOs, journalists, university professors, and street and market sellers). The chapter first examines statebuilding discourses developed as a claim to authority. The chapter then concentrates on mockery, denigration, slandering and subversion of meaning articulated by popular classes. They constitute discursive practices of resistance that deny the claims to legitimate authority and deference.
Polavieja Javier
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199664719
- eISBN:
- 9780191765209
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199664719.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
This chapter investigates the impact of economic vulnerability and economic crisis on political trust, satisfaction with democracy and attitudes towards redistribution. These attitudes are crucial in ...
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This chapter investigates the impact of economic vulnerability and economic crisis on political trust, satisfaction with democracy and attitudes towards redistribution. These attitudes are crucial in defining public support for the European model of social capitalism, characterized by the combination of national democratic institutions and extensive welfare provision. Applying regression techniques to a pool of the 2004 and the 2010 rounds of the European Social Survey, the chapter reports three main findings: First, across Europe individuals’ experiences of economic vulnerability and financial strain were associated with lower levels of political trust and democratic satisfaction and with higher levels of support for income redistribution. Secondly, in many countries (but not all), the economic crisis also had negative effects on political trust and democratic satisfaction (but not on attitudes towards redistribution) amongst citizens who did not experience economic hardship directly. Third, these latter indirect effects were particularly strong in Euro zone countries.Less
This chapter investigates the impact of economic vulnerability and economic crisis on political trust, satisfaction with democracy and attitudes towards redistribution. These attitudes are crucial in defining public support for the European model of social capitalism, characterized by the combination of national democratic institutions and extensive welfare provision. Applying regression techniques to a pool of the 2004 and the 2010 rounds of the European Social Survey, the chapter reports three main findings: First, across Europe individuals’ experiences of economic vulnerability and financial strain were associated with lower levels of political trust and democratic satisfaction and with higher levels of support for income redistribution. Secondly, in many countries (but not all), the economic crisis also had negative effects on political trust and democratic satisfaction (but not on attitudes towards redistribution) amongst citizens who did not experience economic hardship directly. Third, these latter indirect effects were particularly strong in Euro zone countries.
Susan Dieleman, David Rondel, and Christopher Voparil (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190459239
- eISBN:
- 9780190459260
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190459239.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind
Pragmatism and Justice is an interdisciplinary volume of new and seminal essays by political philosophers, social theorists, and scholars of pragmatism. The essays that comprise Pragmatism and ...
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Pragmatism and Justice is an interdisciplinary volume of new and seminal essays by political philosophers, social theorists, and scholars of pragmatism. The essays that comprise Pragmatism and Justice explore how the tradition of American pragmatist thought provides resources for understanding more clearly the idea of justice and for responding more efficaciously to a world rife with injustice. Treating both major canonical figures, like Peirce, James, Dewey, Holmes, Addams, Mead, and Royce, and more recently recognized perspectives, including W.E.B. Du Bois, Anna Julia Cooper, Alain Locke, and Mary Parker Follett, essays in the volume investigate the implications of a pragmatist methodological orientation to justice, explore how pragmatism’s special tools can be put in the service of overcoming oppression, and reflect on the encounter between pragmatism and some central debates in liberal and democratic theory.Less
Pragmatism and Justice is an interdisciplinary volume of new and seminal essays by political philosophers, social theorists, and scholars of pragmatism. The essays that comprise Pragmatism and Justice explore how the tradition of American pragmatist thought provides resources for understanding more clearly the idea of justice and for responding more efficaciously to a world rife with injustice. Treating both major canonical figures, like Peirce, James, Dewey, Holmes, Addams, Mead, and Royce, and more recently recognized perspectives, including W.E.B. Du Bois, Anna Julia Cooper, Alain Locke, and Mary Parker Follett, essays in the volume investigate the implications of a pragmatist methodological orientation to justice, explore how pragmatism’s special tools can be put in the service of overcoming oppression, and reflect on the encounter between pragmatism and some central debates in liberal and democratic theory.
Amira K. Bennison
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780197265697
- eISBN:
- 9780191771897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265697.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This chapter provides an introduction to the theme of political legitimacy in the medieval Islamic Maghrib and al-Andalus. It reviews previous historiographical approaches to the subject and ...
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This chapter provides an introduction to the theme of political legitimacy in the medieval Islamic Maghrib and al-Andalus. It reviews previous historiographical approaches to the subject and considers the Arabic sources for the period, arguing for the importance of considering the two sides of the straits of Gibraltar as a single cultural zone. It then looks at political legitimacy in the Islamic Middle East and North Africa in general before tracing the evolution of particular themes in the Maghrib and al-Andalus up to the period covered by the volume. It ends with a brief review of the other chapters in the volume and their multi-disciplinary contribution to understandings of political legitimation in the region.Less
This chapter provides an introduction to the theme of political legitimacy in the medieval Islamic Maghrib and al-Andalus. It reviews previous historiographical approaches to the subject and considers the Arabic sources for the period, arguing for the importance of considering the two sides of the straits of Gibraltar as a single cultural zone. It then looks at political legitimacy in the Islamic Middle East and North Africa in general before tracing the evolution of particular themes in the Maghrib and al-Andalus up to the period covered by the volume. It ends with a brief review of the other chapters in the volume and their multi-disciplinary contribution to understandings of political legitimation in the region.
